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Jt  Jftonthlp  JJtriobical 






Author  of  "  The  History  and  Genealogies  of  the  Clan  Mackenzie'"  ;    "  The  History  of 

the  Macdonalds  and  Lords  of  the  Isles" ;  "  7 he  History  of  the  Camerons"  ;  "  The 

History  of  the  Mathesons"  ;  "  The  Prophecies  of  the  Brahan  Seer" ;  "  The 

Historical  Tales  and  Legends  of  the  Highlands" ;  "  7 he  History  of  the 

Highland  Clearances" ;  "  The  Social  State  of  the  Isle  of  Skyt  in 

1882-83";  &c->  &c- 

VOL.       IX. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 









Tho  History  of  the  Camerons.-By  the  Editor.      1,  49,  97,  145,  193,  245,  293, 

341,  393,  463,  493,  and  554 
Legend  of  Girnigoe. — By  H.R.M.          ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  13 

e  Lower  Fishings  of  the  Ness,  II.— By  C.  Fraser-Mackintosh,  F.S.A.  Scot.,  M.P.        18 
Departure  of  an  Emigrant  Ship  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  23 

The  Ethics  of  Political  Economy.— By  Malcolm  Mackenzie  ...         24,  72,  and  132 

The  Name  Riach  or  Reoch.  —By  Thomas  Stratton,  M.D.     ...  ...  ...  27 

A"Run  Through  Canada  and  the  States. — By  Kenneth  Macdonald,  F.S.A.  Scot. 

28,  85,  180,  and  217 
The  Literature  of  the  Crofter  Question     ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  35 

Celtic  Mythology.— By  Alexander  Macbain,  M.A.     36,  65,  124,  167,  210,  275, 

323,  427,  and  460 
The  Crofter  Royal  Commission    ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  44 

"  Peermen  "  and  their  Relations. — By  Mary  Maekeilar       ...  ...  ...  45 

A  Tale  of  the  Strathnaver  Clearances. — By  Annie  Mackay  ...  ...  57 

Sutherland  Evictions  and  Burnings — Testimony  of  Living  Eye-witnesses  60,  112,  and  173 
Inverness  Scientific  Society  and  Field  Club  ...  ...  ...  ...  80 

A  Tradition  of  Lochaher. — By  Mary  Mackellar       ...  ...  ...  ...  81 

Proposed  Testimonial  to  Professor  Blaakie  ...  ...  ...  ...90and482 

Celtic  and  Literary  Notes  ...  ...  ...  ...      94,  138,  178,  290,  and  392 

The  Highland  Bagpipe— By  H.R.M.        ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  109 

Ancient  Celtic  Tenures. — By  H.  C.  Macandrew,  Provost  of  Inverness  116  and  157 

The  Glasgow  Lochaber  Highlanders  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  131 

Woods,  Forests,  and  Estates  of  Perthshire,  by  Thomas  Hunter — A  Review    ...  140 

The  Highland  Land  Law  Reform  Association  of  London      ...  ...  ...  175 

Highlaniiers  of  New  Zealand  and  tbeir  Distressed  Countrymen  at  Home        ...  177 

Lays  of  Hame  and  Country,  by  Alexander  Logan — A  Review  ...  ...  179 

The  Highlands  and  Highlanders  of  Scotland,  by  James  Cromb — A  Review    ...  187 

Lays  of  Leisure,  by  William  Allan — A  Review        ...  ...  ...  ...  189 

Golden  Wedding  of  Cluny  Macpherson,  C.B.          ..  ...  ...  ...  190 

Proposed  Scottish  Highlander      ...  ...  ..'          ...  ...      192,  226,  an.  1  292 

The  Feather  Bunnet  and  the  Highland  Regiments  ...  ...  ...  206 

Fairies  in  Sutherland. — By  Alexander  Mackay       ...  ...  ...  ...  207 

An  Awkward  March.— By  H.R.M.  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  227 

The  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness — 12th  Annual  Dinner — Full  Report  ...  231 

Do.  do.          — 13th  Annual  Assembly — Full  Report  ...  474 

The  Origin  of  Three  Gaelic  Proverbs.— By  H.R.M  ...  ...  ...  255 

The  Disarming  Act  and  the  Proscription  of  .the  Highland  Dress. — By  J.  G. 

Mackay  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  257  and  310 

Charles  Fraser-Mackintosh,  M.P.,  F.S.A.  Scot.— A  Biographical  Sketch.  — By 

A.M.  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  265 

Do.  do.  —A  Portrait  ...  ...  358 

Henry  George  at  Inverness          ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  283 

The  English  Poetical  Works  of  Evan  MacColl— A  Review    ...  ...  ...  286 

The  History  of  Civilization  in  Scotland,  by  John  Mackintosh — A  Review       ...  288 

Donald  Og  MacAulay. — By  Maclain          ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  315 

More  About  Sellar  and  the  Sutherland  Clearances  ...  ...  ...  319 

Macdonald  of  Scotus  and  his  Son  in  1745  ...  ...  ...  ...  322 

Old  Highland  Remedies. — By  H.R.M.      ...  ...  ...  ...  330  and  354 

The  Chief  of  Grant  and  the  Seafield  Estates  ...  ...  ...  ...  334 

Dugald  Buchanan's  Spiritual  Songs,  translated  into  English  verse,  by  L.  Mac- 
Bean — A  Review  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...  336 

Crofter  Eloquence  in  the  Isle  of  Skye        ...  ..  ...  ...  ...  337 

Joseph  Anderson,  LL.D.,  on  Early  Celtic  Art         "•  ...  ...  ...  357 

Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  (Highlands  and  Islands) — An  Analysis. — By 

A.M.  35'9,  406,  445,  and  504 

Dissents  from  do.,  by  Sir  Kenneth  Mackenzie  and  Loohiel  ...  ...  383 

Dr  Mackenzie  Chisholm  ...  ...  ...  ...  391 

iv.  Contents. 


Royal  Recognition  of  a  Gaelic  Bard          ...            ...            ...            ...  ...  392 

"  Nether- Lochaber"      ...             ...             ...             ...             ...             ...  ...  392 

The  Queen's  New  Book  in  Gaelic                ...             ...             ...  434 

Gae'ic  in  Schools            ...             ...              ..             ...               :             ...  ...  435 

Royal  Reasons  for  adopting  the  Catholic  Religion  ...             ...             ...  ...  439 

The  Greenock  Telegraph,  on  Mackenzie's  Analysis  of  Report  of  Croftor  RoyM 

Commission       ...             ...             ...     "        ...             ...             ...  "...  444 

Historic  Scenes  in  Glendochart.— By  Coir-an-t-Sith             ...            ...  ...  483 

A  Legend  of  Ardnamurchan.— By  H.R. M.              ...             ...             ...  ...  488 

Henry  George  on  the  History  of  the  Highland  Clearances  ...             ...  ...  489 

Boyd's  Vi-iti>rs'  Guide  to  Obnn,  by  "  Stravaiger.  '—A  Review           ...  490 

Anecdotes  of  the  Highland  Regiments. — By  William  Mackenzie      ...  ...  491 

Poem*,  by  John  Campbell — A  Review      ...             ...             ...             ...  492 

The  Translator  of  the  New  Testament  into  Gaelic                ...             ...  513 

The  Gaelic  Origin  of  Local  Names.—  By  A. M.        ...             ...             ...  ...  517 

"  Taillear  Dunh  na  Tuaighe  " — A  Cameron  Wanior.      By  t!i«   Rev.    Professor 

Male  ;lm  Campbell  Taylor,  I). D.  ...             ...             ...             ...  525  and   ")''>."> 

"  Colonel  Ann  "  Mackintosh  and  Cumberland         ...             ..              ..  ...  530 

An  Incursion  of  the  Frasers  to  Athole.— By  H  R.M.             ...             ...  ...  531 

The  Scottish  Review  on  the  Report  of  the  Crofters'  Commission 

The  Toronto  Calodonian  Society                ...             ..              ...             ...  ...  535 

Suaicheantas  nan  Gael,  or  the  Badges  of  the  Highland  Clans  in  Gaelic  and 

English              ...             ...             ...             ...             ...             ...  ...  5o6 

Land  Law  Reform  Demonstration  in  Dingwall       ...             ...             ...  537  and  572 

Miscellaneous  Notes                     ...             ...             ...             ...             ...  ...  53S> 

John   Mackintosh,  author  of  "The  History  of  Civilisation  in  Scmlari'l."  —  A 

Biographical  Sketch        ...             ...             ...             ...             ...  ...  541 

The  Seaforth  Highlanders. — First  Offence  in  the  Ranks      ...             ...  ...  547 

Bruce  and  the  Brooch  of  Lorn.— By  the  Rev.  Allan  Sinclair,  M.A.  ...  ...  548 

The  Legend  of  Cumyn's  Cairn.— By  H.R. M.           ...             ...             ...  ...  5b2 

To  the  Reader                  ...             ..."            ...              ...              ...              ...  ...  571 

The  Killin  Collection  of  Gaelic  Songs  and  Music    ...            ...            ...  ...  57b' 

Administration  of  Justice  in  the  Isle  of  Skye          ...             ...             ...  ...  580 

Glencairn's  Duel. — By  M.  A.  Rose            ...            ...            ...            ...  ...  584 


The  "  Clachnahagaig "  Stone. — By  Angus  Mackintosh        ...            ...  83  and  144 

Feudal  Relation*  "f  Landlord  and  Tenant. — By  John  D.  Macpherson  ...  84 

The  Rev.  Donald  Mnnro,  M.A.,  High  Dean  of  the  Isles. — By  Alexander  Ro*s  142 

Historical  Chairs.— By  C.  B.  Strutt           ...             ...             ...             ...  ...  282 

Peermen  ami  their  Relations. — By  James  Linn      ...             ...             ...  ...  285 

Murder  of  Colin  Campbell  of  Glenure. — By  Nether-Lochaber            ...  ...  352 

The  Last  of  the  MacMartin  Camerons. — By  Colin  Chi>holm               ...  ...  442 

The  Dance  of  "Seann  Triubhain." — By  Kenneth  Matheson,  jun.       ...  ...  443 

The  Camerons  of  Letterfiulay. — By  Catherine  Cameron      ...             ...  ...  516 


A  Canadian  Farewell  to  Lord  Lome.— By  William  Murray                ...  ...  17 

Orati  Ceilidh,  le  Mairi  Nic  Edair               ...             ...             ...             ...  ...  48 

Marbh-rann  do  ('halum  Kualh  MacCoinnich  ;  le  Ruairidh,  a  Bhratbair  ...  92 

The  Highland  Widow. — By  Kenneth  MacLachlan                ...             ...  ...  165 

The  Last  Sabbath  in  Strathnaver  before  the  Burnings. — Bv  Annie  Mackay  ...  228 

To  the  Gael. --By  William  Allan                ...             ...            "...             ...  ...  264 

Tuireadh  air  son  Prionnsa  Donnachadh  Diuc  Albani,  le  Mairi  Nic-Ealair  ...  335 

The  River  Beauly.— By  Evan  MacColl      ...             ...             ...             ...  ...  390 

Belle  Borne  Brook.— By  Dr  J.  Murdoch  Harper     ...             ...             ...  ...  426 

Oran  do'n  Ridire  Coinneach  MacCoinnich,  Triath  Ghearrloch,  le  Mairi  Nic- 
Ealair               ...            ...            ...            ...            ...            ...  ...  480 

Cumha  do  Dh-Fh«ar  Lonndabhra,  le  Ailean  Dall                  ...             ...  ...  514 

The  Sailor'a  Return. -By  Kenneth  MacLachlan     ...            ...            ...  ...  523 




No.  XCVII.  NOVEMBER  1883.  VOL.  IX. 

By  the  EDITOR. 



LOCHIEL,  having  returned  to  Lochaber,  found  Macdonald  of 
Glengarry  and  Keppoch  willing  to  join  him  in  the  common 
defence  of  their  properties  ;  and  for  this  purpose  they  met  at 
Glenturrit,  when  they  agreed  to  raise  their  men  and  meet  upon 
a  moor  above  Aberchalder,  a  few  miles  from  Fort-Augustus, 
whenever  they  heard  of  the  enemy's  advance.  Lochiel,  in  the 
meantime,  allowed  most  of  his  men  to  separate  and  go  home, 
but  hearing  of  the  approach  of  the  English  sooner  than  he 
expected,  he  determined  to  march  for  the  place  of  rendezvous 
with  about  four  hundred  of  his  followers  whom  he  had  still  about 
him,  thinking  that,  by  the  assistance  of  Glengarry  and  Keppoch, 
he  might  be  able  to  engage  the  enemy  successfully.  On  his 
arrival  he  was  disappointed  to  find  only  Keppoch  there  in  terms 
of  the  agreement  previously  come  to,  and  that  Glengarry  was 
"  walking  and  discoursing  with  the  English  Commander  in  the 
very  centre  of  his  troops,"  encamped  on  the  plain  below,  and 
numbering  1500  men  and  several  troops  of  horse.  Lochiel 


became  exasperated,  and  expressed  his  suspicions  even  of  Kep- 
poch's  fidelity,  with  the  result  that  the  latter  resented  the  charge 
by  leaving  the  field  and  marching  his  men  home. 

The  English  soon  after  raised  their  camp  and  marched  for  a 
wood  at  the  end  of  the  Pass  of  Clunes,  where  they  halted,  and 
their  Commander,  Colonel  Brayn,  sent  a  messenger  to  Lochiel 
requesting  permission  to  walk  peaceably  through  his  country, 
assuring  him  that  he  had  no  design  of  injuring  either  himself  or 
his  people,  if  he  was  not  provoked  by  their  conduct  to  attack 
them.  Lochiel  was  personally  in  favour  of  attacking  the  English 
in  the  Pass,  where  he  would  have  great  advantages  over  them 
and  could  keep  them  until  more  of  his  men  should  arrive  from 
their  homes.  His  leading  men  strongly  advised  him  against  this 
course,  and  they  were  supported  in  their  views  by  General 
Drummond,  who  accompanied  Lochiel,  with  the  view,  it  is 
said,  to  command  the  confederated  clans  when  they  met,  to 
prevent  disputes  among  themselves;  and  Lochiel,  unwillingly, 
gave  way  to  the  counsel  of  his  friends.  He,  however,  closely 
watched  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  who,  after  encamping  for 
a  night  at  Inverlochy,  began  a  return  march  to  Inverness,  neither 
inflicting  nor  receiving  any  injury  in  the  district  of  Lochaber 
during  their  long  march  there  and  back. 

In  consequence  of  Glengarry's  defection  on  this  occasion, 
Lochiel  and  he  were  never  afterwards  completely  reconciled. 
When  the  estates  of  Glengarry  were  subsequently  forfeited,  Argyll 
got  a  gift  of  it,  and  gave  it  afterwards  to  Lochiel,  who,  notwith- 
standing the  old  difference,  granted  it  in  turn  entire  to  its  original 
owner.*  After  this  Lochiel  joined  Glencairn's  army,  and  took 
part  in  several  lively  skirmishes  between  him  and  the  English 
soldiery  in  which  the  young  chief  and  his  followers  displayed 
their  usual  gallantry,  but  nothing  specially  remarkable  is  recorded 
of  them  at  this  period. 

In  1654  General  Middleton  arrived  from  Holland,  and 
succeeded  Glencairn  in  the  command  of  the  King's  troops,  where- 
upon he  at  once  wrote  to  Lochiel  as  follows  : — 

"  HONOURED  SIR, — The  King  is  very  sensible  of  your  affection  to  him,  and  I  am 
confident  how  soone  he  is  in  a  capacity,  will  liberally  reward  your  services.     I  doe 

*  The  author  of  Locliiers  Memoirs  says,  "Argyll's  disposition  of  it  to  Lochiel  is 
still  extant,  and  is  to  be  seen  in  the  hands  of  M'Kenzie  of  Rose-End." 


not  at  all  doubt  of  your  constant  resolution  to  prosecute  that  service  vigorously  with 
all  your  power  for  the  King's  interest  and  your  country's  honour,  and  I  doe  assure  you 
that  no  man  shall  be  more  ready  to  assist  you  in  anything  than,  &c. 

(Signed)        "JOHN  MIDDLETONE. 
"  TOUNG,  March  1654." 

"  P~S. — I  expect  that  you,  with  your  friends,  will  not  faill  to  come  considerably, 
to  join  me,  as  soon  as  you  are  advertized  by  the  Earl  of  Glencairn  of  his  march 
towards  me." 

Lochiel  soon  after  joined  Middleton  "with  a  full  regiment 
of  good  men,"  whom  he  almost  immediately  led  into  action, 
maintaining  their  previous  renown  for  intrepidity  and  courage 
against  the  enemy. 

By  General  Monk's  tactics,  who  arrived  in  the  North  in 
April  1654,  Middleton's  forces  were  reduced  to  very  severe 
straits,  being  hemmed  in  on  all  sifles,  without  provisions,  and 
having  no  garrison  or  safe  place  of  retreat.  They  were  thus 
constantly  obliged  to  fight  and  defend  themselves  in  the  open 
country,  occasioning  many  severe  conflicts  between  them  and  the 
English.  On  these  occasions  young  Lochiel  was  always  to  the 
front,  and  often  signally  distinguished^  himself.  "  His  men  seemed 
to  be  spirited  by  his  example,  and  in  the  end  became  so  hardy 
and  resolute  that  they  despised  all  danger  while  he  was  at  their 
head.  There  was  little  blood  drawn  during  that  campaign  where 
he  was  not  present,  for  he  chose  to  be  in  that  part  of  the  army 
that  opposed  General  Morgan,  who,  being  an  active  and  brave 
officer,  seldom  allowed  rest  to  his  enemies."  Lochiel  was  thus 
gaining  in  reputation  every  day,  becoming  almost  adored  by  his 
trusting  followers. 

Monk  used  every  means  in  his  power — terrorism  or  concili- 
ation, as  best  suited  the  circumstances — to  divide  and  break  up 
the  Highland  army,  and,  having  succeeded  with  many  of  the  other 
chiefs,  he  was  naturally  anxious  to  secure  Lochiel,  the  most  dis- 
tinguished for  bravery  and  courage  of  them  all.  He  spared  no 
temptation  to  bribe  him  into  submission,  and  made  him  so  many 
insinuating  offers  and  proposals  "that  several  of  his  best  friends 
were  surprised  that  he  so  much  as  hesitated  to  accept  them. 
Among  others  he  offered  to  buy  the  estate  of  Glenlui  and  Loch- 
arkaig  for  him  ;  to  pay  all  his  debts  ;  and  to  give  him  whatever 
post  in  the  army  he  pleased."  All  this,  however,  proved  ineffec- 
tual, and  Monk  determined  to  plant  a  strong  garrison  at  Inver- 


lochy,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  Cameron  country,  so  that  Lochiel's 
estate  would  thus  be  entirely  at  his  mercy,  or  he  would  force 
the  Chief  and  his  men  home  to  defend  it.  He  succeeded  in  the 
latter,  for  Lochiel,  hearing  of  Monk's  intention,  marched  straight 
into  Lochaber,  where  he  raised  additional  men,  determined  to  fight 
the  enemy  on  their  way  from  Inverness,  whence,  he  was  informed, 
they  were  coming  across  the  country.  Meanwhile,  however,  on 
the  advice  of  Argyll,  who  supplied  men  to  pilot  them,  the  English 
came  round  by  sea,  in  five  ships,  and  landed  safely  at  Inverlochy, 
in  their  own  boats,  with  a  year's  provision  and  ample  materials 
to  construct  a  fort.  Colonel  Brayn,  who  had  led  the  English 
through  the  same  country  the  previous  year,  was  appointed  Gover- 
nor of  the  garrison,  which  consisted  of  2000  effective  troops, 
commanded  by  the  most  skilful  and  resolute  officers  in  Monk's 
army,  and  attended  by  a  large  following  of  workmen,  servants, 
their  wives  and  children. 

The  extensive  woods  which  then  abounded  in  the  district 
furnished  the  Governor  with  such  plentiful  material  that,  in  less 
than  twenty-four  hours  after  landing,  he  had  his  troops  fully 
secured  against  all  danger  from  attack.  Lochiel  arrived  in  the 
neighbourhood  next  morning,  and,  having  personally  reconnoitred 
the  situation  from  a  neighbouring  eminence,  he  satisfied  himself 
of  the  impossibility  of  successful  attack,  and  resolved  to  retire 
westward  to  the  woods  of  Achadalew,  three  miles  from  the  garri- 
son, on  the  northern  shore  of  Lochiel.  Having  taken  counsel 
with  his  friends  here,  he  resolved  upon  dismissing  his  men  for  a 
few  days  to  enable  them  to  remove  their  cattle  further  away  from 
the  enemy,  and  to  obtain  provisions  for  themselves,  which,  in  con- 
sequence of  their  long  absence,  became  quite  exhausted.  He 
only  kept  thirty-two  young  gentlemen  and  his  own  servants  about 
him  as  a  body-guard,  numbering  in  all  thirty-five,  or,  as  another 
authority  says,  thirty-eight  persons.  He  could  not  have  fixed 
on  a  more  suitable  place  to  await  the  return  of  his  followers,  not 
only  having,  where  he  halted,  a  means  of  safe  retreat  into  the 
wood,  in  case  of  a  sudden  surprise,  but  having  the  English  garri- 
son so  well  in  view  that  the  smallest  party  could  not  be  sent  out 
of  it  without  his  having  timely  notice  of  its  proceedings.  At  the 
same  time,  he  managed  to  get  spies  admitted  into  the  garrison 
who  kept  him  fully  informed  of  everything  that  took  place, 


though  by  their  cunning  familiarity  with  the  soldiers,  and  frank 
offers  of  their  services  in  any  capacity  in  which  they  could  be  of 
use,  they  were  never  in  the  least  suspected. 

Through  these  emissaries  he  received  private  notice  that  the 
Governor,  encouraged  by  Lochiel's  dismissal  of  his  men,  was  that 
very  day,  the  fifth  after  his  arrival,  to  send  out  a  detachment  of 
300  men,  attended  by  several  workmen,  to  bring  in  some  fresh 
provisions,  as  well  as  to  fell  a  quantity  of  old  oak  trees,  which,  he 
was  informed,  were  to  be  found  in  great  numbers  on  both  sides 
of  Lochiel.  Though  the  Chief  was  displeased  at  himself  for 
dismissing  so  many  of  his  men,  yet,  pushed  on  by  curiosity,  he 
ascended  an  eminence,  from  whence  he  had  a  full  view  of  all  the 
enemy's  proceedings,  and  soon  after  he  discovered  two  ships,  full  of 
soldiers,  sailing  towards  the  wood,  where  he  and  his  men  were 
concealed.  These  vessels,  as  he  afterwards  found,  each  contained 
an  equal  number  of  troops.  One  of  them  anchored  on  his,  and 
the  other  on  the  opposite,  shore  of  the  Loch.  Resolving  to  have 
a  nearer  view,  he,  under  cover  of  the  wood,  managed  to  post  him- 
self so  near  the  spot  where  they  landed,  that  he  was  able 
to  count  them  as  they  drew  up,  their  number  being  about  140 
men,  besides  officers  and  workmen  with  axes  and  other  instru- 
ments. Having  thus  fully  satisfied  himself,  he  returned  to  his 
friends,  and  asked  their  opinion  as  to  what  was  best  to  be  done, 
"  now  that  such  a  party  of  the  enemy  had  offered  their  throats  to 
be  cut,"  as  he  expressed  himself.  The  majority  of  his  party  were 
young  men,  fiery,  hot-headed,  full  of  vigour  and  courage,  and 
fond  of  every  opportunity  of  pleasing  their  brave  Chief,  whom 
they  almost  adored.  These  youthful  spirits,  discovering  his  in- 
clinations, were  for  attacking  the  English  at  once  at  all  hazards  ; 
but  the  few  older  and  more  experienced  attempted  to  dissuade 
him  from  this  by  all  the  arguments  they  could  suggest.  They  said 
that  the  great  inequality  of  their  number  rendered  the  attempt 
mad  and  ridiculous  ;  that,  supposing  the  enemy  to  be  cowards, 
yet  they  were  strangers,  and  the  very  despair  of  the  impossibility 
of  escaping  in  a  strange  country  by  flight  would  oblige  them  to 
fight  desperately  for  their  lives  ;  and,  being  more  than  four  to 
one,  it  would  be  surprising  if  they  did  not  surround  their  assail- 
ants and  cut  them  to  pieces  ;  but  in  this  particular  case  the  com- 
bat would  be  still  more  hazardous  and  desperate,  for  the  enemy 


were  all  choice  old  troops,  hardened  and  inspirited  by  long  prac- 
tice and  success  in  war,  and  commanded  by  experienced  officers, 
who  knew  well  how  to  employ  these  advantages  ;  that  it  would 
be  a  sufficient  proof  of  their  own  courage  to  fight  such  an  enemy 
upon  equal  terms  ;  upon  the  whole,  that  their  best  advice  was 
immediately  to  dispatch  such  persons  as  their  Chief  should  fix 
upon  to  call  in  the  assistance  of  more  men,  and  on  the  arrival  of 
these  to  fight  when  they  had  a  reasonable  chance  of  success  on 
something  like  equal  terms. 

A  few  were  present  who  had  served  under  Montrose,  and 
Lochiel  asked  their  opinion  separately,  but  they  declared  that 
they  never  knew  even  Montrose  to  engage  under  so  great  a  dis- 
advantage as  to  numbers  ;  besides,  they  looked  upon  this  enemy 
as  far  superior  to  any  that  Montrose  ever  had  occasion  to  fight ; 
for,  though  he  seldom  fought  but  where  there  were  some 
regiments  of  old  soldiers  against  him,  yet  the  greater  portion 
were  generally  such  as  enlisted  not  out  of  zeal  for  the  Covenant, 
but  were  otherwise  forced,  and,  therefore,  not  to  be  compared 
with  veteran  troops. 

But,  notwithstanding  all  this,  Lochiel  was  so  determined 
that  he  would  not  be  dissuaded  from  the  hazardous  attempt. 
"  Whether  impelled  by  an  excess  of  courage,  or  by  a  youthful 
spirit  of  emulation  (for  he  had  Montrose  always  in  his  mouth), 
it  is  certain  that  he  never  appeared  absolutely  inexorable  but  on 
this  occasion."  He  upbraided  his  friends  as  enemies  to  his  and 
their  own  glory,  in  magnifying  danger,  where,  he  said,  there  was 
so  little  reason  ;  and  alleged  that  he  had  allowed  the  same 
enemy  to  escape  on  a  previous  occasion,  at  the  Pass  of  Clunes, 
by  their  advice,  when  he  had  an  opportunity  of  cutting  them  to 
pieces  ;  and  that,  had  they  been  then  treated  as  they  ought  to 
have  been,  and  as  they  deserved,  they  would  neither  have  had 
the  boldness  to  fix  themselves  in  the  heart  of  his  country  nor 
the  insolence  to  cut  down  his  woods  without  his  leave  ;  but  they 
should  not  again  have  one  tree  of  .his  without  paying  for  it  with 
t!  eir  blood  ;  that  if  they  were  not  chastised,  the  Camerons,  who 
were  now  the  only  free  people  within  the  three  Kingdoms,  would 
soon  find  themselves  in  a  miserable  state  of  servitude,  at  the 
n.ercy  of  bloody  enthusiasts,  who  had  enslaved  their  country  and 
iirbrued  their  impious  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  Sovereign,  and 


still  thirsted  for  that  of  his  few  remaining  subjects  ;  that,  however 
they  magnified  the  enemy's  courage,  yet  it  might  be  remembered 
by  several  of  those  present,  that  they  had  oftener  than  once  tried 
their  own  with  success  in  conflicts  more  hazardous  ;  and,  par- 
ticularly, at  Braemar,  where  he  himself  defended  a  pass  with  a 
handful  against  an  army  of  English.  He  further  pleaded, 
that  the  enemy,  being  in  absolute  security,  would  be  so  con- 
founded and  stupified  by  a  bold,  sudden,  and  unexpected  attack, 
that  they  would  imagine  every  tree  in  the  wood  a  High- 
lander holding  a  broad-sword  in  his  hand,  and  cutting  their 
throats  ;  that  the  enemy  had  no  other  arms  but  their  heavy 
muskets,  which  would  be  useless  after  their  first  fire  ;  and  that 
it  would  be  the  Camerons'  own  faults  if  they  allowed  the  English 
time  to  fire  a  second  time  ;  that  supposing  he  and  his  party 
should  be  obliged  to  retreat,  which  was  really  the  worst  that 
could  happen  to  them,  it  was  easy  for  them  to  retire  further  into 
the  wood,  through  which  the  enemy  dare  not  follow  them  for  fear 
of  ambush  ;  and  even  though  they  should,  yet  the  Highlanders, 
who  were  much  nimbler,  had  the  neighbouring  mountains  for 
security  ;  that,  as  to  the  proposal  of  sending  for  more  men,  they 
knew  that  to  be  impracticable,  for  those  living  in  the  neighbour- 
hood were  now  in  the  remote  mountains  with  their  cattle,  and 
the  rest  lived  at  too  great  a  distance  to  afford  assistance  on  such 
short  notice  ;  but  that  he  truly  believed  there  was  no  need  of 
their  aid,  for  if  every  one  there  would  undertake  to  kill  his  man, 
which  he  expected  each  would  do  with  his  shot,  he  would  person- 
ally answer  for  the  rest  ! 

Lochiel  delivered  himself  of  this  oration  in  such  a  manner 
that  none  of  his  party  made  any  further  opposition  to  his  wish. 
They  all  declared  that  they  were  ready  to  march  whenever  he 
should  command  them,  though  it  were  to  certain  destruction, 
on  condition  that  he  and  his  younger  brother  Allan,  who  was 
yet  but  a  stripling,  would  agree  to  absent  themselves  from 
danger,  as  all  the  hopes  of  the  Clan  depended  on  their  safety  ; 
so  they  entreated  him  to  be  prevailed  upon  in  what  they  urged 
was  so  reasonable  a  request.  Lochiel  could  not  patiently  listen  to 
the  proposal  regarding  himself,  but  commanded  that  his  brother, 
who  would  not  otherwise  keep  out  of  the  fray,  should  be  bound 
to  a  tree  ;  and,  that  since  he  could  not  spare  any  of  his  men,  a 


little  boy,  who  came  accidentally  among  them,  should  be  left  to 
attend  him.  These  orders  were  executed  ;  but  the  brave  youth 
soon  forced  the  boy  to  unloose  him,  and  subsequently  had  the 
good  fortune  to  save  his  brother's  life. 

In  the  meantime  Lochiel's  scouts  brought  him  word  that  the 
enemy,  having  continued  for  a  short  time  where  they  landed, 
marched  slowly  along  the  shore  about  half-a-mile  in  a  westward 
direction,  and  were  now  at  the  village  of  Achadelew,  where  they 
were  pillaging  the  houses  and  capturing  the  poultry.  Lochiel, 
judging  this,  while  they  were  in  disorder,  the  proper  moment  for 
attacking  them,  drew  up  his  men  in  a  long  line,  one  deep,  and 
desired  them  to  march  slowly,  sc  as  not  to  disorder  themselves, 
while  entangled  among  the  trees,  till  they  came  in  view  of  the 
enemy,  and  not  to  fire  a  shot  until  they  touched  the  breasts  of 
the  enemy  with  the  muzzles  of  their  pieces.  About  half  his  men 
had  bows,  and  were  excellent  archers.  To  these  he  gave  similar 
orders,  and  mixed  them  with  his  musketeers.  But  his  men  were 
too  young  and  too  forward  to  observe  the  first  part  of  these 
orders  with  the  necessary  exactness.  They  marched  so  quick, 
or  rather  ran  at  such  a  pace,  that  Lochiel,  who,  by  some  accident 
or  other,  was  obliged  to  stay  a  little  behind,  ran  a  great  risk, 
before  he  could  overtake  them,  of  being  shot  from  a  bush,  where 
one  of  the  enemy  lurked  ;  but  his  brother  Allan  luckily  came  up 
at  the  very  moment  and  shot  the  fellow  dead  while  he  had  his 
gun  to  his  eye,  levelled  directly  at  Lochiel,  who  had  never  ob- 
served him. 

The  English,  who,  it  seems,  had  been  warned  in  time  by 
some  of  their  own  stragglers,  were  in  good  order  when  the  Came- 
rons  came  in  view,  and  they  received  them  somewhat  rashly  with 
a  general  discharge  of  their  muskets,  but  at  such  a  distance  that 
they  did  no  harm,  and  the  Highlanders  were  up  with  them  before 
they  could  load  a  second  time,  pouring  their  shot  into  their  very 
bosoms,  and  killing  more  than  thirty  of  them  on  the  spot.  They 
then  fell  on  them  plying  their  broadswords  with  incredible  fury. 
The  enemy  sustained  the  shock  with  great  bravery,  though  with 
little  success. 

This  manner  of  fighting  was  new  to  them.  At  first  they 
acted  entirely  on  the  defensive,  and,  by  holding  their  muskets 
before  their  foreheads,  endeavoured  to  defend  themselves  from 
the  terrible  blows  of  the  broadsword.  But  the  Highlanders  strik- 


ing  them  below,  they  were  soon  obliged  to  change  that  method. 
Some  of  them  used  their  swords,  and  struck  at  their  enemies  with 
strength  and  fury,  but  their  blows  were  mostly  ineffectual.  The 
Highlanders  received  them  on  their  shields,  and  the  mettle  and 
temper  of  the  enemy's  blades  were  so  bad  that  they  bent  in  their 
hands  and  became  useless,  thus  exposing  them  to  certain  death. 
Others  of  them  thrust  their  bayonets  into  the  muzzles  of  their 
pieces,  as  the  custom  then  was,  but  they  were  no  less  unsuccessful, 
for  the  more  violently  they  pushed  the  more  firmly  their  weapons 
entered  and  stuck  in  the  Highlanders'  leathern  targets,  and  left 
their  users  naked  and  defenceless.  Those  that  clubbed  their 
muskets  did  more  mischief,  but  fared  little  better  in  the  end,  for, 
though  they  made  some  sure  blows,  yet  the  firelocks  were  at  that 
time  so  clumsy  and  heavy  that  they  seldom  could  recover  them 
for  a  second  stroke  ;  besides,  the  Highlanders,  covering  them- 
selves with  their  targets,  generally  broke  the  force  of  the  blow. 
But  the  superiority  of  their  numbers  gave  the  enemy  such  an  ad- 
vantage as  to  keep  the  conflict  for  a  long  time  in  suspense. 
Though  their  ranks  were  often  pierced,  disordered,  and  broken, 
yet  they  as  often  rallied  and  returned  to  the  charge,  which  ex- 
ceedingly surprised  the  Highlanders,  who  were  not  accustomed 
to  such  long  and  doubtful  actions,  and  it  is  more  than  likely  that, 
had  the  English  weapons  been  equal  to  the  courage  of  those  who 
wielded  them,  the  Highlanders  would  have  paid  dear  for  their 

But  the  numbers  of  the  enemy  at  last  decreasing  by  the 
slaughter  of  their  best  men,  they  began  gradually  to  give  ground, 
but  not  to  run,  for,  with  their  faces  to  the  Camerons,  they  still 
kept  retreating  in  a  body,  though  in  disorder,  and  fighting  with 
invincible  obstinacy  and  resolution.  But  Lochiel,  to  prevent 
their  escape  to  their  vessel,  fell  upon  the  following  strategem  : — 
He  commanded  two  or  three  of  his  men  to  run  in  advance  of  the 
retreating  enemy,  and  from  a  bush  to  call  out  so  as  to  make 
them  imagine  that  another  body  of  Highlanders  was  intercepting 
their  retreat.  This  took  so  effectually  that  they  stopped,  and 
animated  by  rage,  madness,  and  despair,  they  renewed  the 
fight  with  greater  fury  than  before.  They  were  still  superior 
in  numbers  to  the  Camerons  by  more  than  half,  and  wanted 
nothing  but  good  weapons  to  make  Lochiel  repent  that  he  had 
intercepted  their  escape.  They  had  no  longer  any  regard  for 


their  own  safety,  and  with  their  clubbed  muskets  delivered  such 
strokes  as  would  have  brought  their  enemies  to  the  ground,  if 
they  had  been  aimed  with  as  much  discretion  as  they  were 
forcibly  applied.  But  this  served  only  to  hasten  their  destruction, 
for,  exerting  all  their  strength  in  giving  these  ineffectual  blows, 
the  sway  of  their  heavy  muskets,  which  generally  struck  the 
ground,  rendered  them  unable  to  recover  themselves.  The  High- 
landers made  use  of  the  advantage  and  stabbed  them  with  their 
dirks  or  poniards  while  they  were  thus  bent  and  defenceless, 
whereby  they  quickly  diminished  their  numbers,  and  forced  them 
again  to  flee  as  best  they  could. 

Being  thus  broken  and  dispersed,  "  they  fled  as  fear  or  chance 
directed  them.  The  Highlanders  pursued  with  as  little  judg- 
ment. In  one  place  you  might  have  seen  five  Highlanders 
engaged  with  double  that  number  of  Englishmen  ;  and  in  another, 
two  or  three  Englishmen  defending  themselves  against  twice  as 
many  of  their  enemies."  But  the  greater  number  made  to  the 
shore,  where  we  shall  leave  them  for  a  moment  and  follow  the 
young  Chief,  who  in  the  meantime  had  a  most  curious  adventure. 

He  followed  a  few  that  fled  into  the  wood,  where  he  killed 
two  or  three  with  his  own  hand,  no  one  having  pursued  in  that 
direction  but  himself.  The  officer  who  commanded  the  invaders 
also  fled  in  the  same  direction  ;  but,  concealing  himself  in  a 
bush,  Lochicl  did  not  notice  him,  and,  observing  that  he  was 
alone,  started  suddenly  out  of  his  lurking-place,  attacked  Lochiel 
on  his  return,  and  threatening,  as  he  rushed  furiously  upon  him, 
sword  in  hand,  to  revenge  the  slaughter  of  his  countrymen  by 
the  Chiefs  death.  Lochiel,  who  also  had  his  sword  in  his  hand, 
received  him  with  equal  resolution.  "  The  combat  was  long  and 
doubtful ;  both  fought  for  their  lives,  and  as  they  were  both  ani- 
mated by  the  same  fury  and  courage,  so  they  seemed  to  manage 
their  swords  with  the  same  dexterity.  The  English  gentleman 
had  by  far  the  advantage  in  strength  and  size  ;  but  Lochiel,  ex- 
ceeding him  in  nimbleness  and  agility,  in  the  end  tripped  the 
sword  out  of  his  hand.  But  he  was  not  allowed  to  make  use  of 
this  advantage,  for  his  antagonist,  flying  upon  him  with  incredible 
quickness,  they  closed  and  wrestled  till  both  fell  to  the  ground  in 
each  other's  arms.  In  this  posture  they  struggled  and  tumbled 
up  and  down  till  they  fixed  in  the  channel  of  a  brook,  between 
two  straight  steep  banks,  which  then,  by  the  drought  of  summer, 


happened  to  be  dry.     Here  Lochiel  was  in  a  most  desperate  situ- 
ation, for,  being  undermost,  he  was  not  only  crushed  under  the 
weight  of  his   antagonist  (who  was   a  very  big  man),  but  also 
badly  hurt  and  bruised   by  the  sharp  stones  in  the  bed  of  the 
rivulet.     Their  strength  was  so  far  spent  that  neither  of  them 
could  stir  a  limb  ;"  but  the  Englishman,  being  uppermost,  at  last 
recovered  the  use  of  his  right  hand,  seized  a  dagger  that  hung  at 
his  belt,  and  made  several   attempts  to  stab  his  adversary,  who 
all  the  time  held  him  fast ;  but  the  narrowness  of  the  place  where 
they  were,  and  the  posture  they  were  in,  rendered  the  execution 
very  difficult  and  almost  impracticable  while  he  was  so  closely 
embraced.     He,  however,  made  a  most  violent  effort  to  disengage 
himself,  and  in  that  act  he  raised  his  head  and  stretched  his  neck, 
when  Lochiel, — who  by  this  time  had  his  hands  at  liberty — with 
his  left  suddenly  seized  his  opponent  by  the  right,  and  with  the 
other  by  the  collar,  and,  jumping  at  his  extended  throat,  which 
he  used  to  say  God  put  in  his  mouth,  he  bit  it  quite  through,  and 
kept  such  hold  of  it  that  he  brought  away  his  mouthful !    "  This," 
he  said,  "  was  the  sweetest  bite  he  ever  had   in   his   life  !"     The 
reader  may  imagine  in  what  a  state  he  would  be  after  receiving 
such  a  gush  of  warm  blood  in  the  face  as   naturally  flowed  from 
such  a  wound.     However,  he  soon  had  an  opportunity  of  wash- 
ing himself,  for,  hastening  to  the  shore,  he  found  his  men  chin- 
deep  in  the  sea,  endeavouring  to  destroy  the  remainder  of  the 
enemy,  who  still  attempted  to  recover  their  vessel,  at  anchor  near 
the  shore  ;  and,  wishing  to  save  the  few  remaining  of  the  foe 
after  such  a  victory,  he,  with  great  difficulty,  staid  the  fury  of  his 
men,  and    offered    quarters,  when    all,    being   about   thirty-five 
in    number,    submitted.      The    first    that    delivered    his    arms 
was   an    Irishman,    who,   having  briskly   offered    his    hand    to 
Lochiel,  bade  him  adieu,  and  ran  away  with  such  speed  that, 
though  he  was  hotly  pursued,  he  managed  to  effect  his  escape 
to  Inverlochy,  three  long  miles  from  the  village  where  they  first 
engaged,   while   he  had  also    the  river  Lochy   to  cross   before 
he  was  in  complete  safety.     It  is  said  of  this  fellow  that,  when 
saying  his  prayers,  "  which  every  soldier  in  those  religious  times 
was    obliged  to  do,"   remembering  the  danger  from  which  he 
had  escaped,  always  put    up  the    petition — "  That  God,  in  his 
mercy,  would  be  pleased  to  keep  him  out  of  the  hands  of  Lochiel 
and  his  bloody  crew  !" 


Before  the  others  gave  up  their  arms  one  of  them  attempted 
to  shoot  Lochiel,  who,  having  by  good  fortune,  observed  him 
while  he  had  his  gun  to  his  eye,  plunged  himself  into  the  sea  at 
the  moment  when  the  ungrateful  rascal  drew  the  trigger.  This 
the  Chief  the  more  easily  effected,  as  he  was  already  chin- 
deep  in  the  water  ;  but  even  then  his  escape  was  so  narrow  that 
a  part  of  the  hair  from  the  back  of  his  head  was  shot  away,  and 
the  skin  a  little  ruffled  by  the  ball. 

After  this  the  Camerons  showed  no  further  mercy.  They 
flew  upon  the  enemy  like  tigers,  cutting  them  to  pieces  wherever 
they  came  at  them.  In  vain  did  Lochiel  interpose  his  authority  ; 
they  were  deaf  to  everything  but  the  dictates  of  fury  and  revenge. 
Nor,  indeed,  did  the  English,  after  so  manifest  a  violation  of  the 
laws  of  war,  seem  to  expect  anything  else,  for  one  of  them, 
whom  the  Camerons  supposed  from  his  dress  to  be  an  officer, 
having  got  on  board  the  ship,  resolved  to  accomplish  what  the 
other  had  failed  in,  and  that  he  might  take  surer  aim,  he  rested 
his  gun  upon  the  side  of  the  vessel.  Lochiel  noticed  him,  and, 
judging  that  he  had  no  chance  of  escape  "  but  by  ducking,  as  he 
did  before,  kept  his  eye  fixed  upon  the  finger  that  he  had  at  the 
trigger.  But  his  foster-brother,  who  was  close  by,  happening  at 
the  same  time  to  take  notice  of  the  danger  his  Chief  was  in,  and 
preferring  his  safety  to  his  own,  immediately  threw  himself  before 
him,  and  received  the  shot  in  his  mouth  and  breast.  This  is  per- 
haps one  of  the  most  astonishing  instances  of  affection  and  love 
that  any  age  can  produce.  If  fortitude  and  courage  are  qualities 
of  so  heroic  and  sublime  a  nature,  what  name  shall  we  invent  for 
a  noble  contempt  of  life,  generously  thrown  away  in  preservation 
of  one  of  a  much  greater  value  ?"  Lochiel  immediately  revenged 
the  death  of  this  brave  youth  with  his  own  hand,  and,  after  the 
utter  destruction  of  the  whole  party,  excepting  the  Irishman  and 
another  man,  whom  we  shall  have  occasion  to  mention  hereafter, 
he  carried  his  body  three  miles  on  his  back,  and  interred  him 
in  the  burial-place  of  his  own  family,  in  the  most  honourable 
manner  he  could,  in  the  circumstances,  contrive.  Lochiel  only 
lost  four  men,  and  his  devoted  foster-brother,  who  sacrificed  his 
own  life  to  save  that  of  his  Chief,  during  the  whole  of  this  re- 
markable engagement.  A  few  more  interesting  details  connected 
with  it  must  be  left  over  until  our  next. 
(To  be  continued.) 


TOWARDS  the  middle  of  the  i/th  century  the  family  of  Sinclair, 
who  were  Earls  of  Caithness,  lived  in  a  castle  about  two  miles 
from  the  spot  where  the  town  of  Wick  now  stands.  This  castle, 
which  took  its  name  from  the  family  to  whom  it  belonged,  was, 
from  the  effects  of  time,  tempest,  and  siege,  rapidly  falling  into 
decay,  and  it  was  quite  evident  that  it  would  not  be  habitable 
much  longer.  The  inmates  of  Castle  Sinclair,  at  the  time  of  our 
tale,  were  the  Earl  and  Countess  of  Caithness',  a  son  about  five 
years  of  age,  several  domestics,  and  about  two  score  men-at- 

The  Countess  of  Caithness  was  the  daughter  of  Sir  Hugh 
Oliphant  of  Oldwick  Castle,  and  had  been  wedded  to  the  Earl  at 
the  early  age  of  eighteen,  but  not  early  enough  to  prevent  her 
from  giving  her  heart  to  another.  Whilst  in  her  father's  castle, 
Sir  Dudley  Merton,  a  young  English  Knight,  was  cast  ashore  by 
a  storm  upon  the  coast  of  Caithness,  and  was  hospitably  enter- 
tained by  Sir  Hugh.  An  intimacy  was  formed  between  Sir 
Dudley  and  the  daughter  of  his  host,  which  soon  ripened  into 
love,  but  Sir  Hugh,  though  hospitable,  was  ambitious,  and  wished 
to  see  his  daughter  some  day  Countess  of  Caithness,  so  that 
when  Sir  Dudley  asked  the  hand  of  the  Lady  Norna  from  her 
father,  he  was  met  with  a  scornful  refusal,  and  ordered  at  once  to 
leave  the  castle.  The  disappointed  lover  said  a  sorrowful  fare- 
well to  the  lady,  and  departed  southwards.  Soon  after,  the 
Earl  of  Caithness,  a  stern,  morose  man,  about  fifty  years  of  age, 
sought  the  Lady  Norna's  hand  in  marriage,  and  much  against 
her  will  she  was  wedded  to  the  Earl,  and  her  father's  ambitious 
hopes  were  fulfilled. 

Transported  to  the  Earl's  dark  and  gloomy  residence  she 
pined  for  her  first  and  only  love,  the  young  Southron,  and  until 
the  birth  of  her  son,  which  took  place  about  a  year  after  her 
marriage,  she  lived  a  melancholy  and  lonely  life.  The  Earl 
cared  little  for  his  young  wife,  whom  he  had  married  merely  to 
strengthen  his  power  with  the  family  of  Oliphant,  and  her  days 
were  spent  in  a  chamber  assigned  to  her,  with  no  company  save 


that  of  her  little  son,  William,  whom  she  idolised,  and  an  old 
man-servant,  named  Rory  Gunn,  whom  she  had  brought  with 
her  from  Oldwick  Castle,  and  who  was  devotedly  attached  to  his 
young  mistress.  The  Earl  spent  most  of  his  time  in  making 
forays  upon  the  neighbouring  coasts  in  a  large  galley  which  he 

On  one  occasion  he  had  been  absent  upon  an  excursion  of 
this  sort  for  several  days,  and  the  Countess  was  seated  at  her 
window  in  a  turret  of  the  castle,  watching  the  sun  as  it  sunk 
down  towards  the  horizon,  when  the  door  of  her  chamber  opened, 
and  gave  admission  to  a  young  stranger.  He  was  encased  in  a 
complete  suit  of  chain  armour,  which  showed  off  his  lithe  and 
sinewy  figure  to  perfection.  His  head  was  protected  by  a  steel 
casque,  the  vizor  of  which  was  raised,  exposing  a  countenance  at 
once  manly  and  good-humoured.  The  Countess  in  her  pre- 
occupation had  not  heard  him  enter,  but  on  the  word  "  Norna  " 
being  pronounced  by  the  stranger,  she  turned  round  quickly,  and 
ejaculating  "  Dudley,"  fell  senseless  to  the  floor.  Her  little  son, 
who  was  playing  on  the  floor  when  Sir  Dudley  entered,  now  ran 
to  the  aid  of  his  mother,  and  she  soon  came  to  herself,  and 
entreated  Sir  Dudley  to  depart  from  the  castle  at  once,  ere  the 
Earl  should  return.  The  Knight  disregarded  her  entreaties,  and 
related  how  he  had  travelled  there  alone  that  he  might  claim  his 
Norna,  and  take  her  to  his  English  home  as  Lady  Merton. 

"  Sir  Dudley,"  said  the  Countess,  "  I  am  the  wedded  wife  of 
another  man,  and  nothing  more  must  pass  between  us.  Leave 
the  castle,  I  beseech  you,  or  the  consequences  will  be  terrible." 

In  the  excited  state  she  was  in  the  Countess  had  not  heard 
the  scraping  of  the  galley  upon  the  shingle  outside,  as  it  was 
drawn  up  on  dry  land,  nor  the  voices  of  the  rowers  as  they  put 
away  their  oars  and  lowered  the  mast  of  the  galley.  Sir  Dudley, 
moved  by  her  entreaties,  was  saying  farewell  to  the  Countess, 
and  was  on  his  bended  knee  before  her,  in  the  act  of  kissing  her 
hand,  when  a  heavy  step  came  up  the  stairs,  the  door  of  the 
chamber  flew  open,  and  the  Earl  entered. 

"  Ha  !  "  he  cried,  "  so  this  is  the  way  you  take  advantage  of 
my  absence !  By  Saint  Andrew,  you  shall  not  do  so  again. 
What,  ho  !  men-at-arms  !  " 

At  these  words  several  armed  men  poured  into  the  chamber, 


and  stood  like  statues,  awaiting  further  orders.  Sir  Dudley  had 
drawn  his  sword,  and  was  ready  to  act  on  the  defensive.  The 
Countess  had  fainted,  and  was  in  blissful  unconsciousness  of  what 
was  happening  around  her,  whilst  the  little  boy  stood  crying 
beside  the  prostrate  form  of  his  mother. 

"Seize  that  fool,"  cried  the  Earl,  pointing  to  Sir  Dudley, 
"and  keep  him  a  close  prisoner  till  I  have  prepared  his  doom. 
As  for  the  Countess,  I  will  deal  with  her." 

The  men-at-arms  dashed  at  Sir  Dudley,  who  made  good 
-play  with  his  sword,  and  for  a  few  minutes  the  chamber  rung 
with  the  clash  of  steel,  but,  at  length,  Sir  Dudley's  sword  was 
knocked  out  of  his  grasp,  and  he  was  seized  and  hurried  away, 
leaving,  however,  two  of  his  assailants  bleeding  on  the  floor. 

The  Earl  then  imprisoned  his  lady  in  her  chamber,  of  which 
he  kept  the  key  himself.  He  took  his  little  son  out  with  him 
upon  his  excursions  in  the  galley,  the  lad  bidding  fair  to  become 
as  great  a  pirate  as  his  father.  Removed  from  the  gentle  care  of 
his  mother,  he  soon  forgot  all  she  had  taught  him,  and  the  Earl 
became  proud  of  his  young  cub,  as  he  called  him. 

Soon  after  the  event  narrated  here,  the  Earl  procured  the 
services  of  Queen  Mary's  architect  to  plan  a  new  castle  for  him. 
The  spot  chosen  for  the  site  of  the  proposed  castle  was  an  im- 
mense point  of  rock  called  Girnigoe,  a  little  distance  from  Castle 
Sinclair,  bounded  on  one  side  by  the  open  sea,  and  on  the  other 
by  a  "  geo "  or  deep  gully,  up  which  the  sea  rushed  with  the 
speed  of  a  mill-race.  The  Earl  immediately  impressed  into  the 
work  all  the  retainers  upon  his  property,  and  the  work  was  corn- 
menced  by  the  building  of  a  dungeon  on  the  face  of  the  rock  to- 
wards the  sea.  The  walls  of  this  prison  were  nearly  a  yard  thick, 
and  it  was  entered  by  a  steep  and  narrow  stone  staircase,  at  the 
foot  of  which  was  a  deep  slit  in  the  wall  to  admit  light  to  it. 
To  the  right  was  a  thick  door,  which  gave  immediate  access  to 
the  dungeon.  The  interior  was  lighted  also  by  a  loophole  in  the 
wall,  but  the  small  portion  of  light  which  it  admitted  served  only 
to  show  the  darkness.  On  the  completion  of  the  dungeon,  the 
Earl  ordered  them  to  place  the  unfortunate  Sir  Dudley  in  it,  and 
leave  him  to  his  fate,  whilst  they  proceeded  with  the  remainder 
of  the  castle.  Into  this  hole,  therefore,  was  Sir  Dudley  thrust, 
-and  abandoned  to  a  most  terrible  death.  When  he  felt  the 


approach  of  the  grim  despoiler,  he  exerted  his  remaining  strength 
to  scrape  with  a  nail  upon  the  wall  of  his  tomb  the  words, 
"  1635  NAE  HOPE,,'  and  these  words  are  still  to  be  seen  by  the 
traveller  who  inspects  the  ruins  of  Girnigoe  Castle,  if  he  has  the 
courage  to  descend  into  the  dungeon  with  a  light. 

In  the  course  of  two  or  three  years,  the  new  castle  was 
finished,  and  it  was  far  larger  and  stronger  than  the  old  one. 
The  unhappy  Countess,  who  had  been  a  close  prisoner  in  Castle 
Sinclair  ever  since  the  fatal  day  when  she  was  discovered  with 
her  old  lover,  was  now  transported  to  a  chamber  in  Girnigoe 

Amongst  other  improvements  which  the  architect  had  intro- 
duced into  the  building  of  the  castle,  was  a  secret  staircase  lead- 
ing down  through  the  rock  to  the  sea,  and  at  the  bottom  of  this 
staircase,  in  a  deep,  dark  cove,  was  moored  a  small  boat.  This 
was  intended  to  facilitate  the  escape  of  the  inmates  of  the  castle, 
if  at  any  time  it  should  be  surrounded  by  enemies.  The  Countess's 
old  servant,  Rory,  who  was  still  retained  in  the  castle,  was  con- 
stantly revolving  plans  in  his  head  for  getting  his  mistress  out  of 
it,  and  back  to  Oldwick,  where  she  would  gain  her  father's 
protection.  But  the  Earl  always  kept  the  key  of  her  chamber 
in  his  belt,  except  when  food  was  sent  up  to  her,  when  it 
was  intrusted  for  the  time  to  the  care  of  a  man-at-arms.  At 
last  a  brilliant  idea  struck  Rory,  and  he  determined  to  lose  no 
time  in  putting  it  into  execution.  One  evening  the  Earl  was 
coming  downstairs  from  the  top  of  the  turret,  where  he  had  been 
taking  a  survey  of  the  neighbouring  coast,  when  Rory  came  up 
the  stairs,  and  pretending  to  slip  on  a  step,  stumbled  against  the 
Earl,  nearly  knocking  him  down.  Rory  instantly  recovered  himself, 
and  humbly  begged  pardon  for  his  awkwardness,  but  in  that  short 
minute,  when  he  fell  against  him,  he  had  managed  to  abstract 
the  key  from  the  Earl's  girdle  unnoticed.  Giving  him  a  few  hearty 
curses,  the  Earl  went  out  of  the  castle  and  set  out  in  his  galley, 
and  Rory  knew  that  he  would  not  return  till  morning,  should 
he  not  discover  the  loss  of  the  key.  No  time  was  to  be  lost ; 
Rory  immediately  liberated  the  Countess  ;  and  taking  her  unseen 
outside  the  castle,  brought  her  to  the  secret  staircase.  Here  they 
descended,  and  after  placing  the  lady  carefully  in  the  stern  of 
the  boat,  he  took  the  oars,  and  speedily  rowed  away  from  the 


castle.  The  night  was  dark  and  cloudy,  and  the  wind  was  rising 
fast.  The  little  boat  began  to  pitch  wildly  about  on  the  crests  of 
.the  waves.  Still  Rory  kept  on  rowing,  until  the  wind  had  in- 
creased almost  to  a  gale.  His  hands  were  now  powerless  with 
exertion,  and  he  let  the  boat  drift  as  it  would.  Suddenly  a 
vivid  flash  of  lightning  illumined  the  scene,  and  exposed  to  his 
eyes  the  form  of  the  Earl's  galley,  not  a  hundred  yards  away, 
whilst  at  the  same  time  the  Earl  himself,  who  was  standing  at 
the  helm,  observed  the  boat  with  Rory  and  the  Countess. 
Muttering  a  deep  curse,  he  steered  straight  for  the  boat,  and 
watched  with  a  pitiless  and  malignant  eye  the  remains  of  the 
little  craft,  with  his  much-wronged  wife  and  her  faithful  servant, 
disappear  beneath  the  keel  of  his  galley.  H.  R.  M. 


God  bless  and  prosper  thee,  Lord  Lome  ! 

Whate'er  thy  new  career 
Right  well  and  nobly  hast  thou  borne 

Thy  princely  part  while  here. 

Placed  high  in  this  conflicting  land 

O'er  Party's  surging  roar, 
With  skilful  and  impartial  hand 

Thou  hast  controlled  thine  oar. 

Succeeding,  as  thou  didst,  a  chief 

Unmatched  with  us  before, 
No  wonder  had'st  thou  struck  a  reef 

Ere  thou  had'st  reached  the  shore. 

But  thou  has  weathered  rocks  and  tide, 

Pleased  Colony  and  Crown, 
And  filled  all  Highland  hearts  with  pride 

O'er  thy  well-earned  renown. 

Return  to  our  beloved  Queen, 

Receive  her  thanks  with  ours, 
And  give  her,  what  we  ne'er  shall  screen, 

Our  loyal  love  in  showers. 

And  thou,  too,  Princess,  still  shall  reign 

In  each  Canadian  heart ; 
"  Soft  winds  soon  waft  thee  back  again," 

We  utter  as  we  part. 

God  bless  you  both  in  heart  and  home, 

Wherever  you  may  dwell. 
Our  hearts  are  yours  where'er  you  roam, 

And  so  we  say  FAREWELL  ! 

ONTARIO,  October  1883. 





///.  Minor  Disputes. — Of  old  the  Coble  proprietors  acted 
together  in  the  letting  of  their  fishings.  The  late  H.  R.  Duff 
of  Muirtown,  in  1822,  declined  concurring  with  his  co-coble 
brethren,  the  result  being  that  it  was  found  he  could  not  be  com- 
pelled to  concur. 

In  course  of  the  Canal  operations  the  river  was  much 
interfered  with,  temporary  embankments  and  channels  being 
necessary.  Immense  damage  was  done  to  the  river  bed,  the 
dykes,  cruives,  etc.,  at  the  Islands  by  a  sudden  and  great  flood, 
on  the  1 1 th  December  1809,  carrying  from  Dochgarroch  down- 
wards these  temporary  embankments,  and  "  fir  and  forest  trees 
of  very  great  growth  cut  in  the  woods  of  Borlum  for  Canal  pur- 
poses." Thomas  Davies,  residing  on  the  Green  of  Muirtown  ; 
William  Hughes,  then  presently  residing  at  Dochgarroch;  and 
Matthew  Davidson,  residing  at  Clachriaharry,  were  proceeded 
against,  and  had  some  difficulty  in  arranging  with  the  Heritors, 
and  with  Messrs  Forbes,  Hoggarth,  &  Co.  of  Aberdeen,  and  Mr 
James  Richardson  of  Perth,  their  Tacksmen. 

The  following  is  part  of  the  complaint  of  the  tacksmen  of 
the  fishings : — 

'•'lhat  the  petitioners  are  tacksmen  of,  and  in  possession  of,  the  salmon  fishiugs 
on  the  River  Ness,  comprehending  the  cruive  fishing,  and  fishing  by  net  and  coble  on 
and  in  the  island  opposite  to  the  lands  of  Mr  Grant  of  Bught.  and  which  fishing  has 
been  supported  and  upheld  principally  by  means  of  two  extensive  dykes  forming  a 
bulwark  fence  on  the  north  and  south  side  of  the  said  island,  from  the  west  extremity 
thereof,  and  thereby  taking  the  water  in  a  great  body  off  at  the  west  extremity,  and 
discharging  it  towards,  and  at  the  east  through  the  cavities  of  the  said  bulwark 
gradually  into  the  body  of  the  river,  and  thereby  excluding  the  free  access  of  the 
salmon  westward.  That  the  respondents  (Davies,  Hughes,  and  Davidson)  sometime 
ago  entered  into  a  contract  or  agreement  with  the  Commissioners  for  making  the 
Canal  in  the  County  of  Inverness,  or  agents  employed  by  them,  for  altering  the  course 
of  the  River  Ness,  running  between  the  lands  of  Borlum  and  Dochgarroch,  and  they 
accordingly  employed  a  great  number  of  people,  and  formed  a  channel  principally 
through  the  lands  of  Borlum,  under  fir  and  forest  trees  of  very  great  growth,  and 
about  the  end  of  November  or  beginning  of  December  finished  the  acqueduct,  and 
closed  up  the  old  channel  of  the  river,  and  introduced  the  water  into  this  new  channel. 


That  the  trees  which  were  cut  on  the  said  lands  of  Borlum,  were  partly  employed  in 
bounding  the  banks  of  the  aforesaid  acqueduct,  and  closing  up  the  old  channel  of  the 
River  Ness,  and  the  trunks  of  these  trees  were  left  in  the  channel  of  the  said  acqueduct 
to  be  disposed  of  as  the  elements  would  direct. 

"That  on  the  eleventh  day  of  December  last,  or  some  day  in  that  month,  a  con- 
siderable flood  came  into  the  River  Ness,  the  consequence  of  which  was  that  owing  to 
the  insufficiency  of  the  aforesaid  embankments  of  the  river  in  the  aforesaid  situation, 
the  same  gave  way,  and  the  water  carried  down  not  only  all  the  wood  used  in  the 
embankment,  but  also  the  trunks  of  the  aforesaid  trees,  wantonly  and  improperly  left 
in  the  aforesaid  acqueduct  or  channel,  and  carried  along  with  it  the  gangways  used 
in  the  operation,  and  which  was  also  improperly  left  after  the  operation  in  which  they 
were  used,  had  been  finished.  That  these  trunks  of  trees,  log;:,  and  spars  of  v\ood, 
with  the  stones  and  shingle  in  the  embankment,  and  the  said  gangways  having,  by 
the  violence  of  the  water  been  carried  down  to  the  lands  of  the  Bught,  they  received 
a  re-inforcement  by  breaking  the  works  at  the  mills  of  the  Bught,  all  which  were 
thrown  on  the  cruives,  dykes,  and  carries  in  the  aforesaid  island,  whereby  the  great 
dyke  separating  the  south  run  of  water,  running  along  the  said  island,  from  the  main 
body  of  the  river,  was  broke,  and  an  opening  of  about  ten  feet  made  opposite  to  the 
west  corner  of  the  lands  of  the  Haugh.  And  the  same  dyke  was  broken,  and  an 
opening  of  about  forty  feet  made  nearly  opposite  the  bridge  on  the  Altnaskiach  Burn, 
whereby  the  greatest  part  of  the  water  in  the  foresaid  run  came  in  torrents  in  these 
channels.  That  another  part  of  the  said  trunks  of  trees,  logs  of  wood  and  timber, 
gravel  and  stones  that  accompanied  them,  made  their  \vay  to  the  north  of  the  said 
island,  and,  near  to  the  house  therein,  broke  the  dyke  dividing  the  north  channel  oi 
the  river  from  the  main  body  of  it,  and  made  an  opening  of  about  ten  feet  in  it.  And 
in  like  manner  broke  the  said  dyke  opposite  to  the  cross  road  separating  the  Infirmary 
lands  from  those  of  Ballifeary,  and  the  consequence  of  this  uas  ihat  the  body  o!  tiie 
water  of  the  said  north  channel  rapidly  discharged  itself  in  these  places.  That  besides 
this  the  said  dykes  are  daily  giving  way  from  the  effects  of  the  said  body  of  trunks  of 
trees,  logs,  wood,  and  rubbish  coming  with  violence  upon  them. " 

IV.  The  Lower  Heritors  and  the  Dukes  of  Gordon. — The 
contentions  twixt  these  parties  lasted  over  half  a  century.  The 
fishings  belonging  to  the  Castle  of  Inverness  were  commonly 
called  the  Castle  Shot,  and  of  old  the  Fore  Shot.  Without 
going  further  back  than  the  original  Charter  of  the  Castle  Lands 
to  the  Earl  of  Huntly  in  1 509,  it  is  found  that  the  description  of 
these  fishings  is  "  cnmpiscariis  sub  Castello  de  Inverness  dictis  terns 
spectan."  The  ordinary  and  plain  significance  of  the  word  "  sub  " 
is  "under,"  and  as  the  bounds  of  the  Castle  were  well  defined, 
being  surrounded  with  a  wall,  it  might  have  been  thought  the 
limits  of  the  fishing,  viz.,  ex  adverso  of  the  river  wall,  could  not  be 
seriously  questioned.  But  this  was  not  to  be.  In  1/24,  Alex- 
ander, second  Duke  of  Gordon,  setting  forth  that  he  stood 
heritably  infeft,  and  seized  in  "All  and  Haill  the  Castle  Lands  of 
Inverness,  with  the  fishing  under  the  Castle  Wall  of  Inverness, 


lying  within  the  Sheriffdom  of  Inverness,"  raised  process  of 
declarator  against  the  Heritors  of  fishings,  to  have  it  found  and 
declared  that  he  had  the  only  good  and  undoubted  right  to  the 
said  fishing  under  the  Castle  Wall  of  Inverness,  and  that  the 
same  extends  on  the  water  of  Ness  the  full  length  of  the  banks 
thereof,  as  the  same  is  meithed  and  marched  by  the  pursuer's 
lands  above  mentioned,  and  possessed  by  him  and  his  prede- 
cessors past  all  memory  of  man,  and  that  the  Heritors  on  the 
Ness  and  their  predecessors  have  done  wrong  in  their  violent 
molesting  and  impeding  the  pursuer  and  his  tenants  from  the 
said  fishing  under  the  Castle  Wall  of  Inverness  in  1714  and  1715. 
A  lengthened  proof  took  place,  in  which  the  Heritors  contended 
at  first  that  the  Castle  Shot  was  included  in  the  Charter  of  1591, 
at  least  that  possession  had  followed  ;  but  by  the  evidence  it 
appearing,  that  the  Heritors  had  no  exclusive  possession,  and  in 
particular,  that  in  1688,  when  the  deceased  William  Mack- 
intosh of  Borlum  was  Bailie  to  the  Duke  of  Gordon,  and 
living  in  the  Castle  of  Inverness,  he,  Borlum,  had  fished  that  part 
of  the  river  under  the  Castle  Wall  of  Inverness,  and  that  "  the  entry 
to  the  said  fishing  was  from  the  south  end  of  the  Castle  Wall,  to  the 
end  of  Bailie  Fowler's  house,  now  possessed  by  Jonathan  Thomson, 
near  the  Bridge,"  the  Heritors  did  not  contest  the  matter  further, 
though  they  thought  some  of  the  expressions  used  in  reference 
to  the  extent  of  the  Duke's  rights,  were  too  vague.  The  Duke 
of  Gordon  got  decree  with  .£5  of  expenses,  and  the  Heritors 
having  thereafter  agreed  to  lease  the  Castle  Shot  for  one  year, 
matters  stood  over  for  about  forty  years.  In  1766  the  war  broke 
out  with  great  violence  in  the  time  of  Alexander,  4th  Duke. 
First  an  attempt  was  made,  and  processes  intent  to  show  that 
the  one  year's  Jack  had  been  continued  tacitly,  with  the  view  of 
saddling  the  Heritors  with  the  arrears  of  the  Castle  Shot  rent  for 
forty  years.  This  was  resisted  at  once  successfully  by  such 
of  the  Heritors  of  1766  as  were  singular  successors,  and  finally 
with  equal  success  by  the  heirs  of  the  Heritors  of  1724.  Next  a 
process  was  raised  in  which  the  Duke,  altering  the  words  in  his 
charter  from  "  under  the  wall  of  the  Castle,"  to  "  opposite  the  wall 
of  the  Castle,"  and  for  which  he  was  severely  called  to  account, 
claimed  the  West  bank  also  of  the  river,  which  would  have  had 
the  effect  of  destroying  the  Trot  Shot. 


The  fishing  heritors,  founded  on  the  ancient  charters  to  the 
Town  by  Kings  William,  Alexander  II.,  and  David,  whose  char- 
ters were  confirmed  by  James  III.  in  1464,  and  so  anxious,  it  was 

"Were  our  Sovereigns  to  preserve  the  privileges  of  the  burgh,  particularly  the 
fishings,  that  in  March  1474  King  James  granted  a  deed,  whereby  he  appointed  a 
particular  miln  upon  the  river  to  be  demolished,  as  destructive  to  the  Burgh's  fishing 
on  that  river,  and  in  place  of  that  miln  made  a  grant  of  his  own  milns." 

They  go  on  to  say  that, 

"  The  Castle  Shot  appears  to  have  been  originally  an  encroachment  upon  the 
Town's  right,  but  to  which  it  is  probable  the  townspeople  at  first  submitted  ex  gratia 
for  the  accommodation  and  pleasure  of  the  Constable  or  heritable  Governor  of  the 
Castle  and  his  family  while  residing  there,  and  which  indulgence  has  given  occasion 
to  the  family  of  Gordon,  who  held  the  office  of  Hereditary  Keeper  of  the  Castle,  as 
well  as  heritable  Sheriff  of  the  County  of  Inverness,  to  get  a  grant  of  this  fishings  of 
the  Castle  Shot,  inserted  in  their  charters,  posterior  to  many  of  the  ancient  grants  of 
the  fishings  in  general  made  to  the  Town  of  Inverness." 

The  following  reference  to  the  fabrics  of  the  Castle  is  worthy 
ot  preservation  : — 

"About  the  year  1724,  it  is  stated,  or  soon  thereafter,  the  Government  thought 
fit  to  build  a  fort  where  the  old  Castle  stood,  which  occasioned  much  stones  and 
rubbish  to  be  thrown  down  into  the  river  under  the  Castle  wall,  and  the  rebells  in  the 
1745,  having  taken  and  blown  up  that  fort,  still  more  rubbish  was  thereby  thrown 
into  the  river." 

The  view  of  Inverness  in  Sclezer's  work,  was  probably 
copied  from  some  work  published  abroad,  and  as  it  shows 
Cromwell's  fort  entire,  must  have  been  taken  twixt  the 
years  1651  and  1661.  The  Castle  there  shown  is  a  tall, 
handsome  structure.  In  Sandby's  publication  about  1744, 
a  copy  of  which  is  in  possession  of  Mr  No^e,  Inverness,  tne 
elevation  is  quite  different,  and  no  doubt  depicts  the  Castle 
erected  in  1724,  destroyed  1745-6.  At  the  small  cost  of  two 
shillings  and  fourpence,  we  lately  became  possessed  of  a  view  of 
Inverness  in  1747,  wherein  the  Castle  is  shown  unroofed  and  dis- 
mantled, but  a  great  portion  remains,  and  is  much  more  like  the 
earlier  structure  shown  by  Sclezer  than  the  later  by  Sandby. 

In  this  contest,  the  Duke  was  most  properly  unsuccessful. 
Again,  the  Duke  attempted  to  extend  his  fishing  rights  ex  adverse 
of  the  Haugh  lands,  and  would  thus  have  the  river  from  the 
Stone  Bridge  to  the  extremity  of  Wester  Haugh,  at  the  spot 
where  once  stood  the  little  public-house  near  the  Islands.  In 


this  severely  fought  action,  the  Duke  was  again  unsuccessful  in 
every  point.  The  extent  of  the  Castle  bounds  was  well  known, 
being  4  acres,  2  roods,  30  falls  Scots  -measure,  its  South-West 
boundary  being  a  line  drawn  from  the  present  principal  entry  at 
the  head  .of  Ca;tle  Street  to  the  river.  Immediately  adjoin- 
ing, and  now  forming  part  of  the  Castle  enclosures  was  the 
Balloch  Hill,  belonging  to  the  Town,  and  having  a  certain  front- 
age to  the  river,  so  the  Duke  necessarily  failed  in  establishing  a  right 
opposite  that  part.  Old  views  of  Inverness  show  a  depression 
where  the  Castle  and  Balloch  Hills  met,  long  obliterated  ;  and  the 
cutting  out  of  View  Place,  and  artificial  sloping  south-westward, 
has  so  completely  altered  the  appearance  of  the  Balloch  Hill, 
that  it  is  not  now  a  distinctive  object.  Latterly  the  Balloch  Hill 
was  used  as  a  horse  market.  All  this  locality  has  been  much 
altered.  Anciently,  Domesdale  Street,  afterwards  called  Castle 
Street,  did  not  terminate  as  at  present,  one  branch  leading 
to  Culduthel,  etc.,  the  other  to  the  Haugh  by  View  Place. 
Neither  did  the  old  Edinburgh  Road  turn  off  abruptly  as  at  pre- 
sent from  the  Culduthel  Road.  Two  at  least  of  the  houses  at 
the  top  of  Castle  Street  on  the  east  side  stand  on  Castle  precincts, 
and  the  old  Edinburgh  Road  struck  off  from  Castle  Street 
behind  those  houses,  joining  the  present  road  near  Clay  Potts. 
Adjacent  to  the  Balloch  Hill  came  the  two  Haughs — 
Easter  and  Wester — these  being  divided  by  the  burn  of  Altna- 
skiali.  The  Duke  founded  on  Charters  of  1662  and  1684, 
wherein,  in  the  list  of  Castle  lands,  occurs  the  word  "  Haugh," 
and  that  they  were  really,  though  not  nominally,  included 
in  the  Charter  of  1309  ;  but  the  fishing  Heritors,  though  several 
decrcets  \\cre  pronounced  against  them,  fought  with  do  termina- 
tion, and  proved  beyond  doubt  ultimately  that  the  lands  of  Haugh 
were  not  expressly  or  by  implication  included  in  the  original 
Charter  to  the  Earl  of  Huntly  in  1 509,  though  they  surreptitiously- 
found  a  place  among  the  Castle  lands  in  the  Charters  of  1662 
and  1684,  and  de  facto  did  not  belong  to  the  Gordons  until  long 
after  the  date  of  the  Town's  Golden  Charter  of  1591. 

The  fir>-t  noted  mention  regarding  Haugh,  which  appears  to 
have  been  a  six  merk  land,  and  to  have  been  possessed  along  with 
Knockintinnel  and  Culcabock,  occurs  in  an  instrument  of  sasine 
in  favour  of  Alexander  Hay  of  Mains,  dated  ;th  November  1498. 


In  1532,  William  Hay  of  Mains  sold  the  lands  of  Haugh  to  John 
Grant  of  Culcabock  and  of  Glenmoriston.  Grant's  descendant 
sold  Haugh  to  the  Earl  of  Huntly  in  exchange  for  the  undoubted 
Castle  lands  of  Meikle  and  Little  Hilton.  Grant's  charter  to 
these  excambed  lands  is  dated  I2th  May  1623,  and  some  time 
thereafter  they  were,  inter  alia,  acquired  by  the  Robertsons  of 
Inshes.  The  Duke  of  Gordon  had,  as  these  facts  were  clearly 
proven,  to  submit ;  further  discredit  being  thrown  on  his  Charters 
of  1662  and  1684,  in  respect  they  still  comprehended  Hilton, 
though  Inshes  had  been  some  time  in  possession,  and  his  charters 
confirmed  by  the  Crown. 

In  1796,  the  Duke  of  Gordon  sold  to  David  Davidson,  first 
of  Cantray,  for  £10,500,  with  the  exception  of  the  Castle  Hill, 
the  last  shreds  remaining  of  the  great  Castle  lands,  originally  a 
magnificent  estate  within  the  parishes  of  Dalarossie,  Dunlichity, 
Dores,  Bona,  and  Inverness,  then  belonging  to  him,  viz.,  Porter- 
field,  parts  of  Altnaskiah,  Haughs,  the  Castle  Shot  Fishings,  all  in 
the  parish  of  Inverness  ;  Bunachton,  in  Dores  ;  and  Drumboy,  in 
Dunlichity  ;  the  present  annual  pecuniary  value  of  the  property 
belonging  to  the  Gordons  in  this  quarter  having  dwindled  to  one 
penny  Scots  for  the  blench  superiority  of  the  Castle  Hill. 


DEPARTURE  OF  AN  EMIGRANT  SHIP.— The  following  is  a  graphic 
description  of  a  scene  at  the  Pier  of  Hehnsdale  in  the  beginning  of  January  1841,  on 
the  departure  of  an  emigrant  ship  : — 

"  As  the  morning  waned,  every  moment  added  to  tlie  throng  t,  at  crowded  the  pier; 
party  after  party  arrived  with  their  rriei.ds,  and  the  whole  of  the  inhabitant-*  nf  H>  Ims- 
dula  seemed  to  have  assembled  to  witness  the  <!eparture.  It  was  a  bustling,  >  et 
melancholy,  sight.  The  emigrants  were  taking  leave  ->f  friends  they  could  never 
expect  to  meet  again — of  a  country  they  could  never  expect  to  wee.  The  n-iv-us 
agitated  looks  of  the  men,  the  short,,  broken  st«i,>,  the  conferences  r.  s  les  ly 
broken,  and  as  restlessly  renewed,  ail  told  of  the  deup  agonising  feelings  they  were  in 
vain  striving  10  overcome.  The  grief  of  the  women  was  loud  ami  open  ;  clinging  to  the 
relatives  tliey  parted  from,  they  poured  forth,  in  almost  unmul  igible  ejaculations,  their 
ayrony  at  leaving  the  ^len.s  where  thf-y  were  bom,  and  where  they  hoped  to  die, 
mingl  ng  in  the  swme  iaeat.h  their  blessings  and  their  prayers  for  tho.-e  fthoui,  although 
they  could  never  more  See,  they  could  never  forgot  ;  wi.ila  tue  children,  btup.fied 
and  bewildered  at  the  scene  around  them,  clung  t<)  their  mothers,  ami  wept  wuh 
them.  But  the  tide  served,  and  the  boatmen  were  impatient.  Au  tff  rt  was  made  t<» 
thr,>w  some  appearance  of  heartiness  and  good  spirits  into  the  last  moments  m..ny  w<  re 
to  spend  on  Scottish  ground.  Hands  weie  wrung,  and  wr"i,g  a-ain  ;  bumper*  of  whi-ky 
tossed  wildly  off  ami  at,  ehei  rs  and  shouts  ;  the  women  were  forced  almost  faming  into 
the  boats,  and  the  crowd  up<>n  the  shore  burst  inl.o  a  lone,  l»ud  cheer,  in  which  cv>  n  t,  e 
phlegmatic  Dutchmen  joined  ;  and  they  were  under  war,  while  the  poor  fors..ken  dogs 
stretched  their  lioad«  after  their  masters  and  howled  Again  and  again  was 
that  cheer  raised,  and  rei-ponded  to  from  the  boaf,  while  bonnets  were  thrown  tl  e 
air,  handkerchiefs  waved,  and  last  words  of  adieu  shouted  to  the  receding  shore  ;  while, 
high  above  all,  the  wild  notes  of  the  pipe  were  heard  pouring  forth  that  by  far  the  finest  of 
pibroch  tunes,  '  Cha,  tile  sinn  tuillie'  (we  return  no  more)," — lucernes*  Courier, 




IT  is  due  to  the  readers  of  this  patriotic  magazine  to  explain  that 
a  short  absence  from  home  prevents  me  from  sending  a  conse- 
cutive chapter  for  the  present  number.  In  addition  to  this,  the 
subject  matter  of  it — the  component  parts  of  profit,  and  the  cause 
and  laws  of  interest — requires  careful  examination  and  extensive 
reference,  as  the  subjects  themselves,  and  those  connected  with 
them,  have  not  only  been  a  great  difficulty  to  all  authorities  on 
political  economy,  but  are  still  unexplained,  owing,  I  think,  to 
not  being  referred  to  fundamental  natural  law. 

After  the  elucidation  of  the  fundamental  laws  which  consti- 
tute political  economy  a  science — and  the  most  important  of  all 
sciences — practical  politics  will  naturally  follow  in  a  subsequent 
part  of  these  papers  ;  but  in  the  meantime,  and  as  the  subject  is 
an  urgent  one  in  connection  with  the  Highlands,  I  would  repro- 
duce in  these  pages  the  following  letter  which  I  addressed  to  the 
Editor  of  the  Glasgow  Herald.  The  question  of  paying  off  the 
National  Debt,  and  replacing  it  by  a  National  Land  Fund 
has  been  for  some  time  the  subject  of  my  thoughts,  and  I  am 
convinced  that,  socially  and  financially,  its  importance  cannot  be 
over-estimated  : — 


SIR,  —  Kindly  permit  me  to  make  a  few  remarks  which  have  been  sv^ested  by 
the  leading  article  in  your  issue  of  the  and  August  relative  to  the  case  of  the  Highland 
crofters.  Being  entirely  of  your  opinion  as  to  the  worthlessness  of  the  theories  of 
political  economists,  1  prefer  to  look  at  the  case  of  the  Highlands  as  a  matter  of 
practical  business  a  light,  indeed,  in  which  the  judgment  of  your  Glasgow  readers  is 
of  the  shrewdest  and  best. 

The  most  striking  and  instructive  fact  that  has  come  to  light  in  the  evidence  taken 
by  the  Royal  Commission  is  the  contrast  between  the  condition  of  the  freeholders 
of  Orkney  and  that  of  crofters  and  tenant-farmers.  There,  in  the  very  north  of  Scot- 
land, exists  the  same  state  of  comfort  and  contentment  as  obtains  in  these  beautiful 
Channel  Islands,  our  most  southerly  group.  The  opening  of  the  Fisheries  Exhibition 
—  mainly  through  the  excellent  influence  of  our  Royal  Princes— may  be  regarded  as  a 
most  useful  and  significant  event  at  the  present  time,  by  which  the  attention  of  the 
country  is  directed  to  the  importance  of  this  national  industry,  and  I  observe  that  one 


of  the  main  complaints  of  the  crofters  is  the  want  of  harbours.  Now,  in  this  little 
island  of  Guernsey  we  have  a  population  of  freeholders  and  traders  numbering  nearly 
35.000,  or  over  1200  to  the  square  mile,  and,  instead  of  being  ''congested,"  labour  i^ 
both  dear  and  scarce.  Sutherlandshire  has  a  "  congested  "  population  of  just  12  to 
the  same  area,  and  no  harbours.  Here  we  have  the  best  harbour  of  refuge  in  the 
English  Channel,  built  at  a  cost  of  over  ,£300,000  by  the  inhabitants.  The  amount 
required  was  over-subscribed  for,  and  with  the  balance  they  built  a  beautiful  market 
at  a  cost  of  ^"30,000.  It  is  estimated  that  the  average  wealth  per  head  of  the  popula- 
tion is  double  that  of  the  United  Kingdom. 

The  part  of  your  temperate  article  to  which  I  desire  to  direct  particular  attention 
is  the  felt  difficulty  as  to  the  "  remedy. "  Allow  me  to  quote  your  remarks  on  this' 
important  subject,  not  for  the  purpose  of  animadversion,  but  with  a  view,  if  possible, 
~to  throw  a  gleam  of  light  upon  a  very  difficult  problem.  You  say  : — "  Mr  Ferguson 
points  for  a  solution  to  the  few  yeomen  in  Orkney  who  own  their  holdings,  and  have 
no  cares  and  no  grievances.  A  very  pleasant  idyllic  picture  was  certainly  presented 
to  the  Commissioners,  which  shows  us  what  thrift,  and  industry,  and  long  possession 
of  small  farms  with  prudence  can  do.  But  the  State  did  not  buy  their  farms  for  these 
happy  Orcadians,  and  did  not  supply  the  stock  for  them.  How  are  we  to  provide  the 
crofters  of  Lewis  and  Skye  with  equally  free  lands,  well  stocked,  and  with  the  same 
thrift  and  prudence?  It  is  all  very  well  to  say  here  is  the  solution,  but  how  is  it  to  be 
applied  ?  Is  the  State  to  buy  out  the  landlords,  and  give  sufficient  farms  to  the 
crofters,  stock  the  farms  for  them,  and  set  them  agoing  rejoicing  as  small  and  inde- 
pendent lairds?  The  working  men  of  the  country  in  that  case  will  have  to  pay  for 
making  the  crofters  happy  and  prosperous,  and  probably  working  men  will  ask  whal 
have  the  crofters  done  that  we  should  so  handsomely  provide  for  them.  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  crofters  are  to  pay  back  the  money  advanced  by  the  State,  the  State  ' 
will  become  the  landlord  and  the  receiver  of  the  rents.  What  advantage  will  that 
be  ?"  Pardon  me  for  saying  so,  but  if  you  had  more  faith  in  the  Highlanders  you 
would  not  think  so  much  of  the  "hill  Difficulty." 

I  am  very  much  mistaken  if  the  consent  of  the  British  workman,  to  whom  you 
point,  and  very  justly  so,  as  the  most  interested  outside  party,  is  not  the  easiest  part 
of  the  business.  I  should  like  to  feel  equally  certain  about  the  consent  of  the  House 
of  Lords  The  "  farmers'  friends,"  who  now  find  that  the  current  of  public  opinion 
and  feeling  is  running  strongly  against  them,  and  seeing  that  no  permanent  relief  can 
be  extended  to  agricultural  industry  without  some  extensive  scheme  of  finance,  are 
taking  the  British  workman  into  their  confidence,  and  are  acting  upon  his  fears  by 
shedding  crocodile  tears  over  him.  We  do  not  hear  very  much  about  him  from  that 
quarter  when  Afghan,  African,  and  Egyptian  wars  are  to  be  waged.  The  twenty 
millions  that  were  spent  on  the  Afghan  wars  is  more  than  what  may  be  required  to 
expropriate  Highland  proprietors  en  bloc  for  constituting  the  remnanf  of  the  gallant 
Gaelic  race  into  freeholders.  We  must  therefore  ask  the  British  workman  if  he  is 
equally  willing  to  advance  twenty  millions,  not  as  a  gratuity,  but  at  3  per  cent.,  on 
the  security  of  the  Highlands.  Hard-pressed  as  the  poor  fellows  have  been,  the 
crofters  are  not  much  in  arrears  for  rack  rents,  and,  perhaps,  less  so  than  large  far- 
mers, whilst  many  of  them,  I  am  glad  to  know,  have  money  on  deposit  in  the  banks, 
which,  as  well  as  their  labour,  they  are  not  free  to  deposit  in  a  much  safer  bank — the 
soil  of  their  country  for  fear  of  confiscation. 

The  economic  law  to  which  you  refer  in  another  part  of  the  article,  as  having 
brought  about  the  present  crisis,  does  not  appear  to  have  affected  freeholders.  Does 


this  not  prove  that  it  is  not  an  economic  but  a  very  wasteful  law?  The  answer  comes 
readily  enough  to  everybody's  lips,  "  It  is  the  rights  of  property."  But  in  what  do 
these  consist  ?  If  landlords  are  supposed  to  be  carrying  on  a  business,  the  only  com- 
mercial definition  I  can  give  of  them  is  that  they  are  land  usurers— a  thing  that  has 
been  hateful  to  God  and  man  since  the  world  began.  By  the  operation  of  this  econo- 
mic law  sheep-farming  paid  the  landlord  better  than  a  peasantry,  and  now  deer  forests 
pay  better  than  farming.  Therefore  it  will  pay  the  proprietors  of  Lewis  (to  which 
island,  by  the  way,  Mr  Gladstone  was  so  thankful  for  defending  him  from  the  waves 
of  the  Atlantic  -a  piece  of  good  luck  which  was  hardly  vouchsafed  to  the  Royal  Com- 
missioners) to  convert  it  entirely  into  a  deer  forest  and  grouse  moors,  and  get  the  po- 
pulation to  emigrate.  I'ut  then  its  trade  with  Glasgow  would  cease,  and  Stornoway 
would  dwindle  down  to  the  size  of  Ullapool.  Under  these  circumstances  to  expect 
that  landlords  will  meet  the  demand  of  the  crofters  by  enlarging  their  holdings  is 
hopeless,  and  it  is  equally  hopeless  to  expect  that  any  measure  on  the  lines  of  the  Irish 
Land  Act  will  meet  the  case. 

Of  course,  it  would  he  foolish  to  expect  that  the  crofters  could  at  once  by  a 
coup  d etat  be  placed  in  equally  comfortable  a  position  with  the  freeholders  of  Orkney 
and  the  Channel  Islands,  or  that  they  could  get  land  without  paying  for  it.  You  are 
supposing  a  case  which  they  themselves  do  not  suppose  or  anticipate.  There  are 
crofter-fishermen  in  the  Island  of  Lewis  who  are  able  to  pay  down  for  as  much  land  as 
they  care  to  occupy.  The  price  at  which  that  estate  was  bought  was  under  ten 
shillings  an  acre.  Supposing  it  to  have  doubled  in  value,  a  crofter  could  have  ten 
acres  of  moor  land  for  ten  pounds,  which,  by  the  labour  of  himself  and  family,  he 
would  in  the  course  of  time  raise  to  the  value  of  twenty  pounds  per  -icre.  It  will  not 
pay  the  capitalist  to  do  it,  but  it  will  pay  the  poor  man  handsomely  if  he  can  call  it 
his  own  for  ever,  but  not  otherwise.  The  reason  is  apparent.  The  capitalist  has  to 
pay  for  adult  labour,  whereas  the  labour  of  the  crofter's  wife  and  children  is  as  effective 
as  his  own  in  removing  peat  banks  and  clearing  the  ground  of  stones  They  will  be 
able  to  stock  and  improve  their  own  farms  if  they  get  what  they  want — more  ground 
and  elbow-room  -and  in  course  of  time  there  is  no  reason  why  they  should  not  be  as 
comfortable  as  the  freeholders  of  Orkney. 

But  in  order  to  accomplish  so  desirable  an  object,  they  must  be  made  freeho'ders 
ut  a  quit-rent,  after  the  manner  of  the  Prussian  legislation  ;  and,  to  go  on  the  lines  of 
the  British  Constitution,  it  is  only  necessary  to  put  the  ancient  prerogative  of  the 
Crown  in  motion  by  resuming  the  Highlands  as  a  State  domain  for  the  purpose  of  re 
colonisation  in  freehold,  after  the  example  of  Frederic  the  Great,  father  of  his  coun- 
try. Why  should  not  we  have  a  Victoria  the  Great,  the  mother  of  her  country?  In- 
deed, it  would  be  but  a  well-deserved  tribute  of  respect  to  her  personal  worth  to  se- 
cond her  well-known  affection  for  the  Highlands  and  to  confer  freedom  upon  that  por- 
tion of  her  people.  Let  Caledonia  be  free  !  Freedom  and  security  in  perpetuity  will 
act  like  magic,  as  it  has  done  elsewhere,  in  calling  forth  industry  and  producing  thrift. 
In  a  condition  of  freedom  the  bones  and  sinews  of  Highlanders  \vill  exert  themselves 
as  well  in  peace  as  in  war,  and  no  better  security,  in  both  fields,  can  the  British  work- 
man find  anywhere,  whilst  the  certain  future  "'unearned  increment"  will  go  to  reduce 
his  taxes  Nor  is  it  the  crofters  alone  who  stand  in  need  of  this  blessing.  The  large 
farmers  have  had  as  little  security  for  their  capital  in  improvements  as  the  crofters 
have  h:id  in  respect  of  their  labour,  and  the  houses  of  the  former  are  perhaps  as  much 
in  want  of  repairs  as  those  of  the  latter. 

What  I  should  propose  to  the  British  workman  is  to  make  it  a  test  question  at 


the  next  election  that  a  bill  for  the  resumption  of  the  Highlands  in  the  name  of  the 
Crown  he  brought  into  Parliament,  under  which  the  Government  should  expropriate 
all  landlords  except  those  who  farm,  or  are  willing  to  farm,  their  estates  by  means  of 
paid  labour,  leaving  their  manorial  residences,  home  farms,  and  policies  to  large 
owners.  That  a  loan  bearing  3  per  cent,  interest  be  issued  to  the  public  as  the  open- 
ing of  a  gen.ral  national  land  fund  capable  of  any  expansion  that  may  from  time  to 
time  be  found  necessary  for  enabling  farmers  to  become  freeholders  of  their  holdings. 
If  the  Highland  landlords  should  stand  too  much  on  the  validity  of  their  original  titles, 
on  examination  it  may  be  found  that  most,  if  not  all  of  them,  are  very  largely  tainted 
with  fraud,  force,  and  high  treason. — I  am,  &c. 


THE  NAME  RIACH  OR  REOCH.— In  the  Celtic  Magazine,  Oct.  1883,  is 
a  query  about  this  name.  The  Gaelic  Riabhach  means  greyish.  It  was  applied  to 
some  one,  say  Donald  Macgregor,  when  he  arrived  at  the  age  of  forty  or  fifty,  to  dis- 
tinguish him  from  some  younger  person  bearing  the  same  Christian  name,  and  also  a 
Macgregor.  In  English  the  name  is  spelled  Riach,  Reoch,  Reik,  Reikie  :  near  Dun- 
keld  a  resident  there  is  satisfied  with  spelling  it  Rake.  Rough  (Perthshire)  is  perhaps 
the  same.  The  clever  and  popular  writer,  Angus  B  Reach,  was  a  Riach.  Perhaps 
some  of  those  called  Rich  belong  to  this  name  What  is  the  best  way  to  spell  the 
name  in  English  ?  As  Riach  is  nearer  Riabhach,  it  is  bttter  than  Reoch.  When  our 
Scotch  names  go  south  across  the  Border,  they  suffer  many  things  :  the  natives  there, 
with  a  real  or  a  pretended  inability  to  sound  ch  guttural,  make  it  either  a  k  or  ch  soft ; 
sometimes  they  drop  it  altogether.  Thus  Tulloch  is  altered  to  Tullock  and  to  Tulloh. 
Kinloch  is  made  Kinlock.  Strachan  is  made  Straghan  and  Strahan.  Murdoch  is 
turned  into  Murdock  and  Murdo.  Rolloch  was  made  Rollock  and  Rollo.  Malloch 
appears  as  Mallock.  Are  the  Riachs  a  clan  ?  This  question  is  asked  by  your  corre- 
spondent. The  descriptive  word  Riabhach  was  used  in  the  same  way  as  Dubh,  dark  ; 
Donn,  brown-haired  ;  Ban,  light-haired  ;  Buidhe,  light-haired  ;  Gorm,  having  blue 
eyes  ;  Mor,  More,  big,  tall ;  Beag,  Begg,  short  ;  Kitto,  Ciotach,  left-handed  ;  Cam, 
deformed  ;  Borrie,  Bodhar,  deaf  ;  Glas,  grey,  pale ;  Og,  young.  Several  others 
might  be  added.  When  a  person  lived  in  a  district  where  all  were  Macgregors,  and 
many  of  them  named  Donald,  people  got  tired  of  giving  a  person  any  more  names 
than  his  Christian  name  and  his  name  of  description.  If  he  emigrated  lie  might  go 
on  with  the  name  of  Donald  Riach,  leaving  out  his  family-name  or  clan-name  of  Mac- 
gregor. It  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  Riach  is  a  clan  name.  In  theory  all 
Macgregors  are  related  to  each  other.  Calling  the  number  of  clans  twenty,  you  may 
have  twenty  groups  of  Riachs  who  are  riot  related  to  each  other.  I  apologise  for 
making  this  note  so  long,  and  for  telling  many  readers  what  they  knew  before.  Frag- 
ments about  Scotch  national  matters  and  family-names  are  read  with  interest  by  Scoto- 
Australians,  and  in  many  a  Canadian  log-house  the  exile  from  Lochaber  has  his 
youth  renewed  by  the  matter  in  the  Celtic  Magazine.  I  know  that  many  are  very 
sensitive  about  remarks  made  on  the  spelling  of  their  names.  I  cheerfully  take  the 
risk.  I  have  never  observed  the  name  connected  with  Ireland.  "Riabhach"  might  try 
to  discover  in  what  localities  in  Scotland  the  name  is  found,  and  put  the  same  on  re- 
cord My  own  district  is  the  triangle  formed  by  Dunkeld,  the  parish  of  Caputh,  and 
the  town  of  Perth.  There  are  some  instances  in  Perth  and  at  Birnam,  but  the  name 
is  rather  rare. 

Devonport,  Devon.  THOMAS  STRATTON,  M.D. 




SHORTLY  before  reaching  Chicago — which  we  did  between  eight 
and  nine  in  the  evening — a  gentleman  decorated  with  a  stout 
leather  strap,  on  which  some  fifty  or  seventy  brass  checks  were 
strung,  asked  each  passenger  to  what  Hotel  he  proposed  going, 
and  on  being  told,  handed  him  one  of  the  checks  and  demanded 
fifty  cents  in  return.  He  was  the  agent  of  an  Omnibus  Company 
in  Chicago  which  carries  passengers  and  their  baggage  to  any  of 
the  Hotels  in  the  city,  however  near  or  distant,  for  a  uniform 
charge  of  half-a-dollar.  As  things  go  in  Chicago,  the  charge  is 
not  unreasonable,  and  the  arrangement  is  convenient,  especially 
for  strangers.  On  the  advice  of  my  friend,  the  Inspector,  I  chose 
the  Grand  Pacific  Hotel,  and  when  we  got  into  Chicago  I  handed 
my  baggage  check  to  one  of  the  Hotel  Porters,  and  thus  relieved 
by  the  admirable  system  of  American'  railways  in  dealing  with 
baggage,  of  all  impedimenta,  I  soon  found  myself  in  my  room  in 
the  Grand  Pacific — a  large  and  finely  appointed  house  in  the 
centre  of  the  business  portion  of  the  city.  On  the  table  lay  a 
history  of  the  great  Chicago  fire  and  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  city, 
and  near  the  window  hung  a  patent  fire  escape,  consisting  ap- 
parently of  a  block  and  tackle  enclosed  in  a-  linen  or  canvas  bag, 
on  the  outside  of  which  directions  for  its  use  were  printed.  I 
afterwards  ascertained  that  every  bedroom  in  the  house  was 
similarly  furnished. 

Chicago,  the  busy,  aggressive,  prosperous  Chicago,  is  not  to 
be  seen  by  night.  A  walk  through  the  city  after  ten  o'clock  dis- 
closed this  much.  The  men  who  have  made  Chicago  are  not 
then  about.  Public  Drinking-bars,  Singing  and  Dancing  Saloons 
there  are,  however,  in  plenty,  and  well  patronised,  too,  by  all  ap- 
pearance. Poverty  and  wretchedness  manifest  their  presence  as 
elsewhere.  A  two  hours'  walk  through  the  streets  disclosed  the 
fact  that  unless  a  stranger  chooses  to  go  deeper  into  Chicago  night- 
life than  is  safe,  he  will  learn  little  of  the  city  by  wandering  about 


after  dark.  As  I  came  to  this  conclusion,  the  row  of  Electric  lamps 
in  front  of  the  Grand  Pacific  showed  me  where  my  temporary  home 
was,  and  I  made  for  it.  An  hour  spent  in  the  large  entrance 
hall  of  the  Hotel,  studying  American  Hotel  life,  and  moving  about 
among  the  two  hundred  or  so  guests,  who  are  scattered  about  in  all 
sorts  of  attitudes  smoking  and  talking,  is  much  more  pleasant, 
and  probably  more  profitable,  than  an  hour  abroad  in  the  streets 
at  night.  Right  in  front  is  the  Hotel  office,  where  the  clerks 
stand  behind  the  counter  on  which  lies  the  Hotel  Register.  To 
the  left  is  the  Tobacconist's  counter,  where  a  brisk  business  is 
being  done  ;  and  further  on  the  Barber's  shop,  in  front  of  which 
is  a  Hosier's  shop,  also  entered  from  the  Hotel.  To  the  right  of 
the  entrance,  and  inside  the  Hotel,  is  a  small  office  where  carriages 
can  be  hired,  and  round  a  corner,  and  further  in  on  the  same  side, 
is  a  shop  where  all  the  newspapers  and  magazines  of  the  day  can 
be  purchased.  Liquors  can  probably  be  had,  but  the  Bar  is  not 
in  sight.  None  of  the  smokers  are  drinking — drinking  is  not  a 
feature  of  American  Hotel  life.  In  the  Hall  there  is  a  fountain 
where  iced  water  can  be  had  by  turning  on  a  tap.  This,  is  occa- 
sionally resorted  to  by  the  thirsty,  but  apparently  nothing  else  is 
drunk.  At  the  Bar  counter,  had  I  seen  it,  I  should  probably  have 
seen,  as  I  did  elsewhere,  a  few  thirsty  souls,  but  they  are  the 
minority.  The  American  makes  his  Hotel  his  home  for  the  time, 
and  he  does  not  think  it  his  duty  to  drink  there  oftener  than  he 
would  at  home.  The  absurd  idea,  so  common  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic,  that  he  is  bound  to  drink  for  "  the  good  of  the  house," 
does  not  seem  to  occur  either  to  him  or  his  host.  I  do  not  say 
that  Americans  drink  less  than  we  do,  probably  they  do  not,  for 
their  public  drinking  bars  are  numerous,  and  apparently  well 
patronised,  but  in  their  principal  hotels  the  sale  of  drink  is  in 
practice  kept  apart  from  the  ordinary  business  of  the  house,  and 
the  guest  who  wishes  to  have  a  drink  is  expected  to  go  to  the  Bar 
for  it. 

Before  going  to  my  bedroom  I  visited  the  Reading-room — a 
large  hall  on  the  first  floor  over  the  entrance  Hall — and  looked 
through  that  day's  Chicago  newspapers.  American  journalism 
I  was  not  unfamiliar  with,  but  the  freedom  with  which  the 
Chicago  editor  expresses  himself  is  enough  to  send  a  cold  shiver 
down  the  back  of  one  accustomed  to  the  "  pink  of  propriety" 


journalism  of  Great  Britain.  A  "  leading"  paragraph  in  the 
Chicago  Herald  of  that  day,  referring  to  a  series  of  evangelical 
services  to  be  held  in  a  few  weeks,  said  the  "  regular  army"  was 
to  be  reinforced  by  eleven  hundred  clergymen  from  other  parts — 
that  a  reconnaissance  had  been  made  of  Satan's  intrenchments, 
and  Chicago  had  been  found  the  weakest  point.  Ecclesiastical 
meetings,  of  which  a  considerable  number  were  reported  in  one 
of  the  papers,  were  dealt  with  in  a  manner  more  amusing  to  the 
general  reader  than  to  the  gentlemen  who  took  part  in  them. 
Ministers  had  just  returned  from  their  holidays,  and  if  the  re- 
ports were  to  be  judged  from,  reverend  gentlemen  had  a  woful 
tendency  to  get  up  in  the  middle  of  an  anxious  discussion  on  a 
difficult  question  of  Church  policy,  and  make  a  speech  on  the 
number  and  size  of  the  fish  they  had  caught  on  the  river  or  lake 
near  which  they  had  spent  their  holidays,  or  on  any  other  subject 
than  the  one  under  discussion. 

In  the  morning  one  of  a  series  of  tramway  rides  brought  me 
to  the  Chicago  river,  where  among  the  crowds  of  ships,  barges, 
and  boats,  a  little  squat-looking  steamer — cargo  or  tug-boat  I 
know  not  which-  presented  what  I  thought  at  the  time  a  per- 
fect type  of  the  city  to  which  she  belonged.  She  came  up  the 
river  puffing  and  snorting  and  making  a  noise  which,  even  in  the 
incessant  din  all  around,  stood  out  prominently  as  the  greatest  of 
all  ;  rushing  along  at  a  rate  which  seemed  perilous  to  herself  and 
to  the  other  craft  on  the  river,  and  yet  so  skilfully  navigated 
that  she  left  them  all  behind  without  injury  to  herself  or  them. 
Such  a  tub  of  a  thing  she  was  too,  no  fine  lines  or  attempt  at 
beauty  about  her,  simply  an  ugly  boat  with  a  good  engine  and 
boiler  inside,  and  a  man  in  charge  who  was  determined  to  go 
ahead.  After  watching  her  until  she  disappeared  round  a  curve 
in  the  river,  I  mentall>  ejaculated,  "  Well  done,  Chicago  !" 

After  a  while  I  found  myself  near  the  shore  of  Lake  Michi- 
gan, with  a  net-work  of  railway  lines  in  front,  a  canal  or  dock 
beyond,  and  some  ten  or  a  doxen  Elevators  on  the  other  side.  To 
get  to  the  Elevators  was  my  object,  and  after  dodging  two  or 
three  trains  and  a  number  of  unattached  cars,  I  managed  it.  The 
Elevator  is  a  Warehouse  furnished  with  certain  machinery.  The 
machinery  is  merely  a  feature  of  the  warehouse,  but  so  important 
a  feature  that  urain  warehouses  with  an  elevating  arrangement 


arc  known  throughout  Canada  and  the  States  as  "  Elevators." 
The  manner  in  which  grain  was  received  and  disposed  of  at  the 
Elevators,  had  been  repeatedly  described  to  me,  but  it  was  still 
somewhat  of  a  mystery,  and  I  wanted  to  see  the  system  in  opera- 
tion. I  selected  one  of  the  largest  Elevators  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, a  building  apparently  between  120  and  150  feet  in  height, 
and  on  making  my  wish  known  to  the  gentleman  in  charge,  he 
very  courteously  took  me  over  the  building.  It  was  my  good 
fortune  to  see  a  train  of  grain-laden  cars  delivering  their  contents 
at  the  Elevator,  and  a  ship  being  loaded  with  grain.  The  cars, 
"which  were  loaded  in  bulk,  were  drawn  up  in  front — a  long  shoot 
was  lowered  from  the  Elevator  into  the  first  car,  the  machinery 
inside  was  set  in  motion,  and  in  an  incredibly  short  time  the  car 
was  empty.  The  other  cars  were  treated  in  the  same  way,  and 
in  almost  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell  it  the  contents  of  that  train 
were  inside  the  Elevator.  Inside,  the  grain  is  first  received  into  a 
weighing  bin,  where  it  is  weighed  so  carefully  and  accurately  that 
the  shortage  on  a  train  load  of  grain  delivered  in  bulk  at  Chicago, 
after  a  journey  of  a  thousand  miles,  is  seldom  more  than  a  few 
pounds.  From  the  weighing  bin  the  grain  is  transferred  to  im- 
mense storage  bins,  some  of  which  are  fifty  to  sixty  feet  in  depth. 
There  the  grain,  if  in  good  condition  when  received,  will  be  kept 
for  the  first  ten  days  for  a  cent  and  a  quarter  per  bushel,  while  for 
each  additional  ten  days,  or  part  of  that  time,  the  charge  is  half-a- 
cent  per  bushel.  Thecharge  forstoring  condemned  or  unmerchant- 
able grain  is  two  cents  per  bushel  for  the  first  ten  days,  and  half-a- 
cent  for  each  five  days  or  part  thereof  afterwards.  Erom  the 
middle  of  November  to  the  middle  of  April  the  charge  is  limited 
to  four  cents  per  bushel,  if  so  much  is  incurred,  so  long  as  the 
grain  remains  in  good  condition. 

The  delivery  of  grain  from  the  Elevator  is  equallyexpeditious. 
The  ship  or  car  to  be  loaded  is  brought  to  the  Elevator,  the  shoot 
is  lowered,  the  bins  deliver  their  contents,  and  the  loading  is 
done  so  expeditiously  that  a  locomotive  bringing  up  a  train  of 
empty  cars  may  wait  while  they  are  being  filled. 

It  may  be  said  that  this  system  makes  no  provision  for 
keeping  one  man's  grain  apart  from  another  man's.  Well,  neither 
it  does,  but  that  is  of  no  consequence,  so  long  as  the  grain  in  each 
bin  is  of  one  "  grade."  All  grain  coming  into  Chicago  is,  before 


being  received  into  an  Elevator,  examined  by  a  State  Inspector 
and  graded.  The  best  quality  is  "No.  I,"  the  next,  "  No.  2;" 
and  grain  which  is  not  up  to  the  standard  of  one  of  the  numbered 
grades  (which  in  the  case  of  barley  run  as  low  as  No.  5),  is 
graded  as  "  Rejected."  The  Certificate  of  the  Inspector  is  pre- 
sented at  the  Elevator,  and  the  grain  received  and  stored  in  bins, 
containing,  or  ready  to  receive,  other  grain  of  the  same  grade. 
A  purchaser  does  not  see  the  grain  he  buys  in  bulk,  nor  does  he 
even  see  a  sample.  Does  he  want  Wheat,  he  buys  "  No.  2  Spring ;" 
Corn,  "  No.  2  Yellow,"  and  so  on  ;  in  every  case  he  knows  exactly 
what  he  has  bought,  and  has  no  occasion  to  see  it.  Upon  this 
system  of  State  Inspection  the  grain  trade  of  Chicago  depends, 
to  the  Inspectors  Chicago  has  entrusted  her  commercial  honour, 
and  her  success  proves  that  they  have  faithfully  discharged  their 

Shortly  before  noon  I  went  to  the  Board  of  Trade  building 
with  Mr  Bird,  a  member  of  the  Board,  to  whom  I  had  been  at 
my  own  request  introduced.  Mr  Bird  procured  me  admission  to 
the  portion  of  the  building  sacred  to  members  of  the  Board — a 
place  where  no  dweller  in  Chicago  other  than  members  may 
penetrate.  It  was  a  long,  well-lighted  room,  in  which  were  per- 
haps from  two  to  three  hundred  gentlemen  walking  about. 
There  were  three  parts  of  the  room  where  apparently  something 
more  lively  than  a  conversation  was  being  conducted.  I  went  to 
the  nearest  of  these,  and  found  it  something  like  a  square  plat- 
form with  the  centre  scooped  out.  Three  or  four  steps  led  up 
from  the  floor  along  the  whole  length  of  its  four  outward  sides, 
and  a  similar  number  of  steps  led  along  the  whole  length  of  each 
of  its  inward  sides,  down  to  the  floor  level,  a  small  square  piece 
of  the  floor  being  visible  in  the  centre.  On  the  top  and  inside 
steps  were  a  number  of  men  gesticulating  in  a  somewhat  lively 
manner,  and  addressing  each  other  in  tones  so  loud  and  emphatic 
that  I  at  first  thought  there  was  a  fight.  But  they  were  only  a 
few  of  the  Bulls  and  Bears  trying  to  make  or  break  the  market. 
Down  in  the  centre,  on  the  floor  level,  was  one  man  who,  with 
his  coat  over  his  left  arm  and  his  white  hat  in  his  left  hand,  was 
wielding  his  right  hand,  in  which  he  held  a  few  slips  of  paper, 
like  a  pump  handle,  and  crying  out  as  rapidly  as  he  could  utter 
the  words,  "  I  sell  September,"  "  I  sell  September,"  "  I  sell 


September  three-eighths  ;"  and  he  continued  to  yell  these  words 
until,  with  the  perspiration  running  down  his  face  and  his  voice 
gone,  he  retired  to  make  room  for  somebody  else  who  took  up 
the  same  cry.  All  this  time  some  fifty  others,  and  sometimes 
double  that  number,  were  standing  on  the  steps  and  all  round  on 
the  floor  outside  yelling,  "  I  sell  September,"  "  I  sell  October,"  "  I 
sell  year  ;"  or,  "  I  buy  September,"  "  I  buy  October,"  or,  "  I  buy 
year,"  with  some  fraction  added.  Occasionally  one  of  the  crowd 
would  retire  to  recruit,  but  his  place  was  not  left  vacant  for  a 
moment — a  fresh  comer  took  up  the  cry  and  the  fearful  din  went 
on  undiminished.  After  a  while  I  sought  out  my  friend  to  tell 
me  what  all  this  meant.  His  explanation  was  that  to  sell  or  buy 
"  September  "  or  "  October  "  was  to  sell  or  buy  grain  deliverable 
at  any  time  during  the  month  named,  the  particular  time  being 
in  the  option  of  one  of  the  parties — whether  the  seller  or  pur- 
chaser I  forget.  In  selling  or  buying  "  year,"  delivery  is  to  be 
taken  before  the  end  of  the  year,  the  option  being  as  before. 
The  fraction  named  in  the  offer  is  the  fraction  of  a  cent,  and  is 
used  for  brevity,  the  whole  number  of  cents  in  the  price  per 
bushel  being  understood  ;  usually,  if  not  invariably,  it  is  the 
number  of  whole  cents  in  the  last  quoted  price.  The  hours  for 
business  in  the  Board  of  Trade  are  from  10  or  1 1  A.M.  till  I  P.M., 
and  transactions  entered  into  during  that  time  have  certain 
privileges  in  the  way  of  dispensing  with  formalties  which  other 
transactions  have  not.  When  a  broker  wishes  to  buy,  he  selects 
one  who  is  offering  to  sell  for  the  month  in  which  he  wants 
delivery,  looks  at  him  as  he  yells  and  holds  up  his  finger,  the 
other  stops  his  cry  and  holds  up  his  finger  too,  the  buyer  says, 
"  How  much  ?"  the  seller  says,  "  five,"  "  fifty,"  or  "  a  hundred,"  as 
the  case  may  be,  according  to  the  quantity  he  wishes  to  sell — 
thousand  of  bushels  being  understood.  Suppose  the  seller  says 
"  a  hundred,"  and  the  buyer  wants  only  fifty  thousand  bushels,  the 
latter  says,  "  I  take  fifty  ;"  each  makes  a  note  on  one  of  the  slips  of 
paper  he  holds  in  his  hand,  and  the  bargain  is  closed.  A  bargain 
of  this  kind,  to  be  enforced  by  the  Courts,  must  have  been  trans- 
acted in  Board  hours.  At  any  other  period  of  the  day  a  trans- 
action of  similar  magnitude  would  require  the  ordinary  legal 
formalities.  When  delivery  comes  to  be  taken  the  thing  is 
arranged  with  equal  simplicity.  The  purchaser  hands  his  cheque 



for  the  price  to  the  seller,  and  receives  in  exchange — his  grain  do 
you  suppose  ?  Not  at  all, — an  Elevator  certificate  or  delivery  order 
is  what  he  obtains.  This  he  gives  to  the  agent  of  the  Railway  or 
Shipping  Company  which  is  to  carry  the  grain  to  his  customer  in 
the  Eastern  States,  or  to  New  York,  Montreal,  or  Boston,  for  ship- 
ment to  Europe.  The  Company  presents  the  certificate,  gets  the 
grain,  and  carries  it  to  its  destination,  and  the  whole  thing  is  done. 
Thus  without  ever  seeing  the  grain  purchased,  or  even  a  sample 
of  it,  the  Chicago  broker  buys  in  the  course  of  a  year  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  bushels  of  all  sorts  of  grain  and  ships  it  to  his  cus- 
tomers in  all  parts  of  the  world,  without  the  slightest  fear  that 
anything  less  valuable  than  he  has  bought  and  paid  for  will  be 
delivered  to  him.  And  his  confidence  is  amply  justified. 

Towards  one  o'clock  the  din  increases  to  such  an  extent  that 
conversation  in  even  the  most  distant  part  of  the  large  room  could 
onlybecarried  on  byaseries  of  shouts.  Newcomers  were  constantly 
arriving  and  hurrying  to  one  or  other  of  the  centres  of  disturbance, 
and  as  if  there  was  not  sufficient  noise  there  already,  the  younger 
arrivals  signalised  their  arrival  by  a  leap  as  far  into  the  crowd  as 
they  could  propel  themselves,  and  a  whoop  which  sounded  like  a 
reminiscence  of  the  not  long  past  time  when  the  site  of  the  city 
was  the  heritage  and  possession  of  the  Red  Indian.  A  minute  or 
two  after  one,  the  day's  transactions  are  posted  up  in  the  Board 
room,  and  to  one  who  has  seen  nothing  but  gesticulation,  and 
heard  nothing  but  yells  of  "  I  sell"  and  "  I  buy,"  their  magnitude 
is  a  surprise.  In  the  course  of  the  year  1881  Chicago  received 
by  rail  and  ship  about  one  hundred  and  forty  million  bushels  of 
various  kinds  of  grain,  besides  about  five  million  barrels  of  flour; 
and  its  shipments  in  the  same  year  amounted  to  over  one  hundred 
and  thirty  million  bushels  of  the  former,  and  over  four  and  a-half 
million  barrels  of  the  latter.  In  addition  to  this  there  is  an  im- 
mense businessdonein  Lumber,  Seeds,  Hides,  Butter,  Cheese,  Cattle, 
Sheep,and  Hogs — the  shipmentsof  Hog  Productsaloneduring  the 
year  mentioned  considerably  exceeding  one  thousand  million 
pounds.  When  it  is  remembered  that  not  only  is  the  bulk  of  this 
business  done  in  the  Board  of  Trade,  but  in  addition  to  it  a 
practically  incalculable  amount  of  speculative  business,  which  is 
never  represented  by  receipts  or  deliveries  of  anything  more  sub- 
stantial than  the  amount  of  the  wager — that  is  the  difference  be- 


tween  the  price  at  the  date  of  sale  and  that  of  delivery,  it  will 
readily  be  understood  that  during  the  few  hours  in  each  day 
when  regular  business  is  done,  the  Board  of  Trade  is  a  lively 
corner.  And  it  is  a  lively  place.  The  Paris  Bourse  is  a  peaceful 
retreat  compared  with  the  Chicago  Board  of  Trade  when  there  is 
a  "  corner  in  wheat."  Yet  in  the  middle  of  their  greatest  excite- 
ment, they  are  ever  ready  for  fun.  If  an  unfortunate  stranger  in 
the  balcony  set  apart  for  visitors  who  are  not  taken  on  the  floor 
by  a  member  commits  the  mistake  of  throwing  himself  back  on 
his  seat  and  putting  his  feet  on  the  railing  in  front  of  him  (a 
favourite  attitude  with  Americans)  every  Broker  on  the  floor 
forgets  business,  and  turns  round  to  yell  "  Boots,  boots,  boo-boo- 
boots  !"  until  the  astonished  visitor,  who  usually  has  no  concep- 
tion that  this  is  not  a  part  of  the  mad  performance  he  has  been 
previously  watching,  either,  more  by  accident  than  design,  shifts  the 
offending  members  to  the  floor,  or,  keeping  them  too  long  in  the 
objectionable  position,  is  gently  but  firmly  expelled,  for  shocking 
the  feelings  of  the  gentlemen  beneath.  Such  is  the  Chicago 
Board  of  Trade  as  it  struck  a  stranger  ;  but  what  of  Chicago 

itself?     We  shall  see  in  our  next. 

K.  M'D. 
(To  be  continued.) 

Nicolson  gives  a  graphic  sketch  of  "The  Last  Cruise  of  the  Lively;"  and  we  note  with 
special  satisfaction  the  kindly  and  sympathetic  tone  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  crofters. 
Their  representatives  everywhere,  be  says,  with  occasional  exceptions,  merited  the 
compliment  which  was  paid  to  their  predecessors  by  Sir  John  M'Neill  in  1851,  when  he 
reported  that  they  gave  their  evidence  "with  a  politeness  and  delicacy  of  deportment 
that  would  have  been  graceful  in  any  society,  and  such  as,  perhaps,  no  men  of  tbeir  class 
in  any  other  country  could  have  maintained  in  similar  circumstances.  '  Sheriff  Nicolson 
says  "  the  only  persons  whom  the  chairman  of  the  Commission  had  to  admonish  anywhere 
for  objectionable  expressions  were  not  crofters  but  educated  men."  Yet  it  is  this  valu- 
able class  of  the  community  upon  whom  a  leading  Liberal  journal  [the  Scotsman]  is  con- 
stantly pouring  contempt  and  scorn,  and  who  are  driven  to  such  extremities  by 
the  Highland  lords  of  the  soil,  that  there  is  no  alternative  for  them  save  starvation  or 
exile.  "The  I&le  of  Skye  in  1882  and  1883,"  a  new  volume  by  Mr  A.  Mackenzie,  of 
Inverness,  gives  a  detailed  account  of  evictions  in  that  island  which  affected  directly 
no  fewer  than  seven  hundred  families,  each,  on  an  average,  representing  at  least  five 
persons,  thus  making  a  grand  total  of  more  than  3500  souls,  not  less  than  two  thousand  of 
whom  were  evicted,  during  the  last  half  century,  from  the  property  of  Macleod  of  Mac- 
leod.  "What  physical  misery,"  exclaims  Mr  Mackenzie,  "what  agony  of  soul,  these 
figures  represent,  it  is  impossible  even  to  imagine  !"  Nor  does  this  exhaust  the  woeful 
story;  for  a  terrible  amount  of  suffering  has  been  inflicted,  apart  altogether  from  the 
cases  of  expatriation,  on  the  hundreds  of  poor  people  removed  from  one  portion  of  the 
island  to  another — many  of  them  robbed  of  their  hill  pasture,  and  left  to  comparative 
starvation,  with  their  cattle,  on  wretchedly  small  and  unprofitable  patches  among  the 
barren  rocks  on  the  sea-shore.  And  all  this  misery  and  agony  have  been  inflicted  to 
gratify  the  inhuman  selfishness  of  some  two  or  three  persons,  who,  by  the  mere  accident 
of  birth,  enjoy  a  power  which  they  could  never  have  otherwise  secured  for  themselves. — 
Christian  Leader. 




VII. — DRUIDISM — (Continued.) 

SUCH  is  the  history  of  Druidism  in  Gaul  and  early  Britain :  of 
its  course  in  Ireland  we  have  no  direct  information.  It  is  only 
when  Christianity  has  been  long  established,  and  Druidism  a 
thing  of  the  remote  past,  that  we  have  writers  who  speak  of  the 
Druids  ;  and  in  their  eyes  the  Druids  were  but  magicians  that 
attended  the  courts  of  the  pagan  kings.  The  lives  of  the  pioneer 
saints,  Patrick  and  Columba,  are  full  of  contests  between  them- 
selves and  the  royal  magicians,  who  are  called  in  the  Gaelic 
Druid  and.  in  the  Latin  versions  Magi.  But  in  all  the  numerous 
references  to  them  in  Irish  chronicles  and  tales  there  is  no  hint 
given  of  Druidism  being  either  a  system  of  philosophy  or  re- 
ligion :  the  Druids  of  Irish  story  are  mere  magicians  and  diviners, 
sometimes  only  conjurors.  But  as  such — as  magicians — the 
Druids  play  a  most  important  part  in  Irish  pagan  history,  as 
chronicled  by  the  long  posterior  Christian  writers.  From  the 
primaeval  landing  of  Partholan  with  his  three  Druids,  to  the  days 
of  Columba,  we  have  themselves  and  the  bards  exercising  magic 
and  divining  powers.  The  second  fabled  settlers  of  Ireland,  the 
Nemedians,  meet  the  invading  Fomorians  with  magic  spells  ;  but 
the  fairy  host  of  the  Tuatha  De  Dannan  are  par  excellence  the 
masters  of  Druidic  art.  Their  power  over  the  forces  of  Nature — 
over  sea,  wind,  and  storms — shows  them  plainly  to  be  only  de- 
graded gods,  who  allow  the  sons  of  Miled  to  land  after  showing 
them  their  power  and  sovereignty  as  deities  over  the  island.  The 
kings  and  chiefs  had  Druids  about  them  to  interpret  omens  and 
to  work  spells  ;  but  there  is  no  reference  to  these  Druids  being  a 
priestly  class,  and  their  power  was  limited  to  the  functions  of 
mere  divination  and  sorcery.  Two  of  the  most  famous  Druids 
were  Cathbadh,  Druid  of  Conchobar  Mac  Nessa,  the  instructor  of 
Cuchulain,  who,  among  many  other  things,  foretells  the  fate  of 
Deirdre  and  the  sons  of  Uisnach,  even  before  Deirdre  was  born  ; 
and  Mogh  Ruith  of  Munster,  who  single-handed  opposed  Cor- 


mac  and  his  Druids,  and  drove  them  by  his  magic  fire  and  storm- 
spells  out  of  Munster.  The  Druids  of  King  Loegaire  oppose  St 
Patrick  with  their  magic  arts  ;  one  of  them  causes  snow  to  fall 
so  thickly  that  men  soon  find  themselves  neck-deep  in  it,  and  at 
another  time  he  brings  over  the  land  an  Egyptian  darkness  that 
might  be  felt.  But  the  saint  defeats  them,  even  on  their  own 
ground,  much  as  Moses  defeats  the  Egyptian  magicians.  St 
Columba,  in  Adamnan's  life  of  him,  is  similarly  represented  as 
overcoming  the  spells  of  the  Northern  Druids.  Broichan,  Druid 
to  King  Brude,  caused  such  a  storm  and  darkness  on  Loch-Ness 
that  the  navigation  appeared  impossible,  until  the  saint  gave 
orders  that  the  sails  should  be  unfurled  and  a  start  made.  Then 
everything  became  calm  and  settled.  We  are  also  told  in  many 
instances  how  the  Druids  worked  these  spells.  A  wisp  of  hay, 
over  which  an  incantation  was  made,  when  cast  on  a  person, 
caused  idiocy  and  deformity.  The  Druidic  wand  plays  an  im- 
portant part,  a  blow  from  it  causing  transformations  and  spells. 
It  must  be  remarked,  too,  that  the  wood  used  for  wands  and 
Druidic  rites  and  fires  was  not  the  oak  at  all,  as  in  Gaul :  sacred 
wood  among  the  Irish  Druids  would  appear  to  have  been  the 
yew,  hawthorn,  and,  more  especially,  the  rowan  tree.  Divination 
was  an  important  feature  of  Druidic  accomplishments,  and  there 
were  various  forms  of  it.  Pure  Druidic  divination  sometimes 
consisted  in  watching  the  Druidic  fire — how  the  smoke  and  flame 
went.  Sometimes  the  Druid  would  chew  a  bit  of  raw  flesh  with 
incantation  or  "  oration"  and  an  invocation  to  the  gods,  and  then 
generally  the  future  was  revealed  to  him.  Sometimes,  if  this 
failed,  he  had  to  place  his  two  hands  upon  his  two  cheeks  and 
fall  into  a  divine  sleep,  a  method  known  as  "  illumination  by  the 
palms  of  the  hands."  Fionn  used  to  chew  his  thumb  when  he 
wanted  any  supernatural  knowledge.  The  bards,  too,  were  di- 
viners at  times,  a  fact  that  would  appear  to  show  their  ancient 
connection  with  the  Druids.  The  bardic  divination  is  known  as 
"  illumination  by  rhymes,"  whon  the  bard  in  an  ecstatic  state 
pours  forth  a  flood  of  poetry,  at  the  end  of  which  he  brings  out 
the  particular  fact  that  is  required  to  be  known.  Connected  with 
this  is  the  power  of  poetic  satire.  If  a  man  refused  a  gift,  the 
bard  could  satirise  him  in  such  a  way  that  personal  injury  would 
result,  such  as  blisters  and  deformities. 


Irish  Druidism  consists,  therefore,  merely  of  magic  and 
divination  ;  it  is  not  a  philosophy,  nor  a  religion,  nor  a  system. 
It  is  quite  true  that  we  have,  at  least,  an  echo  now  and  then  of 
the  time  when  Druidism  in  Ireland  and  Scotland  was  something 
different,  and  when  even  human  sacrifices  were  offered.  Columba, 
in  commencing  the  building  of  his  church  at  lona,  addressed  his 
followers  in  words  which  clearly  point  to  human  sacrifice.  "  It  is 
good  for  us,"  says  he,  "  that  our  roots  should  go  under  the  earth 
here  ;  it  is  permitted  that  one  of  you  should  go  under  the  clay  of 
this  island  to  hallow  it."  The  story  goes  on  to  say  that  Odran 
arose  readily,  and  spoke  thus  :  "  If  thou  shouldst  take  me,  I  am 
ready  for  that."  Columba  readily  accepted  his  offer,  and  "  then 
Odran  went  to  heaven,  and  Columba  founded  the  church  of  Hi." 
It  is  said  that  a  human  being  was  slain  at  the  foundation  of 
Emain,  the  mythic  capital  of  Ulster ;  and  in  Nennius  we  have 
a  remarkable  story  told  of  King  Vortigern.  He  was  trying  to 
build  a  castle  on  Snowdon,  but  somehow,  though  he  gathered 
ever  so  much  material,  every  time  it  was  "  spirited"  away  during 
the  night.  He  sought  counsel  from  his  "  magi"  (the  Irish  trans- 
lation calls  them  Druids),  and  they  told  him  that  he  must  find  a 
child  born  without  a  father,  and  must  put  him  to  death,  and 
sprinkle  with  his  blood  the  ground  where  the  castle  was  to  stand. 
Nor  is  tradition  of  the  present  time  silent  on  this  matter.  It  is 
said  that  Tigh-a-chnuic,  Kilcoy,  in  the  Black  Isle,  had  its  founda- 
tion consecrated  by  the  slaughter  of  a  stranger  who  chanced  to 
be  passing  when  the  house  was  to  be  built,  but  unfortunately  his 
ghost  used  to  haunt  the  house  until  he  was  able  to  disburden  his 
woes  to  somebody,  and  he  then  disappeared. 

The  sum  and  result  of  our  inquiry  into  Druidism  may  be 
given  in  the  words  of  Professor  Rhys  : — "  At  the  time  of  Caesar's 
invasions,  they  were  a  powerful  class  of  men,  monopolizing  the 
influence  of  soothsayers,  magicians,  and  priests.  But  in  Gaul, 
under  the  faint  rays  of  the  civilization  of  Marseilles  and  other 
Mediterranean  centres,  they  seem  to  have  added  to  their  other 
characters  that  of  philosophers,  discoursing  to  the  youths,  whose 
education  was  entrusted  to  them,  on  the  stars  and  their  move- 
ments, on  the  world  and  its  countries,  on  the  nature  of  things, 
and  the  power  of  the  gods."  Whether  the  doctrine  of  the  trans- 
migration of  souls  was  really  of  native  origin  or  borrowed  from 


the  Greeks,  must  remain  an  open  question.  Some  think  it  un- 
likely that  the  central  doctrine  of  Druidism  should  have  been 
derived  so  late  in  the  history  of  the  nation,  or  derived  at  all,  from 
a  foreign  source,  and  they  appeal  to  the  fact  that  Britain  was  the 
home  of  Druidism,  a  country  which  could  have  had  little  inter- 
course with  Marseilles.  But  in  connection  with  this  idea  of  its 
British  origin,  it  must  be  remembered  that  at  a  certain  stage  of 
culture,  nations  are  apt  to  consider  their  neighbours,  provided  they 
are  in  a  lower  stage  of  civilization,  much  more  religious  than 
themselves.  The  Romans  always  believed  the  Etrurians  to  be 
more  versed  in  religious  matters  than  themselves.  So,  too,  the 
Gauls  probably  looked  on  British  Druidism,  with  its  "pristine 
grimness"  of  practices,  as  the  source  of  their  own,  while  in  reality 
their  own  was  doubtless  an  independent  but  more  enlightened 
development.  Professor  Rhys  considers  Druidism  to  be  of  a 
non-Aryan  character,  and  calls  it  the  religion  of  the  pre-Celtic 
tribes,  from  the  Baltic  to  Gibraltar.  Now,  in  what  we  have  left 
us  recorded  of  Druidism  there  is  absolutely  nothing  that  can  be 
pointed  to  as  non- Aryan.  The  strong  priestly  caste  presented 
to  us  in  Caesar,  as  divided  off  from  the  nobles  and  the  commons, 
can  be  somewhat  paralleled  in  the  Hinduism  of  India  with  its 
rigidly  priestly  caste  of  Brahmans,  who  monopolised  all  religious 
rites.  And  Brahmanism  is  an  Aryan  religion.  Among  the 
Gauls,  from  the  superstitious  cast  of  their  minds,  a  priestly  class 
was  sure  to  rise  to  a  position  of  supreme  power.  Their  human 
sacrifices  can  be  matched,  in  some  degree,  by  actual  instances  of 
such,  and  by  rites  which  pointed  to  them  as  previously  existent, 
among  other  Aryan  nations,  including  those  of  Greece  and  Rome  ; 
only  here,  as  before,  the  impressionable  and  superstitious  charac- 
ter of  the  Gauls  drove  them  to  greater  excesses.  The  doctrine 
of  the  transmigration  of  the  soul  is  a  tenet  of  both  Brahmans 
and  Buddhists,  of  Aryan  India,  and  it  found  its  classical  develop- 
ment in  the  views  of  the  Greek  Pythagoras.  The  position  and 
fame  of  the  Druids  as  magicians  is,  as  Pliny  points  out,  of  the 
same  nature  as  those  of  the  Magi  of  Aryan  Persia.  Some  again 
think  it  absurd  that  if  the  Druids  were  such  philosophers,  as  they 
are  represented  to  have  been,  they  would  be  so  superstitious  as 
to  practise  human  sacrifices,  and  other  wild  rites.  But  there  is 
no  incongruity  in  at  once  being  philosophic  and  superstitious  ; 


the  human  mind  is  very  hospitable  in  its  entertainment  of  quite 
opposite  opinions,  especially  in  moral  and  religious  matters  ;  for 
there  is  a  wide  difference  between  theories  of  the  intellect  and 
practices  prompted  by  the  emotions. 


In  tracing  the  history  of  Celtic  religion,  we  have  established 
that  the  religion  of  the  Gauls  fully  represents  the  pagan  religion 
of  both  the  great  branches  of  the  Celtic  race  —  the  Brythonic 
(Gauls  and  Welsh)  and  the  Goidelic  (Gaelic  races).  From 
Caesar's  account  of  the  religion  of  the  Gauls  to  the  first  native 
notices  of  even  the  history  of  Celtic  Britain  and  Ireland,  there  is 
practically  a  period  of  a  thousand  years.  During  the  interval, 
Christianity  had  established  its  sway,  nominally  at  least,  over 
the  whole  land,  and  paganism  was  for  centuries  a  thing  of  the 
past.  It  may,  however,  be  remarked  that  one  or  two  Latin  eccle- 
siastical histories  appeared  in  the  eighth  century — notably  the 
works  of  Adamnan  and  Bede,  but  we  in  vain  scan  the  pages  left 
us  of  their  works  for  any  definite  information  as  to  the  previous 
religion.  Gildas,  a  century  before  either  of  these  writers,  makes 
only  a  passing  reference  to  the  old  faith.  "  I  shall  not,"  says  he, 
"  enumerate  those  diabolical  idols  of  my  country,  which  almost 
surpassed  in  number  those  of  Egypt,  and  of  which  we  still  see 
[circ.  A.D.  560]  some  mouldering  away  within  or  without  the 
deserted  temples,  with  stiff  and  deformed  features  as  was  cus- 
tomary. Nor  will  I  call  out  upon  the  mountains,  fountains, 
or  hills,  or  upon  the  rivers,  which  now  are  subservient  to  the  use 
of  men,  but  once  were  an  abomination  and  destruction  to  them, 
and  to  which  the  blind  people  paid  divine  honour."  Our  know- 
ledge of  the  local  development  of  Celtic  religion  in  Britain  and 
Ireland  cannot  be  obtained  directly  from  contemporary  history: 
we  have,  it  is  true,  some  British  inscriptions  of  the  Roman  period, 
which  give,  mid  a  host  of  minor  and  local  deities,  one  or.  two 
important  gods.  But  our  information  must  be  drawn,  nearly  all, 
from  the  heroic  poems  and  tales,  which  do  not  date  much  earlier 
than  a  thousand  years  ago  ;  and  most  are  far  later  than  this  period. 
For  information  as  to  the  ritual  of  the  old  religion,  local  customs 
and  superstitions — Beltaine  bannocks  and  Samhuinn  fires — form 
our  only  guides. 


It  will  also  be  necessaryto  discuss  separately  the  remainsof  the 
religion  of  the  early  Welsh  and  the  early  Gaels.  The  religion  of  the 
former  we  shall  name  "  British,"  of  the  latter,  "  Gaelic."  And  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  Welsh  are  doubtless  the  remnant 
of  the  Gaulish  population  which,  about  the  time  of  the  Roman 
conquest,  must  have  occupied  England  (except  Cornwall  and 
Wales)  and  Lowland  Scotland.  Gaul  and  England  had,  there- 
fore, practically  the  same  people  and  language  in  the  first  century 
of  this  era,  and  there  now  remain  of  them  still  speaking  the 
language,  the  Bretons  of  France  and  the  Welsh  of  Wales,  from 
which  country  they  drove  out  or  absorbed  the  previous  Gaelic 
population  in  the  fifth  century  of  our  era,  or  thereabouts.  The 
"  Gaelic  Religion  "  will  include  the  early  religion  of  Ireland  and 
the  Highlands  of  Scotland. 


The  gods  of  Britain  suffered  what  appears  to  have  been  the 
"  common  lot "  of  gods  ;  they  were  changed  into  the  kings  and 
champions,  the  giants  and  enchanters,  of  heroic  tales  and  folk- 
lore. In  the  words  of  the  poet : — 

"  Ye  are  gods,  and  behold,  ye  shall  die,  and  the  waves  be  upon  you  at  last. 
In  the  darkness  of  time,  in  the  deeps  of  the  years,  in  the  changes  of  things, 
Ye  shall  sleep  as  a  slain  man  sleeps,  and  the  world  shall  forget  you  for  kings." 

The  great  deity,  "  Belinus,"  appears  in  the  pages  of  Geoffrey,  of 
Monmouth,  as  a  mere  mortal  conqueror.  In  company  with  his 
brother,  Brennius  or  "  Bran,"  he  marched  to  the  siege  of  Rome, 
when  "  Gabius  and  Porsena  "  were  consuls  !  Gargantua  appears 
twice  as  a  British  King,  under  the  title  of  Gurgiunt.  Camulus,  the 
war-god,  who  gave  his  name  to  Camulodunum,  now  £0/-chester, 
is  presented  as  Coel  Hen,  "  Old  King  Coul "  of  the  song,  who 
gave  his  name  to  the  Ayrshire  district  of  Kyle.  The  god, 
"  Nodens,"  is  the  Nudd  of  Welsh,  and  King  Nuada,  of  Irish  story; 
and  Lir,  the  sea-god,  is  immortalised  in  the  pages  of  Shake- 
speare as  an  old  British  king.  Some  of  the  gods  fight  under 
Arthur's  banner,  and  perish  on  the  battlefield  of  Camlan,  along 
with  him.  There  is,  consequently,  a  considerable  amount  of  con- 
fusion in  the  Welsh  tales,  which  does  not  appear  in  the  more 
consistent  tales  of  Ireland.  Probably,  there  were  kings  of  the 
names  of  Beli,  Coel,  Urien,  and  Arthur,  and  there  certainly  were 


kings  and  chiefs,  of  the  names  of  Brennus,  Cassibelaunus,  and 
Caractacus,  but  their  history  is  irretrievably  mixed  up  with  that 
of  deities  and  demigods,  possessed  of  similar  names.  Thus,  Bran 
the  Blessed,  is  a  son  of  Lir,  a -personage  of  such  gigantic  pro- 
portions that  no  house  could  hold  him,  and  evidently  a  degraded 
god,  possibly  a  war-god.  He  next  appears  as  father  of  Caradoc 
for  whom  he  is  sent  as  hostage  to  Rome,  when  the  latter  is  con- 
quered by  Claudius.  In  Rome  he  is  converted  to  Christianity, 
which  he  introduced  into  Britain,  and  hence  his  name  of  "  Bran 
the  Blessed."  And  again  he  is  brother  of  Belinus,  and  the  same 
as  the  Brennus  of  the  Roman  historians,  who  sacked  Rome  in  B.C. 
390.  It  is,  therefore,  a  matter  of  great  difficulty  to  take  either 
history  or  myth  out  of  the  confusion  in  Welsh  poetry  and  tradi- 
tion, caused  by  a  little  knowledge  of  classical  and  Biblical  history, 
a  history  which  is  interwoven  with  native  myths  and  facts. 

The  inscriptions  of  Roman  times  show  that  the  religious 
condition  of  Britain  then  differed  in  no  respect  from  that  of  Gaul. 
The  local  deities  were  assimilated  to  the  corresponding  deities 
of  Rome,  and  we  have  in  Britain  combinations  like  those  met 
with  in  Gaul  :  the  Roman  deity  has  the  corresponding  British 
name  attached  to  him  on  the  votive  inscription  by  way  of 
epithet.  Thus,  at  Bath,  altars  are  dedicated  to  Sul-Minerva, 
Sul  being  a  goddess  unknown  elsewhere.  On  the  Roman  wall, 
between  the  Forth  and  Clyde,  the  name  of  Mars-Camulus  ap- 
pears on  the  inscriptions,  among  many  others  to  the  "genii"  of  the 
places,  the  spirits  of  "the  mountain  and  the  flood,"  and  to  "Sancta 
Britannia"  and  "  Brigantia,"  the  goddesses  of  Britain  and  the  land 
of  the  Brigantes  respectively.  The  most  interesting  inscriptions 
were  those  found  in  the  temple  of  a  god  discovered  at  Lydney 
Park,  in  Gloucestershire,  One  inscription  bears  to  be  to  the 
"  great  god  Nodon,"  which  proves  the  temple  to  have  been  dedi- 
cated to  the  worship  of  Nodon,  a  god  of  the  deep  sea,  figured  on 
a  bronze  plaque  as  a  Triton  or  Neptune  borne  by  sea-horses  and 
surrounded  by  a  laughing  crowd  of  Nereids.  This  deity  is  identi- 
fied with  the  legendary  Nudd,  known  in  Welsh  fiction  only  as 
the  father  of  famous  sons  and  in  Irish  story  as  King  Nuada  of 
the  Silver  Hand,  who  fought  the  two  battles  of  Moytura,  and 
fell  in  the  second  before  "  Balor  of  the  Evil  Eye,"  the  King  of 
the  Fomorians. 


Passing,  however,  to  the  Welsh  legends  and  myths  preserved 
in  the  "  Ancient  Books  of  Wales"  and  in  the  prose  "  Mabinogion," 
we  can  easily  eliminate  three  principal  families  of  deities,  the 
children  of  "  Don,"  of  "  Nudd,"  and  of  "  Lir."  Of  these  the  first 
are  purely  Welsh,  the  second — the  children  of  Nudd — have  Irish 
equivalents  both  in  name  and  office,  while  the  children  of  Lir 
belong  equally  to  both  nations.  The  family  of  Don  is  evidently 
connected  with  the  sky  and  its  changes.  He  has  given  his 
name  in  Welsh  to  the  constellation  of  Cassiopeia,  called  Llys 
Don,  the  court  of  Don.  The  milky  way  is  named  after  his  son, 
Gwydion,  Caer  Gwydion,  the  city  of  Gwydion  ;  and  his  daughter 
Arianrhod,  "silver-circled,"  inhabits  the  bright  circle  of  stars 
which  is  called  the  Northern  Crown.  With  the  name  Don  may 
be  compared  that  of  the  father  of  the  Irish  hero  Diarmat,  son  of 
Donn.  Gwydion  is  the  greatest  of  enchanters — a  prince  of  the 
powers  of  air.  He  can  change  the  forms  'of  trees,  men,  and 
animals,  and  along  with  "  Math,  the  son  of  Mathonwy,"  his  master, 
styled  by  Professor  Rhys,  the  Cambrian  Pluto,  though  rather 
a  god  of  air  than  earth,  he  forms  a  woman  out  of  flowers.'  "They 
took  the  blossoms  of  the  oak,  and  the  blossoms  of  the  broom, 
and  the  blossoms  of  the  meadow-sweet,  and  produced  from  them 
a  maiden,  the  fairest  and  most  graceful  that  man  ever  saw." 
Amaethon,  the  son  of  Don,  is  a  husbandman — doubtless  a  god 
of  weather  and  crops.  He  has  a  fight  with  Arawn,  king  of 
Annwn,  or  Hell,  for  a  white  roebuck  and  a  whelp,  which  he  had 
carried  off  from  the  realms  of  darkness.  The  battle  is  known  as 
the  "  battle  of  the  trees,"  and  in  it  Gwydion,  by  his  divinations, 
won  the  victory  for  his  brother,  for  he  guessed  the  name  of  the 
person  in  the  ranks  of  his  opponents,  which  had  to  be  guessed 
before  either  side  won. 

Nudd,  like  Don,  is  eclipsed  by  his  family.  He  appears  to 
have  been  god  of  the  deep  and  its  treasures.  His  son  Gwynn, 
known  always  as  Gwynn  ap  Nudd,  is  the  Welsh  king  of  the 
Fairies  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word.  It  would  appear  that 
Gwynn  is  no  less  a  person  than  the  god  of  the  next  world  for 
human  beings.  He  answers,  therefore,  to  the  king  of  "  Tir-nan- 
og,"  "  Land  of  Youth"  of  the  Irish  legends,  and  "  Tir-fo-Thuinn" 
of  the  Gaelic  stories — the  land  below  the  waves.  The  son  of  the 
deep-sea  god  is  naturally  enough  made  lord  over  the  happy  realm 


under  the  waves  of  the  West.  Christian  bias,  however,  gave 
Gwynn  a  more  sinister  position.  We  are  told  that  God  placed 
him  over  the  brood  of  devils  in  Annwn,  lest  they  should  destroy 
the  present  race.  A  Saint  of  the  name  of  Collen  one  day  heard 
two  men  conversing  about  Gwynn  ap  Nudd,  and  saying  that  he 
was  King  of  Annwn  and  the  Fairies.  "  Hold  your  tongue 
quickly,"  says  Collen,  "  these  are  but  devils."  "  Hold  thou  thy 
tongue,"  said  they,  "  thou  shalt  receive  a  reproof  from  him." 
And  sure  enough  the  Saint  was  summoned  to  the  palace  of 
Gwynn  on  a  neighbouring  hill  top,  where  he  was  kindly  received, 
and  bid  sit  down  to  a  sumptuous  repast.  "  I  will  not  eat  the 
leaves  of  the  trees,"  said  Collen  ;  for  he  saw  through  the  enchant- 
ments of  Gwynn,  and,  by  the  use  of  some  holy  water,  caused 
Gwynn  and  his  castle  to  disappear  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye. 
The  story  is  interesting,  as  showing  how  the  early  missionaries 
dealt  with  the  native  gods.  Gwynn,  according  to  St  Collen,  is 
merely  a  demon.  His  connection  with  the  lower  world  is  brought 
out  by  his  fight  with  Gwythyr,  the  son  of  Greidwal,  for  Cordelia, 
the  daughter  of  Lir  or  Lud.  She  is  represented  as  a  splendid 
maiden,  daughter  of  the  sea-god  Lir,  "  a  blossom  of  flowering 
seas,"  at  once  a  Venus  and  a  Proserpine,  goddess  of  the  summer 
flowers,  for  whom  there  is  a  fight  between  the  powers  of  the 
worlds  above  and  below  the  earth  respectively.  Peace  was  made 
between  these  two  deities  on  these  conditions  :  "  that  the  maiden 
should  remain  in  her  father's  house,  without  advantage  to  either 
of  them,  and  that  Gwynn  ap  Nudd,  and  Gwythyr,  the  son  of 
Greidwal,  should  fight  for  her  every  first  of  May,  from  thence- 
forth till  the  day  of  doom,  and  that  whichever  of  them  should  be 
conqueror  then,  should  have  the  maiden." 

THE  CROFTER  ROYAL  COMMISSION  has  completed  the  taking  of  evi- 
dence throughout  the  Highlands,  finishing  up  in  Glasgow  and  Edinburgh.  Whatever 
may  be  the  outcome  of  its  labours,  so  far  as  the  Report  and  proceedings  thereon  in 
Parliament  are  concerned,  the  Commission  has  already  done  unspeakable  good,  by 
exposing  the  evils  of  Highland  estate  management  to  the  world.  The  Report  will  be 
looked  forward  to  with  great  interest,  but  whatever  it  may  recommend,  public  opinion 
will  assuredly  force  a  very  great  and  early  change  in  the  relationship  between  landlord 
and  tenant  in  the  Highlands,  to  the  advantage  of  both. 


I  THINK  it  may  be  useful  to  follow  up  Mr  Linn's  delightful 
paper  with  the  little  knowledge  I  possess  on  this  head.  I 
have  a  right  to  speak  on  the  subject,  seeing  that  in  my  very  early 
life — when  about  six  years  of  age — I  acted  the  "  Peerman  "  often 
when  living  at  my  grandfather's  house  in  Corriebeag.  I  have 
held  the  fir  torch  in  the  byre  when  the  servant  was  milking 
the  cows,  and  I  have  accompanied  her  to  the  river,  holding  it 
when  she  went  for  her  stoupfuls  of  water.  At  the  slack  time  of 
the  year  the  men  of  each  household  went  to  dig  the  roots  of  the 
fir  trees  out  of  the  bogs,  and  they  were  placed  uncut  to  dry,  on 
what  was  called  a  "farradh."  When  winter  came  and  lights 
were  required,  stock  after  stock  was  taken  down  and  cut  into 
neat,  small  candles,  and  if  there  was  a  very  knotty  stock  it  was 
called  "  stoc  suiridhich,"  and  carefully  laid  aside,  to  be  given  to 
some  young  man  when  his  patience  as  a  husband  was  to  be 
tested,  by  the  calmness  he  manifested  over  this  very  trying  and 
difficult  ordeal.  A  "  leus,"  or  torch  of  fir,  was  a  sure  protection 
against  ghosts  or  evil  spirits. 

When,  at  that  time  I  referred  to,  I  lived  at  Corriebeag, 
Locheil-side,  the  nearest  house  to  us  was  occupied  by  a  woman 
who  was  considerably  above  a  hundred  years  old.  She  had  all 
her  faculties  and  the  force  of  a  young  woman  until  within  three 
days  of  her  death. 

She  was  not  an  amiable  woman,  her  temper  was  something 
awful,  and  she  could  improvise  and  compose  verses  of  the  most 
sarcastic  and  scurillous  sort  up  to  the  last  day  of  her  life.  When 
the  centenary  of  Prince  Charles  Stuart's  raising  his  standard  at 
Glenfinnan  was  held  at  that  historic  spot,  the  ladies  and  gentle- 
men driving  past  little  dreamed  that  in  a  little  hut  by  the  road- 
side a  withered  old  crone  lived  who  actually  remembered  the 
gathering  they  commemorated,  and  who  had  seen  Bonnie  Prince 
Charlie  at  the  head  of  his  men.  This  old  woman's  grandson  and 
his  wife  lived  with  her,  and  when  the  great-grandchildren  were 
born  she  was  sorely  exercised  on  their  account,  in  case  the  fairies 
might  steal  them,  and  among  the  other  spells  used  by  her  to  save 
her  descendants  from  so  sad  a  fate,  she  charred  a  piece  of  fir  in 


the  fire,  and  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  with  it  daily  on  the  infant. 
At  the  Dark  Mile  near  Loch-Arkaig  there  are  two  hillocks,  called 
respectively  Tor-a-Mhuilt  and  Tor-a-Chronain.  The  low  wailing 
sounds  heard  there — the  sobbing  of  the  winds,  the  rustling  of 
the  leaves,  the  wimpling  of  brooks,  and  the  waving  of  the  branches 
of  the  trees,  made  the  poetic  and  imaginative  people  of  the 
country  think  they  were  hearing  the  dead  holding  converse  in 
low  whispering  tones  with  one  another. 

They  put  it  thus  in  a  saying  that  has  been  handed  down — 

"Tor-a-Mhuilt  is  Tor-a-Chr6nain, 
Far  am  bi  'na  mairbh  a  comhradh." 

The  road  leads  between  these  low  hills,  and  one  night  when  a 
man  was  passing  there,  carrying  the  head  of  an  enemy  he  had 
slain,  a  voice  came  to  him  alternately  from  each  hill,  saying  "  Fag 
an  ceann,"  "  Leave  the  head ;"  to  which  request  he  each  time 
replied,  "  Cha'n  fhag  mi  'n  ceann,"  "  I  will  not  leave  the  head.' 
At  length  the  cry  from  each  hill  was  "  Mur  bhi'  dhomhsa  an  leus 
giubhais  tha  os  do  chionn  dh'fhagadh  tu  da  cheann,"  "  If  it 
were  not  for  the  fir  torch  you  hold  above  you,  you  would  leave 
two  heads."  That  meant,  of  course,  that  he  would  leave  his  own 
head  as  well  as  the  other.  But  he  had  taken  the  precaution  of 
having  a  fir  torch  to  light  him  on  his  way,  as  well  as  to  protect 
him  from  harm,  and  his  faith  had  its  reward. 

I  have  seen  the  bark  of  the  birch  used  for  light.  They  did 
not  go  to  the  wood  to  seek  it  for  that  purpose,  but  if  a  birch 
tree  was  being  used,  the  bark  was  retained  for  light,  along  with 
the  fir,  or  alone.  The  bits  were  dipped  in  grease  or  oil,  each 
being  called  "  beileag." 

The  Gaelic  name  for  the  "roughy,"  or  "  ruffy,"  is  "buaichd," 
and  I  have  often  seen  one  made  to  give  light  during  supper  and 
the  reading  of  the  chapter ;  it  was,  of  course,  blown  out  when  all 
knelt  in  prayer.  Another  improvised  light  of  this  sort  is  the 
"  coinneal  ghlas."  The  grease  is  placed  in  a  piece  of  old  white 
cotton,  and  rolled  into  the  shape  of  a  candle.  It  gives  a  splendid 
light,  but  does  not  last  long.  I  heard  the  following  anecdote 
told  about  the  "  coinneal  ghlas,"  or  "  grey  candle:" — Some  Eng- 
lishmen were  passing  the  night  at  King's  House,  in  the  Black 
Mount,  and  were  complaining  bitterly  of  the  miserable  light 
afforded  them  by  one  lean,  sputtering  tallow  candle,  when  a 

"PEER-MEN,"  AND  THEIR  RELATIONS.          47 

Highlander  joined  them.  He,  too,  said  he  thought  they  were 
badly  used  in  being  supplied  by  this  light,  that  only  made  the 
darkness  visible,  and  on  going  out  for  a  moment,  he  asked  the 
landlady  to  make  six  large  candles  of  the  "  coinneal  ghlas"  kind, 
and  bring  them  to  him  all  lighted  when  he  called  for  them.  He 
returned  to  the  Englishmen  ;  and,  by-and-bye,  they  rose  to  go 
to  bed,  and  the  Highlander  said  he  had  to  sit  up  late,  having 
some  writing  to  do  ;  and  added — "  I  must  get  better  light." 
"  If  you  can,"  said  one  of  the  strangers,  with  a  sneer.  The 
Highlander  forthwith  ordered  in  "  six  candles  with  the  wicks  on 
-the  outside."  "  Candles  with  the  wicks  on  the  outside,"  echoed 
all  the  Englishmen  simultaneously  in  great  surprise,  and  when 
they  saw  the  blaze  that  surrounded  the  Highlander  with  those 
candles  on  his  table,  they  went  off  to  bed  muttering  something 
worse  than  "  Well,  I  never."  They  did  not  know  that  the  candles 
were  blown  out  the  moment  after  they  left  the  room,  nor  how 
short  a  time  they  would  last,  even  if  they  were  left  lighted. 

The  lowest  form  of  artificial  light  in  the  Highlands  was  the 
following : — When  the  fire  was  getting  spent,  two  or  three  fresh 
peats  were  put  on,  and  when  the  side  next  the  fire  of  those  got 
charred,  the  cry  "  Tiondaidh  foid,"  "  Turn  a  peat,"  was  given  to 
the  person  most  conveniently  situated  for  that  performance. 
Even  that  was  better  than  the  contentment  with  total  darkness 
that  existed  in  some  districts.  I  have  heard  it  said  that  in  Blar- 
macfaoildeach,  in  Lochaber,  when  supper  was  ready,  that  the 
goodwife  of  the  house  used  to  go  about  groping  for  a  hand,  say- 
ing "  Fair  do  lamh  ;"  and  having  found  the  searched-for  member, 
she  placed  a  bowl  in  it,  saying  "  So  do  shuipeir."  Verily,  it 
might  be  said  of  each  one  who  partook  of  that  meal,  "  Great  is 
thy  faith." 

It  is  interesting  to  know.,  that  it  was  cannel  coal  that  Robert 
Burns  used,  and  that  by  its  light  he  wrote  the  greater  number  of 
his  poems.  The  iron  with  which  he  used  to  break  off  the  charred 
parts,  in  order  to  get  a  fresh  blaze,  was  long  in  the  possession  of 
an  old  lady  who  is  a  personal  friend  of  mine.  She  spent  some 
years  of  her  girlhood  with  Bonnie  Jean,  as  companion  to  the 
poet's  grand-daughter  Sarah,  and  she  gave  this  interesting  bit  of 
iron  to  some  museum — I  think  in  Jedburgh. 




O  seid  a  suas,  a  phiop  nam  buaclh, 

'S  gu'n  toir  sinn  cuairt  air  clannsa, 

Oir  ged  tha  fuachd  a'  gheamhraidh  cruaidh. 

Gu'm  faigh  sinn  duais  'san  t-samhradh. 

O  cairich  m6ine,  a  bhean  ch£>ir, 
Air  cagailt  mhoir  gun  ghainntir, 
'S  bidh  'chuideachd  6g  a'  toirt  le  deoin 
Duinn  orain  a  bhios  seannsail. 

Gheibh  sinn  sgeul,  air  laoich  na  Feinn', 
'S  mu  dhaoine  treun  ar  seorsa, 
'Ni  'sinn  le  cheile  Ian  do  dh-eud, 
'Sa  ni  air  euchd  sinn  deonach. 

Is  gabhar  leinn  ar  n'  orain  bhinn, 

Is  cha  bhi  sinn  fo  anntlachd, 

'S  mur  cheileir  seinn  aig  eoin  a'  ghlinn', 

Bidh  'ribhead  ghrinn  a'  channtair. 

'S  ged  nach  'eil  flxir,  air  gleann  no  stic, 
'S  na  h-eoin  gun  durd  's  na  cranntan, 
Is  glasan  iir  gu  daingean,  dlu, 
A'  ceangal  lub  gach  alltain. 

Ged  a  tha  gach  gleann  co  fas, 
Is  sneachda  ban  air  beanntan, 
Thig  fraoch  fo  bhlath,  is  coill  fo  bharr, 
A  nuair  thig  blaths  na  Bealltuin. 

'S  bidh  eoin  nan  geug  le  coireal  reidh, 
'Cur  surd  air  seisdean  bainnse, 
'S  bidh  torman  ciuin  le  'orain  for', 
Aig  sruthain  dhlii  nan  ailtan. 

O  biomaid.  aoibhneach,  cridheil,  caoimhneil, 
Fad  na  h-oidhche  gheamhraidh. 
Gun  gh6,  gun  fhoill,  mar  eoin  na  coill, 
A'  feitheamh  soills'  an  t-samhraidh. 

Cuir  tuille  moine,  a  bhean  ch6ir, 
Air  cagailt  mhoir  gun  ghainntir, 
Is  bidh  'sinn  comhla  Ian  do  sholas, 
'S  ni  sinn  ceol  is  clannsa. 





No.  XCVIII.  DECEMBER  1883.  VOL.  IX. 

By  the  EDITOR. 



LOCHIEL  having  disposed  of  the  enemy  at  the  battle  of  Achada- 
lew,  as  described  in  our  last,  proceeded  to  count  the  number  of 
his  opponents  slain,  and  found  not  less  than  one  hundred  and 
thirty-eight  lying  dead  on  the  scene  of  the  conflict,  not  a  soul  hav- 
ing escaped  except  the  Irishman  already  mentioned,  and  another 
who  subsequently  became  Lochiel's  cook,  and  acted  most  loyally 
as  his  servant  ever  after.  Lochiel  having  lodged  the  night  after 
the  battle  in  the  house  of  a  woman  on  Lochiel-side,  whose  son  was 
among  the  few  slain  of  Sir  Ewen's  followers,  took  his  prisoner 
along  with  him,  when  the  woman,  taking  into  her  head  that  the 
stranger,  who  accompanied  Lochiel,  was  the  man  who  had  killed 
her  handsome  and  brave  son,  immediately  attacked  him,  and 
would  have  strangled  him  had  not  Sir  Ewen  interposed,  separat- 
ing them,  and  sending  his  prisoner,  under  guard,  to  another 
house  for  the  night.  He  found  him  ever  after  most  zealous  and 
trustworthy,  ready  to  do  anything  his  master  required  of  him, 
often  at  the  risk  of  his  own  life.  The  author  of  the  Memoirs 



relates  two  stories  which  well  illustrates  the  difference  between 
the  ideas  and  tempers  of  the  two  classes  of  men — the  Highlanders 
and  their  English  enemies.  The  courage  of  the  Southrons,  he  says, 
was  merely  mechanical,  flowing  from  discipline  and  habit,  and  serv- 
ing simply  for  their  bread,  while  that  of  the  Highlanders,  was  "  from 
the  notions  they  have  of  honour  and  loyalty,  and  of  the  services 
which  they  think  they  owe  to  their  Chief,  as  the  root  of  the  family, 
and  the  common  father  and  protector  of  the  name.  As  this  has 
something  of  greatness  and  generosity  in  the  principle,  so  the 
actions  flowing  from  it  participate  of  the  same  spirit.  Of  this  we 
have  already  had  an  illustrious  example  [in  the  case  of  Lochiel's 
foster-brother]  ;  and,  indeed,  the  almost  unparalelled  bravery  of 
the  Camerons,  during  the  terrible  and  extraordinary  skirmish 
described,  exemplify  the  same  in  a  number  of  persons.  Nor  did 
it  less  appear  in  the  generous  emulation  that  inspirited  them  to 
exert  the  utmost  efforts  of  their  strength  and  courage  before  their 
young  Chief.  One  of  them  having  shot  an  arrow  at  too  great  a 
distance,  and  Lochiel  observing  that  it  did  not  pierce  deep  enough 
to  kill  the  man,  cried  out  that  '  it  came  from  a  weak  arm,'  at 
which  the  Highlander  thought  himself  so  much  offended  that, 
despising  all  danger,  he  rushed  among  the  thick  of  the  enemy, 
and  recovering  his  own  arrow,  plunged  it  into  the  man's  body  to 
the  feathers.  This  action  would  have  cost  him  his  life  if  Lochiel 
had  not  quickly  detached  a  party  to  his  relief."  The  character 
of  the  English  soldiery  our  author  illustrates  thus  : — "  After 
their  defeat,  being  hard  put  to  it  by  the  pursuing  enemy,  they 
plunged  into  the  sea  in  hopes  of  recovering  their  ships.  One  of 
them,  observing  that  a  piece  of  beef  and  some  small  biscuits  had 
dropped  out  of  his  pockets  by  the  floating  of  the  laps  of  his  coat, 
he,  preferring  the  recovery  of  his  provisions  to  the  safety  of  his 
life,  fell  a-fishing  for  them,  and  had  his  head  divided  into  two 
parts  by  the  blow  of  a  broadsword  as  he  was  putting  the  first 
morsel  of  it  into  his  mouth."  Not  one  of  them,  however,  called 
for  quarter,  and  in  the  confusion  of  retreat  not  one  parted 
with  his  arms,  but  with  his  life.  "  They  were  pitied  more  than 
blamed.  They  did  all  that  men  could  do  in  the  circumstances 
they  were  in.  Not  a  single  man  of  them  betrayed  the  least 
cowardice,  but  fought  it  out  with  invincible  obstinacy  while  any 
of  them  remained  to  make  opposition,  and  their  frequent  attempts 


on  the  Chiefs  life,  even  after  quarters  were  offered,  show  that 
their  fortitude  and  courage  remained  so  firm  to  the  last,  that 
they  disdained  to  be  survivors  of  a  defeat  which  they  looked 
upon  as  shameful  and  ignominious.  In  short,  they  were  not 
conquered,  but  destroyed."  This  proves  that  the  Highlanders 
had  a  very  sturdy  enemy  to  deal  with,  apart  altogether  from  the 
great  inequality  of  numbers  they  had  to  contend  against. 

Colonel  Bryan,  Governor  of  Inverlochy  Castle,  was  quite 
oblivious  of  what  was  taking  place  within  some  three  miles  of 
his  garrison,  until  a  few  of  the  workmen,  who  had  fled  from  Ach- 
adalew,  when  the  fight  commenced,  had  reached  the  Castle  ;  but 
before  the  garrison  could  turn  out  the  Irishman,  already  referred 
to  arrived,  and  informed  the  Colonel  that  the  whole  of  his  party 
had  been  cut  to  pieces.  The  men  in  the  other  ship — which  during 
the  engagement  had  been  on  the  opposite  shore,  a  little  westward 
of  Achadalew — discovered  that  their  friends  had  been  engaged 
with  the  Camerons,  and  they  thereupon  sailed  in  the  direction  of  the 
scene  of  carnage,  but  did  not  go  ashore  until  Lochiel  had  retired 
with  his  men,  when  the  English  landed  "  and  beheld  the  dismal 
fate  of  their  countrymen,  whose  bodies  they  put  on  board  the 
other  empty  vessel,  which  they  hauled  along  with  them  to  Inver- 
lochy." On  their  arrival  they  were  met  by  the  Governor  and  his 
officers,  whose  astonishment,  upon  seeing  the  dead  bodies  ex- 
posed, was  inexpressible.  Our  author  informs  us  that  "  the  deep 
wounds  and  terrible  slashes  that  appeared  on  these  mangled  car- 
cases seemed  to  be  above  the  strength  of  man.  Some  had  their 
heads  cut  down  a  good  way  into  the  neck  ;  others  had  them 
divided  across  by  the  mouth  and  nose  ;  many,  who  were  struck 
upon  the  collar-bone,  showed  an  orifice  or  gash  much  wider  than 
that  made  by  the  blow  of  the  heaviest  hatchet ;  and  often  the 
shearing  blade,  where  the  blow  was  full,  and  met  with  no  extra- 
ordinary obstruction,  penetrated  so  deep  as  to  discover  part  of 
the  entrails.  There  were  some  that  had  their  bellies  laid  open, 
and  others  with  their  arms,  thighs,  and  legs  lopped  off  in  an  amaz- 
ing manner.  Several  bayonets  were  cut  quite  through,  and 
mu.skets  were  pierced  deeper  than  can  be  well  imagined.  The 
Governor  and  many  of  his  officers  had  formerly  occasion  to  see 
the  Highlanders  of  several  clans  and  countries,  but  they  appeared 
to  be  no  extraordinary  men,  neither  in  size  nor  strength.  The 


Camerons  they  had  observed  to  be  of  a  piece  with  the  rest,  and 
they  wondered  where  Lochiel  could  find  a  sufficient  body  of  men 
of  strength  and  brawn  to  give  such  an  odd  variety  of  surprising 
wounds.  But  they  did  not  know  that  there  was  as  much  art  as 
strength  in  fetching  these  strokes,  for,  where  a  Highlander  lays 
it  on  full,  he  draws  it  with  great  address  the  whole  length  of  the 
blade,  whereas  an  unskilful  person  takes  in  no  more  of  it  than 
the  breadth  of  the  place  where  he  hits.  He  is  likewise  taught  to 
wound  with  the  point,  or  to  fetch  a  back-stroke  as  occasion  offers, 
and  as  in  all  these  he  knows  how  to  exert  his  whole  vigour  and 
strength,  so  his  blade  is  of  such  excellent  temper  and  form  as  to 
answer  all  his  purposes."  This  is  how  the  terrible  nature  of  the 
wounds  were  accounted  for.  When  the  actual  facts  regarding 
this  sanguinary  conflict  became  known,  the  conduct  of  the  High- 
landers became  the  subject  of  admiration  throughout  the  whole 
kingdom.  "  Lochiel  was  by  all  parties  extolled  to  the  skies  as  a 
young  hero  of  boundless  courage  and  extraordinary  conduct. 
His  presence  of  mind  in  delivering  himself  from  his  terrible 
English  antagonist,  who  had  so  much  the  advantage  of  him  in 
everything  but  vigour  and  courage,  by  biting  out  his  throat,  was 
in  every  person's  mouth."  The  devoted  self-sacrifice  of  his  young 
foster-brother,  to  save  the  life  of  his  Chief,  was  also  the  theme  of 
admiration  and  astonishment  among  those  unacquainted  with 
the  affection  and  devotion  of  the  Highlanders  to  their  chiefs, 
especially  in  the  case  of  a  foster-brother. 

Mrs  Mary  Mackellar,  so  well  acquainted  with  the  history  and 
traditions  of  her  native  district  of  Lochaber,  relates  the  following 
curious  incident : — Sir  Ewen  used  to  say  that  the  only  time  he 
ever  felt  the  sensation  of  fear  was  in  connection  with  the  incident 
of  biting  out  the  Englishman's  throat  in  the  ditch  at  Achadalew. 
"When  at  Court  in  London,  many  years  after  this,  he  went  into 
a  barber's  shop  to  have  his  hair  and  beard  dressed,  and  when  the 
razor  was  at  his  throat  the  chatty  barber  observed — "  You  are 
from  the  North,  sir."  " Yes,"  said  Sir  Ewen,  "I  am  ;  do  you 
know  people  from  the  North?"  "No,"  replied  the  irate  barber, 
"  nor  do  I  wish  to  ;  they  are  savages  there.  Would  you  believe 
it,  sir  ;  one  of  them  tore  the  throat  out  of  my  father  with  his 
teeth,  and  I  only  wish  I  had  the  fellow's  throat  as  near  me  as  I 
have  yours  just  now."  Sir  Ewen's  feelings  may  be  more  easily 


imagined  than  described  as  he  heard  these  words  and  felt  the 
edge  of  the  steel  gliding  over  the  part  so  particularly  threatened. 
He  never  after  entered  a  barber's  shop.* 

Almost  immediately  after  the  Achadalew  affair,  Lochiel 
resolved  to  join  General  Middleton,  requesting  those  of  his  people 
who  lived  near  Inverlochy  to  make  peace  with  the  Governor,  who 
demanded  no  other  terms  than  that  they  should  live  peaceably 
towards  himself  and  his  garrison.  This  agreement  was  soon 
arranged,  and  the  people  thereby  secured  from  ruin  during  their 
leader's  absence  from  the  district.  The  Governor  was  put  off  his 
guard,  and  he  began  to  send  out  parties  for  wood  and  other 
materials  to  strengthen  his  fortifications.  Lochiel,  however,  was 
kept  well  informed  of  what  was  being  done,  and,  returning  to  the 
district,  he,  one  day,  posted  himself  with  a  body  of  his  most 
resolute  followers,  less  than  half-a-mile  to  the  westward  of  the 
stronghold.  He  was  not  long  here,  when,  the  same  morning,  a 
body  of  two  hundred  men  were  sent  out  from  the  garrison  in 
Lochiel's  direction.  On  observing  them  he  detached  twenty  of  his 
men  to  a  secret  place  to  their  rear — between  them  and  the 
garrison — with  orders  to  rush  out  and  meet  them  in  case 
they  should  retreat,  as  they  naturally  would,  in  that  direction, 
after  they  were  attacked  in  front  by  the  Camerons.  They 
marched  in  good  order  to  the  village  of  Achintore,  when  Sir 
Ewen  and  his  band  furiously  rushed  forward,  scattering  them 
in  all  directions  ;  for  the  memory  of  Achadalew  was  enough  to 
strike  terror  into  their  hearts,  when  they  were  so  suddenly  and  un- 
expectedly attacked  by  a  force  the  strength  of  which  they  could 
not  know.  The  men  in  ambush  rushed  out  to  meet  the  flying 
enemy,  gave  them  a  full  charge  of  their  firelocks  in  front,  and 
then  charged  them  with  their  broadswords,  killing  at  least  half 
their  number.  The  remainder  who  escaped  were  pursued  to  the 
very  walls  of  the  fort,  while  many  of  them  were  taken  prisoners 
and  distributed  among  such  of  the  Camerons  as  lived  a  consider- 
able distance  from  the  Castle. 

Lochiel  with  his  devoted  and  gallant  band  then  returned 
northwards,  and  found  General  Middleton,  by  whom  they  were 
received  with  great  demonstrations  of  delight  and  triumph. 
Nothing  of  importance  took  place  for  a  considerable  time  after 

*  "Guide  to  Fort-William,  Glencoc,  and  Luchaber,''  p.  54. 


this.  Lochiel  was,  however,  constantly  in  action,  daily  becoming 
a  greater  terror  to  the  enemy.  Middleton  was  anxious  to  force 
on  a  battle,  but  his  principal  officers  openly  opposed  him,  and 
ultimately  his  army  almost  melted  away. 

Meanwhile  Lochiel  received  intimation  that  the  Governor  of 
Inverlochy  was  taking  advantage  of  his  absence,  and,  for  the 
purpose  of  providing  the  garrison  with  an  ample  supply  of  fuel 
for  the  incoming  winter,  was  cutting  down  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  Lochaber  woods.  Annoyed  at  these  proceedings  Sir 
Ewen  asked  and  received  permission  from  General  Middleton 
to  return  home  with  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  men,  leaving 
the  main  body  of  his  followers  at  head-quarters,  to  avenge  the 
conduct  of  the  Governor  in  stealing  his  wood.  He  started  at 
night,  marching  by  unfrequented  paths  through  the  mountains, 
and  soon  arrived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  English  garrison 
without  his  movements  having  been  discovered  by  the  enemy, 
and  he  was  soon  informed  by  his  friends  of  circumstances  which 
enabled  him  successfully  to  execute  his  designs  of  revenge  with- 
out any  delay. 

The  woods  on  which  the  English  were  employed  were  on 
the  shoulder  of  Ben  Nevis,  about  a  mile  eastward  from  the  garri- 
son. Lochiel  marched  to  this  place,  called  Strone-Nevis,  early 
next  morning  after  his  arrival,  posted  his  men,  and  gave  them 
the  necessary  instructions.  He  kept  sixty  of  them  under  his 
own  immediate  command,  placed  in  a  tuft  of  wood  at  a  point 
opposite  where  the  soldiers  sent  out  from  the  garrison,  with  the 
hewers  of  the  wood,  always  took  up  their  position.  Two  other 
bodies  of  thirty  men  each  he  told  off  to  his  right  and  left,  respec- 
tively, in  places  where  they  were  completely  concealed,  command- 
ing them  to  rush  forth  as  soon  as  they  heard  the  concerted  signal, 
which  was  to  be  a  great  shout  of  "  Advance,  Advance  !"  as  if  the 
wood  was  full  of  men.  The  remainder  of  his  men  took  up  their 
position  in  a  pass  between  the  wood  and  the  garrison,  where  they 
were  to  lay  in  ambush,  and  not  to  move  unless  they  saw  that  the 
enemy  were  making  a  strong  resistance  when  attacked  by  the 
Highlanders  in  front ;  but  if  they  noticed  them  running  away 
they  were  to  rush  forward  to  meet  them  and  place  them  between 
two  fires,  give  them  a  volley  in  front,  and  then  attack  them  with 
their  swords,  killing  as  many  of  them  as  they  could,  but  giving 
quarter  to  any  who  threw  down  their  arms. 


About  four  hundred  of  the  English  marched  forth  from  the 
garrison,  and  took  their  usual  position,  quite  innocent  of  the 
danger  which  immediately  awaited  them.  Everything  turned 
out  as  Lochiel  anticipated,  and  a  general  slaughter  at  once 
ensued.  The  Highlanders,  issuing  forth  from  their  places  of 
concealment,  made  a  great  noise,  which  was  loudly  echoed  by  the 
surrounding  mountains.  This,  accompanied  by  the  simultaneous 
sounds  of  a  great  number  of  bagpipes,  frightened  the  enemy  so 
much  that  they  made  no  resistance  ;  for  they  thought  themselves 
surrounded  by  large  bodies  of  Highlanders  pouring  in  upon  them 
from  all  sides,  and  they  resolved  that  the  best  way  to  save  them- 
selves was  by  flying  at  their  highest  speed.  More  than  a  hundred 
of  the  English  were  killed  on  the  spot,  and  the  remainder,  having 
been  attacked  by  those  lying  in  ambush,  between  them  and  the 
garrison,  a  second  slaughter  at  that  point  was  the  result.  Not 
more  than  a  third  of  the  four  hundred  men  escaped  ;  and  these 
were  pursued  to  the  very  walls  of  the  fort,  all  in  such  a  short 
time  that  it  was  matter  of  history  before  the  Governor  actually 
knew  that  his  men  had  even  been  attacked.  Not  a  single  Eng- 
lish officer  escaped,  the  reason  being  that  they  were  the  only 
persons  who  had  the  courage  to  offer  any  resistance  to  the  High- 
landers. Among  them  was  a  great  favourite  of  the  Governor, 
who  became  so  exasperated  at  the  loss  of  his  friend  and  that  of 
his  men  that  he  was  furious  with  rage,  and  swore  immediate 
revenge  upon  Lochiel  and  his  clan. 

For  this  purpose  he  next  morning  ordered  out  his  whole 
garrison,  consisting  of  about  fifteen  hundred  men.  Lochiel  had, 
as  usual,  timely  notice  of  his  movements,  and,  betaking  himself 
to  stronger  and  higher  ground,  kept  in  view  of  the  enemy,  as  he 
himself  marched  round  the  mountains  with  pipes  playing  and 
colours  flying.  He  tried  to  induce  the  English  commander  to 
follow  him  and  so  get  entangled  in  the  woods  or  in  the  nar- 
row paths  and  other  obstructions  abounding  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, where  Lochiel  could  successfully  attack,  but  the  Governor 
was  too  wary.  After  traversing  many  difficult  and  rugged 
paths  he  returned,  and  by  the  help  of  good  guides,  found  his  way 
to  the  garrison,  with  all  his  men,  but  heartily  fatigued  and  dis- 
gusted with  his  fruitless  expedition.  The  Camerons,  who  closely 
followed,  repeatedly  insulted  them,  and  whenever  the  nature  of 


the  ground  favoured  them,  and  they  came  inconveniently  near, 
they  invited  them  to  "  advance,"  for  their  Chief  was  there  ready  to 
receive  their  Governor,  if  he  wished  to  speak  to  him  ;  and  such 
other  tantalising  and  insulting  remarks. 

The  name  of  the  young  Chief  had  now  become  such  a  terror 
that  the  men  of  the  garrison  were  careful  to  give  him  as  few  oppor- 
tunities as  possible  of  annoying  them,  though  he  occasionally 
managed  to  capture  or  kill  small  parties  of  them.  Many  amusing 
and  curious  adventures,  in  which  he  took  the  leading  part,  are  still 
the  talk  of  the  District,  and  the  following,  recorded  by  his  biogra- 
pher, is  worth  giving  : — "  A  good  part  of  the  revenue  of  his  estate 
being  paid  in  cattle,  and  commonly  sold  to  drovers,  who  disposed 
of  them  to  others  in  Lowland  markets,  he  employed  a  subtle 
fellow,  who  haunted  the  garrison,  to  whisper  it  adroitly  among 
the  soldiers,  that  a  drove  belonging  to  him  was  on  a  certain 
day  to  pass  that  way,  and  that,  Lochiel  himself  being  now  re- 
turned to  General  Middleton,  it  might  easily  be  made  a  prize  of. 
The  fellow  managed  it  so  that  it  came  to  the  Governor's  ears, 
who  gave  private  orders  to  seize  the  cattle.  Against  the  day 
prefixed,  Lochiel  ordered  some  cows  with  their  calves  to  be 
driven  with  seeming  caution  and  privacy  to  a  place  at  a  proper 
distance  from  Inverlochy  ;  but  before  they  came  there  the  calves 
were  taken  from  their  mothers,  and  driven  separately  a  short  way 
before  them,  though  always  in  their  sight.  This,  as  it  gave 
from  a  distance  the  appearance  of  two  droves,  occasioned  a  reci- 
procal lowing  and  bellowing,  which,  being  reverberated  by  the 
adjacent  hills  and  rocks,  made  a  very  great  noise.  The  soldiers 
were  quickly  alarmed,  and  ran,  without  observing  much  order,  as 
to  a  certain  prey  ;  but  Lochiel,  who  lurked  with  his  party  in  a  bush 
of  wood  nearby,  rushing  suddenly  upon  them,  with  loud  cries,  had 
the  killing  of  them  all'  the  way  to  the  garrison."  The  Governor 
became  so  enraged  at  the  frequent  tricks  played  upon  himself  and 
upon  his  men  by  Lochiel  that  he  set  such  a  close  watch  on  him 
that  he  narrowly  escaped  being  killed  or  captured  on  repeated 
occasions  soon  after.  A  few  of  these  hairbreadth  escapes,  and 
how  he  finally  arranged  favourable  and  highly  honourable  terms 
with  the  Governor  of  Inverlochy,  will  be  detailed  in  our  next. 

(To  be  continued,) 


MY  great-grandfather,  Roderick  Mackay,  rented  the  fertile  farm 
of  Mudale,  at  the  head  of  Strathnaver.  It  was  a  beautiful  spot 
by  the  side  of  the  river,  and  the  home  was  endeared  to  my  an- 
cestor by  its  being  the  place  where  his  father  and  father's  fathers 
had  lived  and  died  for  generations.  The  house  was  comfortable 
and  substantial,  and  it  was  famed  far  and  near  for  its  hospitality; 
no  stranger  having  ever  been  turned  from  its  door  without  having 
his  wants  supplied.  Nor  did  this  kindness  overtax  them,  for 
they  had  food  in  abundance.  They  had  flocks  and  herds,  and 
lived  in  ease  and  comfort. 

It  used  to  be  told  of  him  that,  instead  of  a  regular  stock- 
taking, he  once  a  year  gathered  his  sheep,  cattle,  and  horses  into 
a  curve  of  the  river,  and,  if  the  place  was  anything  well  filled,  he 
was  content  that  he  had  about  the  usual  number,  and  did  not 
trouble  about  figures.  He  went  with  his  surplus  stock  occasionally 
to  the  southern  markets,  and  was  entrusted  with  buying  and 
selling  for  his  neighbours  as  well — not  on  the  "commission 
agent "  system  of  the  present  day,  but  as  an  act  of  goodwill  and 

My  great-grandmother  was  a  "  help-meet "  in  all  things  to 
her  husband.  They  had  one  son  and  two  daughters,  the  youngest 
of  whom  was  my  grandmother.  They  were  honest,  God-fearing 
people,  loved  and  respected  by  all  who  knew  them,  and  leading 
a  life  of  peace  and  contentment,  expecting  to  end  their  lives 
among  their  friends,  in  their  dear  home,  as  their  forefathers 
had  done.  A  small  cloud,  not  bigger  than  a  man's  hand,  was 
hanging,  alas  !  over  Strathnaver.  Practical  men  from  other  lands 
were  scouring  hill  and  dale,  and  casting  covetous  eyes  upon  the 
beautiful  and  fertile  valley,  while  accepting  the  hospitality  of  the 
noble  people  whose  destruction  they  were  planning.  The  small 
cloud  spread  with  frightful  rapidity,  and  a  storm  burst  over 
Strathnaver  that  laid  happy  homes  in  ruins,  extinguishing  the 
light  of  joy  for  evermore  in  hundreds  of  human  hearts.  My 
great-grandfather,  being  a  rather  extensive  landholder,  was  the 
first  to  suffer,  and  his  death-warrant  could  not  have  caused  him 


greater  dismay  than  the  notice  to  quit  his  home.  His  flocks  were 
scattered,  and  had  to  be  sold  for  whatever  they  could  realise. 
His  house — the  home  of  his  ancestors — was  burned  before  his 
eyes.  His  effects  were  turned  out  to  the  roadside,  and  his  wife 
and  family  left  without  shelter.  By  permission  of  the  incoming 
tenant  they  were  allowed  to  take  possession  of  a  small  sheep-cot 
near  their  former  happy  home.  My  great-grandmother,  a  brave 
woman,  did  all  she  could  to  cheer  her  husband  in  his  sorrow,  and 
the  son  strove  to  save  all  he  could  from  the  wreck,  but  the  old 
man  would  not  be  comforted.  He  went  about  in  a  dazed  condi- 
tion, which  was  most  pitiful.  He  would  neither  eat  nor  drink, 
and  continually  asked  if  they  thought  he  would  get  leave  to  be 
buried  in  Mudale,  beside  his  people.  Nothing  could  rally  him, 
and  in  a  short  time  he  died.  His  wife  then  broke  down  com- 
pletely, and  did  not  survive  him  long.  They  both  died  in  that 
small  sheep-cot,  or  as  I  used  to  hear  my  grand-aunt,  their 
daughter,  put  it,  "  Ann  am  bothan  fail."  They  got  their  wish  as 
to  their  last  resting-place,  for  they  sleep  in  peace  with  those  who 
went  before  them,  ere  the  inhuman  laws  of  men  made  that  beauti- 
ful valley  what  it  now  is — a  wilderness. 

My  grandfather,  Ian  Ban  Mackay,  lived  in  Rhiphail,  about 
twelve  miles  further  down  the  glen,  and  he  also,  like  the  rest  of 
his  kith  and  kin,  was  doomed.  He  had  served  in  the  Reay 
Fencibles,  and  for  his  good  conduct  was  made  confidential  ser- 
vant to  the  Colonel  of  the  regiment,  who  was  himself  a  Mackay. 
When  my  grandfather  was  evicted  my  mother  was  twelve  years 
of  age,  and  she  vividly  remembered  the  incidents  as  long  as  she 
lived.  The  family  were  shifted  from  one  place  to  another,  until 
in  two  years  they  had  no  less  than  five  removals.  Ever  as  they 
went  the  black  flood  of  eviction  followed  them,  until  at  last  they 
landed,  or  stranded  rather,  on  the  stony  braes  of  Tongue.  There 
they  had  to  build  some  kind  of  abode  and  subsist  as  best  they 
could.  Their  eight  milk  cows  had  dwindled  down  to  one  ;  for 
they  had  to  part  with  them  from  time  to  time  to  obtain  the  bare 
necessaries  of  life. 

A  short  time  after  their  settlement  at  Tongue  the  potato 
crop  failed,  and  the  grain  crops  as  well,  when  the  ever-to-be 
remembered  famine  set  in  with  all  its  horrors.  The  disasters  and 
miseries  of  that  time  have  been  described  bv  several — foremost 


among  them  the  great  Hugh  Miller.  I  only  relate  what  con- 
cerned my  own  immediate  relations,  as  I  often  heard  it  told, 
amidst  tears,  at  our  own  fireside.  My  grandfather  found  it  hard 
to  provide  for  his  family  in  these  times,  and  at  last  it  became 
impossible.  It  was  reported  that  relief  came,  and  that  at  Tongue 
House,  a  mile  distant,  there  was  food  enough  for  all  who  required 
it.  My  grandfather  was  urged  to  go  to  the  factor  for  assist- 
ance, but  he  was  a  Mackay  and  a  soldier,  and  the  bread  of  charity 
was  to  him  a  bitter  morsel.  One  morning,  however,  things  came 
to  a  crisis — the  last  spoonful  of  meal  had  been  made  into  gruel 
for  a  sick  child,  the  last  fowl  was  killed  and  cooked  for  the 
family,  and  starvation  stared  them  in  the  face. 

My  grandfather  had  then  no  alternative  but  to  go  to  Tongue 
House.  He  found,  however,  that  the  corn  there  had  more  re- 
strictions than  that  of  Egypt.  He  found  the  factor  did  not 
believe  in  giving  charity  in  a  charitable  manner.  He  was  severely 
examined  as  to  his  character  and  conduct,  as  to  his  present 
ability  or  future  prospects  of  paying  for  the  meal.  If  he  could 
not  pay  it  then,  the  factor  demanded  a  guarantee  that  he  would 
pay  it  in  future.  At  last  he  consented  to  give  one  boll  of 
meal  to  my  grandfather,  and  in  exchange  he  was  to  get  the  one 
milk  cow  of  the  family.  The  cow  was  named  "  Shobhrag "  or 
"  Primrose,"  from  her  yellow  colour.  Owing  to  the  scarcity  of 
food,  she  had  to  be  milked  many  times  in  the  day,  and  so  one  of 
the  children,  a  precocious  little  girl  of  seven,  called  her  "  Shobhrag 
nam  beannachd  "  (the  Primrose  of  blessings).  The  name  stuck 
to  her,  for  she  was  dearly  beloved  by  the  family.  She  was  a  gentle 
creature,  who  did  not  run  away  or  get  into  trouble  like  other  cows; 
and  she  was  petted  and  made  of  by  the  children,  whilst  to  the 
parents  she  was  the  one  link  that  bound  them  to  happier  times. 
No  wonder  if  the  father's  heart  was  heavy  as  he  thought  of  his 
sad  bargain,  and  wondered  how  he  could  break  the  news  to  the 
family.  On  his  way  home  he  met  the  Rev.  Hugh  Mackenzie, 
minister  of  the  parish,  who,  on  hearing  the  sad  story,  went  and 
paid  for  the  meal,  and  so  "  Shobhrag  "  was  spared  to  them  in  their 
grief.  Mr  Mackenzie  sent  also  seed  corn  and  potatoes,  and  gave 
his  own  horses  to  plough  their  land,  while  he  personally  attended 
the  family  when  afterwards  stricken  with  fever — the  sure  concomi- 
tant of  famine.  Every  member  of  the  family  hovered  for  a  time 


between  life  and  death.  The  good  clergyman  supplied  wine  and 
other  articles  of  nourishment,  and  gave  medicine,  of  which  he  had 
considerable  knowledge.  There  did  not  seem  much  to  live  for  ; 
but  then,  as  now,  people  were  tenacious  of  life,  and  in  course  of 
time  the  family  recovered.  Better  times  came  ;  but  too  late  for 
the  head  of  the  house  ;  he  never  recovered  from  the  shock  of  his 
severe  trials,  and  he  died  a  comparatively  young  man. 

I  remember  my  grandmother,  a  sadly  depressed  woman, 
with  a  world  of  sorrow  in  her  faded  blue  eyes,  as  if  the  shadow  of 
the  past  was  always  upon  her  spirit.  I  never  saw  her  smile,  and 
when  I  asked  my  mother  for  the  cause,  she  told  me  that  that 
look  of  pain  came  upon  my  grandmother's  face  with  the  fires  of 
Strathnaver.  Strange  to  say,  when  even  my  mother  was  in  her 
last  illness  in  May  1882 — when  the  present  was  fading  from  her 
memory — she  appeared  again  as  a  girl  of  twelve  in  Strathnaver, 
continually  asking,  "  Whose  house  is  burning  now  ?"  and  crying 
out,  now  and  again,  "  Save  the  people." 

Edinburgh.  ANNIE  MACKAY. 


MR  JOHN  MACKAY,  C.E.,  Hereford,  the  well-known  friend  of  the 
Highlanders,  himself  a  native  of  Sutherlandshire,  sends  us  the  sub- 
joined important  documents.  He  writes  in  the  following  terms  : 
— "  While  at  Bettyhill  in  August  last,  during  the  sitting  there  of 
the  Royal  Commission,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  several  old 
men  in  the  neighbourhood.  On  entering  into  conversation  with 
them,  upon  the  subject  of  the  Strathnaver  Clearances,  I  found 
their  recollection  of  them  so  vivid,  and  their  relations  so  truthful 
— none  of  them  would  say  anything  more  than  he  himself  saw — 
that  I  thought  it  was  worth  something  to  have  them  taken  down 
there  and  then  ;  but  not  having  sufficient  time  at  my  disposal, 
and  being  informed  that  there  were  many  more  in  the  parish  who 
had  been  eye-witnesses  of  those  scenes,  I  got  Mr  Angus  Mackay, 
Divinity  Student,  Farr,  to  take  down  the  evidence  for  me,  and 
have  it  attested."  The  statements,  in  all  cases,  were  carefully 


taken  clown  in  Gaelic,  translated  into  English,  read  to  the  de- 
clarant again  in  Gaelic  and  English  in  the  presence  of  the  wit- 
nesses who  attest  them,  and  who  understood  both  languages  ;  the 
statements  were  then  signed  by  the  cross  or  name  of  each  declar- 
ant in  presence  of  the  witnesses,  who  there  and  then  attested  each 
document  on  the  date  recorded  upon  it,  in  presence  of  the  declar- 
ant. Mr  Mackay  has  since  presented  them  to  the  Royal  Com- 
mission as  part  of  his  evidence  in  Edinburgh.  They  are  as 
follows  : — 

RODERICK  MACLEOD,  78 years  of  age,  crofter  and  fisherman,  Skerray, 
Parish  of  Tongue, 

I  was  born  at  Grumb-mhor,  where  I  lived  for  eight  years,  and  now  occupy  a  small 
croft  near  the  edge  of  the  cliffs  at  Skerray.  I  was  working  at  a  read  that  was  being 
made  on  Strathnaver,  a  good  few  years  after  I  was  driven  from  the  Strath  myself, 
when  I  saw  the  following  townships  set  on  fire  : — 

Grumb-mhor,  with  1 6  houses.  |  Achmhillidh,  with  4  houses. 

All  the  houses  in  these  two  places  were  burnt,  with  the  exception  of  one  barn,  which 
was  left  to  be  used  as  a  store  by  those  working  at  the  road. 

I  recollect  of  Branders,  who  had  the  charge  of  Sellar's  burning  gang,  coming  to 
one  house  there,  where  an  old  woman  and  her  daughter-in-law  lived.  The  woman 
was  very  old  and  frail,  and  had  nowhere  to  go  at  such  a  short  notice.  Branders, 
therefore,  as  Sellar  himself  was  not  present  to  see,  taking  compassion  on  her,  gave  her 
permission  to  remain  for  a  night  or  two  longer  in  the  house,  until  she  could  get  some 
bothy  beyond  Sellar's  satrapy,  where  she  would  be  at  liberty  to  live  or  die. 

Few,  if  any,  of  all  those  families  burnt  out  knew  where  to  turn  their  head,  or  from 
whom  or  where  to  get  the  next  meal,  after  being  thus  expatriated  from  the  homes  to 
which  their  hearts  so  fondly  clung. 

It  was  sad  to  witness  the  heartrending  scenes  that  followed  the  driving  away  of 
these  people.  The  terrible  remembrance  of  the  burnings  of  Strathnaver  will  live  as 
long  as  a  root  of  the  people  remains  in  the  country.  Th<i  people  when  on  Strathnaver 
were  very  comfortable. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  RORY  MACLEOD. 

Witnesses,       \  WILLIAM  SUTHERLAND. 
30th  Aug.  1883.  \  MURDO  MACKAY. 

WILLIAM  MORRISON,  89  years  of  age,  crofter,  Dalacham,  Farr. 
I  was  born  at  Rossal,  on  Strathnaver,  and  remember  well  of  seeing  the  following 
townships  on  fire : — 

Rossal,  with  about  20  houses.  Dalvina,  with  2  houses. 

Dalmalarn,  with  2  houses.  Achphris,  with  2  houses. 

The  people  as  a  rule  were,  in  these  townships,  expected  to  be  away  from  their  houses 
before  those  employed  in  burning  came  round.  This  was  generally  done,  but  in  a 
certain  house  in  Rossal  there  lived  an  old  woman  who  could  not  remove  with  the  rest 
of  the  neighbours.  She  could  not  build  another  house  were  she  to  remove.  To  this 
poor  person's  house  came  the  cruel  burners  in  their  turn,  and  set  fire  to  it  in  two 
places,  heeding  not  her  pitiful  cries.  The  burners,  however,  treated  her  kinder  than 


was  their  wont,  for  they  carried  her  out  of  the  burning  house,  and  placed  her  on  the 
grass  with  some  of  her  own  blankets  about  her. 

I  cannot  say  what  became  of  her  afterwards,  but  surely  it  was  cruel  enough  that 
she  should  be  thus  left  exposed  to  wind  and  weather,  deprived  of  all  shelter  and  desti- 
tute of  all  means.  For  people  to  say  that  there  was  no  cruelty  or  harshness  shown  the 
people  when  they  were  burnt  off  Strathnaver,  is  a  glaring  lie  which  no  amount  of 
flowery  language  can  hide.  Sellar's  son  can,  no  doubt,  wield  the  pen  well,  but  he 
will  find  he  has  undertaken  an  impossibility  when  he  tries  to  prove  that  his  father  was 
a  good  man.  Most  assuredly  he  was  a  cruel  tyrant. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  WILLIAM  MORRISON. 

Witnesses,       (  DONALD  MACKENZIE,  Minister,  Free  Church,  Farr. 
2$th  Aug.  1883.  j  ANGUS  MACKAY,  Divinity  Student,  Farr. 

GRACE  MACDONALD,  88 years  of  age,  Armadale,  Farr. 

I  was  born  on  Strathnaver,  in  a  place  called  Langall,  and  was  nineteen  years  of 
age  when  we  were  evicted  from  the  Strath  I  remember  well  the  burning  of  the 
house;>.  I  saw  the  following  five  townships  burnt  by  Sellar's  party  : — 

Langall,  with  8  houses.  Ealan  &  Challaidh,  with  2  houses. 

Totachan,  with  2  houses.  Sgall,  with  4  houses. 

Coile  an  Kian,  with  2  houses. 

There  was  no  mercy  or  pity  shown  to  young  or  old — all  had  to  clear  away,  and  those 
who  could  not  get  their  effects  removed  in  time  to  a  safe  distance  had  it  burnt  before 
their  very  eyes. 

On  one  occasion,  while  Sellar's  burning  party  were  engaged  in  setting  fire  to  a 
certain  house  in  Langall,  a  cat  belonging  to  the  premises  leapt  out  of  the  flames.  Some 
one  of  the  party  seized  the  half-smothered  cat  and  threw  him  back  into  the  flames, 
where  it  was  kept  till  it  perished. 

The  evicted  people  had  to  go  down  to  the  bleak  land  skirting  the  sea-shore,  and 
there  trench  and  reclaim  land  for  themselves. 

They  got  no  compensation  or  help  from  the  proprietor,  and  some  of  them  suffered 
very  much  from  want  of  food  the  first  winter.  They  were  happy  on  Strathnaver,  with 
plenty  to  take  and  give,  but  are  all  very  poor  now. 

The  unsatiable  greed  of  Sellar  was  the  cause  of  all  this. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  GRACE  MACDONALD. 

Witnesses,      (  MURDO  MACKAY. 
29th  Aug.  1883  (  MARY  MACLEOD.. 

Widow  BETSY  MACKAY  (Drover),  86  years  of  age,  Kirtomy,  Parish  of  Farr. 

I  am  a  native  of  Strathnaver,  and  saw  some  of  the  burnings  that  took  place  there. 
I  was  born  at  Sgall,  a  township  with  six  houses,  where  I  lived  till  I  was  sixteen  years 
of  age,  when  the  people  in  the  township  were  driven  away  and  their  houses  burnt. 

Our  family  was  very  reluctant  to  leave  this  place,  and  stayed  for  some  time  after 
the  summons  for  evicting  was  delivered.  But  Sellar's  party  came  round  and  set  fire 
to  our  house  at  both  ends,  reducing  to  ashes  whatever  remained  within  the  walls.  The 
occupants  had,  of  course,  to  escape  for  their  lives,  some  of  them  losing  all  their  clothes 
except  what  they  had  on  their  backs.  The  people  then  had  plenty  clothes  (home 
spun),  which  they  made  from  the  wool  of  their  sheep. 

The  people  were  told  they  could  go  where  they  liked,  provided  they  did  not  en- 
cumber Sellar's  domain,  the  land  that  was  by  rights  their  own.  The  people  were 
driven  away  like  dogs  who  deserved  no  better  fate,  and  that,  too,  without  any  reason 
in  the  world,  but  to  satisfy  the  cruel  avarice  of  Sellar. 


Here  is  an  incident  that  I  remember  in  connection  with  the  burning  of  Sgall. 
My  sister,  whose  husband  was  from  home,  was  delivered  of  a  child  at  Grumb-mhor 
at  this  time.  Her  friends  in  Sgall,  fearing  lest  her  house  should  be  burnt,  and  she 
perish  in  her  helpless  condition,  went  to  Grumb-mhor  and  took  her  with  them  in  very 
cold  weather,  weak  and  feeble  as  she  was.  This  sudden  removal  occasioned  to  her  a 
fever,  which  left  its  effects  upon  her  till  her  dying  day. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  BETSY  MACKAY. 

Witnesses,       \  ALEXANDER  MACKAY. 

29th  Aug.  1883.  \  MURDO  MACKAY. 

WIDOW  DAVID  MUNRO,  Strathy,  regarding  Ceann-na-Coille 
I  was  seven  years  of  age  when  this  portion  of  Strathnaver  was  cleared.  There 
were  six  families  in  the  township: — Hugh  Mackay,  J.  Campbell,  Angus  Mackay,  John 
Mackay  (Macrob),  William  Mackay.  and  my  father,  William  Sutherland.  I  remember 
distinctly  the  position  of  the  houses.  Our  family  consisted  of  six  girls  and  one  boy. 
We  received  orders  to  quit  our  abode  on  term  day.  All  the  men  of  the  village  were 
away  except  my  father,  who  had  removed  his  furniture  to  an  out-house  before  Sellar 
arrived.  He  was  an  intelligent  man,  sometimes  acting  as  teacher,  and  when  the  com- 
pany arrived  to  set  fire  to  the  house,  he  requested  that,  in  consideration  of  his  services 
to  the  House  of  Sutherland,  by  going  with  the  rents  of  the  townships  to  Dunrobin, 
etc.,  etc.,  they  would  be  good  enough  to  spare  the  out-house,  whither  he  might  retire 
during  the  night  ;  and  that  he  himself  would  set  fire  to  it  next  morning.  This  was 
ruthlessly  refused,  and  we  had  to  remain  all  night  on  a  green  hillock  outside,  and 
view  our  dwelling  smouldering  into  ashes. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  MRS  DAVID  MUNRO. 

Witnesses,       \  ADAM  GUNN. 
i8th  Aug.  1883.  |  ALEX.  MUNRO,  Strathy  West. 

BELL  COOPER,  82  years  of  age,  Crask,  Farr. 

I  was  born  at  Achness  on  Strathnaver,  where  I  lived  till  I  was  eleven  years  of 
age.  All  the  people  in  the  township  were  then  removed  and  their  houses  burnt. 
Our  family  had  to  leave  with  the  rest,  but  we  were  allowed  to  build  a  house  on  the 
other  side  .of  the  river,  at  a  place  called  Riloisgt.  Here  we  were  allowed  to  live  for  five 
more  years,  and  then  were  evicted  a  second  time. 

During  these  five  years  Sellar  was  busily  engaged  working  out  the  desolation  of 
the  east  side  of  the  Strath,  and  I  was  an  eye  witness  of  the  burning  of  all  the  houses 
between  Rossal  and  Achcaoilnaborgin.  I  cannot  say  how  many  houses  there  were 
in  the  district  between  these  two  places,  but  I  saw  them  all  burnt  myself.  I  am  sure 
there  would  be  between  two  and  three  score  at  the  least. 

The  west  side  was  left  unmolested,  while  the  east  side  was  being  burnt,  as  Sellar 
was  unable  to  stock  both  sides  of  the  Strath  at  once.  By  the  end  of  these  five  years 
he  grew  richer,  and  was  able  to  manage  both  sides.  Accordingly,  he  came  again 
with  his  burning  gang  and  commenced  the  destruction  of  the  west  side  of  the  Strath. 
This  he  succeeded  in  doing,  and  the  house  in  which  I  lived  with  my  father  was  the 
first  set  on  fire. 

For  some  days  after  the  people  were  turned  out,  one  could  scarcely  hear  a  word 
with  the  lowing  of  cattle  and  the  screaming  of  children  marching  off  in  all  directions. 
Sellar  burnt  everything  he  could  lay  his  hands  upon — in  some  cases  the  very  hens  in 
the  byres  were  burnt.  I  shall  never  forget  that  awful  day. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  BELL  COOPER. 

MURDO  MACKAY'  Student" 


GEORGE  MACDONALD,  84  years  of  age,  crofter  and  mason,  Airdneskich,  Farr. 

I  was  born  in  Rossal  on  Strathnaver,  and  was  about  fifteen  years  of  age  when 
that  township  was  burnt.  Every  house  was  burnt  to  the  ground.  I  cannot  remem- 
ber the  number  of  houses  in  Rossal,  but  I  would  say  there  were  about  twenty.  There 
were  four  other  townships  near  this,  each  with  abo>ut  the  same  number  of  houses,  all 
of  which  were  burnt  on  the  same  day  ;  but  I  remember  of  seeing  none  of  these  houses 
actually  on  fire  except  one,  for  I  was  away  driving  the  cattle  at  the  time,  though  I 
saw  the  burnt  ruins  a  few  days  after. 

The  house  which  I  saw  set  on  fire  was  that  of  one  Chisholm,  who  lived  in  Badin- 
loskin.  Sellar  and  his  party  approached  this  house  and  told  Chisholm  that,  if  he 
would  not  make  off  with  his  family  and  all  that  belonged  to  him,  they  would  soon 
give  them  a  hot  bed.  Chisholm  refused  to  leave,  and  Sellar  himself,  who  was  pre- 
sent at  this  instance,  urged  his  followers  to  help  him  in  putting  the  house  on  fire. 
His  orders  were  immediately  obeyed,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  house  was  all  ablaze. 
Chisholm's  mother-in-law,  a  very  old  woman,  was  confined  to  bed  through  infirmity, 
and  was  unable  to  leave  the  burning  house  along  with  the  other  inmates.  Although 
Sellar  and  his  men  well  knew  that  she  could  not  move,  they  took  no  notice  of  the 
poor  wretch,  and  had  not  some  of  her  own  friends  rushed  in  and  rescued  her,  when 
already  the  bed-clothes  were  on  fire  about  her,  she  would  have  certainly  perished  on 
the  spot.  The  woman  never  thoroughly  recovered,  and  a  few  days  thereafter  died 
from  the  effects  of  the  fire  and  the  fright  she  took.  My  father,  when  his  own  house 
was  set  on  fire,  tried  to  save  a  few  pieces  of  wood  out  of  the  burning  house,  which  he 
carried  to  the  river,  about  half-a-mile  away,  and  there  formed  a  raft  of  it.  His  inten- 
tion was  to  float  the  wood  down  the  stream,  and  build  a  kind  of  a  hut  somewhere  to 
shelter  his  weak  family  ;  but  Sellar's  party  came  the  way,  and,  seeing  the  timber,  set 
fire  to  it,  and  soon  reduced  the  whole  to  ashes. 

When  the  people  came  down  from  the  Strath  to  the  sea-shore,  where  their  de- 
scendants are  living  now,  they  suffered  very  much  the  first  winter  from  the  want  of 
houses.  They  hurriedly  threw  up  earthen  walls,  stretching  blankets  over  the  top  to 
shelter  them,  and,  cooped  up  in  a  small  place  like  this,  four  or  five  families  spent  the 
following  winter.  No  compensation  was  given  for  the  houses  that  were  burnt,  neither 
any  help  to  build  new  ones.  Having  brought  with  them  large  flocks  of  cattle,  and 
there  being  no  food  for  them,  they  almost  all  died  the  first  winter.  Strathnaver  was 
not  all  cleared  the  same  year,  but  the  people  were  burnt  out  from  year  to  year,  just 
as  Sellar  was  able  to  take  and  stock  the  places — first  the  east  side  of  the  Strath,  and 
then  the  west  side.  Some  people  were  removed  three  or  four  times,  always  forced 
farther  down,  until  at  last  the  sea-shore  prevented  them  from  being  sent  any  farther, 
unless  they  took  ship  for  the  Colonies,  which  many  of  them  did.  I  was  a  neighbour 
of  Donald  Macleod,  who  wrote  a  book  on  the  Strathnaver  Clearances,  and  can  con- 
scientiously say  that  he  was  a  truthful  and  honest  man.  His  book,  I  am  sure,  con- 
tains the  truth,  having  read  some  of  it  myself,  most  of  which  I  could  substantiate. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true  GEORGE  MACDONALD. 

w>  I  DONALD  MACKENZIE,  Minister,  Free  Church,  Farr. 

!,    A         iR«*  '  DONALD  M 'DONALD,  Aird. 

OOJl  (  ANGUS  MACKAY,  Divinity  Student,  Cattlefield,  Farr. 

(To  be  continued.) 


VIII. — BRITISH  RELIGION — (Continued.) 

WE  have  thus  discovered  in  Don  and  his  children  the  powers 
of  sky  and  air,  answering  to  Jove  and  his  Olympians  of  Classical 
Mythology;  in  Nudd  and  his  son  Gwynn  we  have  probably 
found  the  powers  that  rule  over  the  land  of  "shades,"  correspond- 
ing to  Pluto  or  Dis  ;  and  we  now  come  to  consider  the  third 
family  of  British  deities,  Lir  and  his  children,  whom  we  shall 
find  to  be  the  British  and  Gaelic  equivalents  of  Neptune,  the  sea- 
god,  and  Aphrodite,  "daughter  of  the  foam."  Lir,  or  as  the 
Welsh  spell  the  name,  Llyr,  is  the  same  as  the  Gaelic  tear,  found 
in  the  Ossianic  poems,  and  signifying  the  "  sea."  Lir  is  there- 
fore the  personification  of  the  sea — the  sea  deified.  He  is  a  deity 
common  to  both  Britons  and  Gaels  ;  indeed,  it  may  rather  be 
said  that  he  is  more  properly  a  deity  of  the  Gaels  transferred 
into  the  British  pantheon.  The  epithet  Llediaith,  or  "half- 
speech,"  that  is,  "  dialect,"  which  is  attached  to  his  name,  goes  to 
show  that  he  was  not  a  deity  of  native  British  origin.  We  are 
therefore  justified  in  considering  Lir  as  the  sea  deity  of  the 
ancient  remnant  of  the  Gaels  still  surviving  and  maintaining 
their  ground  in  Wales  in  the  fifth  century,  and  represented  as 
then  expelled  by  Cunedda  and  his  sons.  They  were,  however, 
more  probably  slowly  absorbed  by  the  Welsh,  who  were  then 
pressed  westwards  by  the  Saxons.  All  the  legends  preserved  in 
Welsh,  connected  with  Lir  and  his  family,  point  to  a  strong 
Gaelic  influence,  if  not  to  a  Gaelic  origin.  Of  Lir  himself  no- 
thing is  said  in  the  Welsh  legends  beyond  his  being  the  father  of 
so  many  children  ;  in  Ireland  he  is  represented  as  striving  for 
the  sovereignty  of  the  Tuatha-De-Dannan,  the  Gaelic  gods,  with 
Bove  Derg,  son  of  the  Dagda,  and,  when  defeated  in  his  aspira- 
tions, as  retiring  to  Sidh-Fionnachaidh.  Here  he  leads  the  life 
of  a  provincial  chief,  and  all  else  that  we  know  of  him  is  the 
cruel  transformation  of  his  four  children  by  their  wicked  aunt 
and  stepmother.  Lir  has  also  another  name  ;  at  least  he  must 
have  had  another  name,  or  else  Mannanan,  his  son,  and  Cordelia, 
his  daughter,  must  each  have  had  two  fathers.  In  some  tradi- 



tions  they  are  both  represented  as  the  children  of  Llud.  The 
same  confusion,  of  course,  appears  in  the  Irish  genealogy  of  Man- 
nanan  ;  for  the  most  part  he  is  known  as  the  son  of  Lir,  but  in 
the  genealogies  he  is  set  down  as  the  son  of  Alloid,  doubtless  the 
original,  or,  at  least,  the  equivalent  of  Llud.  Professor  Rhys 
thinks  that  Llud  stands  for  Nudd,  the  N  changing  into  LI,  be- 
cause Llud  also  received  the  title  of  Llaw  Ereint,  "silver- 
handed,"  just  as  the  Irish  King  Nuada  did  ;  and  the  principle  of 
alliteration  required  the  changing  of  Nudd  Llaw  Ereint  into 
Llud  Llaw  Ereint.  And  Nudd,  besides,  was  somehow  a  god  of 
the  sea ;  what  was  the  necessity  of  two  chief  sea-gods  ?  We 
have  interpreted  Nudd  as  a  god  of  the  "  land  under  the  waves," 
and  not  as  the  sea-god  proper  ;  and,  again,  the  Irish  Alloid  is 
distinctly  against  any  such  change  of  letters  as  Nudd  into  Llud, 
besides  its  being  otherwise  far  from  probable  that  such  a  change 
should  occur  on  any  principle  of  alliteration.  Lir,  under  the 
name  of  Llud,  is,  in  the  histories  and  tales,  the  brother  of  Cassi- 
belaunus,  Caesar's  opponent,  and  in  his  reign  Britain  was 
troubled  with  three  direful  plagues :  the  Coranians,  a  people 
"  whose  knowledge  was  such  that  there  was  no  discourse  upon 
the  face  of  the  Island,  however  it  might  be  spoken,  but  what,  if 
the  wind  blew  it,  it  was  known  to  them  ; "  second,  a  shriek  that 
occurred  every  May  eve,  that  created  all  kinds  of  terrors  and 
horrors  ;  and,  third,  the  king's  winter  provisions  disappeared 
every  year  when  stored.  From  these  plagues  the  wisdom  of  his 
brother  Llevelys  freed  King  Llud.  Lir  appears  in  the  pages  of 
Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  as  an  old  British  king,  who  reigned  long 
before  Llud,  and  who  had  three  daughters,  whose  story  forms 
the  groundwork  of  Shakespeare's  tragedy  of  King  Lear. 

Mannanan,  the  son  of  Lir,  is  in  the  Welsh  Myths  one  of  the 
seven — that  mystical  number,  so  common  in  the  old  Welsh 
poems — who  escaped  from  Ireland  on  the  death  of  his  brother, 
Bran,  the  blessed,  king  of  Britain.  Returning  with  the  head  of 
Bran,  the  seven  heroes  found  the  throne  usurped  by  Cassibel- 
aunus  and  retired  to  Harlech,  where  the  birds  of  Rhiannon  kept 
them  enchanted  by  their  music  for  seven  years  ;  and  after  this 
they  feasted  for  eighty  years  more  at  Gwales  in  Penvro,  from 
which  place  they  set  out  to  London  and  buried  Bran's  head 
with  its  face  to  France.  As  long  as  Bran's  head  was  left  there 
facing  France  no  invasion  of  Britain  could  be  successful.  Un- 


fortunately  Arthur  exhumed  the  head,  declaring  that  he  would 
maintain  the  country  against  any  foe  without  need  of  super- 
natural safeguard.  In  his  subsequent  career  Mannanan  is  seen 
to  be  a  deity  who  presides  over  arts  and  commerce,  a  god  who 
is  "  deep  in  counsel."  He  and  another  of  the  mythic  seven 
wander  about  doing  artificers'  work  ;  he  successively  tries  saddle- 
making,  shoemaking,  and  shieldmaking,  trades  in  which  he 
out-distances  all  competitors  as  a  matter  of  course.  From  the 
Irish  accounts  of  him,  Mannanan  Mac  Lir,  appears  to  be  a  god  of 
sea  and  wind.  Cormac,  Archbishop  of  Cashel,  of  the  ninth 
century,  describes  him  in  his  glossary  like  a  true  Euhemerist,  as 
"  Manannan  mac  lir,  a  renowned  trader  who  dwelt  in  the  Is- 
land of  Man.  He  was  the  best  pilot  in  the  west  of  Europe. 
Through  acquaintance  with  the  sky  he  knew  the  quarter  in 
which  would  be  fair  weather  and  foul  weather,  and  when  each  of 
these  two  seasons  would  change.  Hence  the  Scots  and  Britons 
called  him  a  god  of  the  sea,  and  hence  they  said  he  was  son  of 
the  sea,  that  is,  mac  lir,  '  son  of  the  sea.'  "  Mannanan  is  other- 
wise represented  as  one  of  the  Tuatha-De-Dannan  chiefs.  He 
was  the  possessor  of  that  wonderful  steed  mentioned  in  the  story 
of  the  "  Children  of  Tuireann."  Luga  of  the  Long  Arms  "  rode 
the  steed  of  Mannanan  Mac  Lir,  namely  Enbarr  of  the  Flowing 
Mane  :  no  warrior  was  ever  killed  on  the  back  of  this  steed,  for 
she  was  as  swift  as  the  cold  clear  wind  of  spring,  and  she 
travelled  with  equal  ease  on  land  and  on  sea.  He  wore  Man- 
nanan's coat  of  mail ;  no  one  could  be  wounded  through  it,  or 
above  it  or  below  it.  He  had  on  his  breast  Mannanan's  breast- 
plate, which  no  weapon  could  pierce.  Mannanan's  sword,  The 
Answerer,  hung  at  his  left  side  ;  no  one  ever  recovered  from  its 
wound  ;  and  those  who  were  opposed  to  it  in  the  battle-field 
were  so  terrified  by  looking  at  it  that  their  strength  left  them 
and  they  became  weaker  than  women."  In  the  curious  story 
called  the  "  Sick-bed  of  Cuchulainn,"  Mannanan  is  represented 
as  a  fairy  chief  who  deserts  his  fairy  bride  Fand,  but  Fand  is 
helped  and  loved  by  Cuchulainn,  mortal  though  he  was.  Man- 
nanan on  discovering  this,  returns  to  his  wife  and  shakes  his  magic 
cloak  between  her  and  Cuchulainn,  so  that  they  should  never 
meet  again.  This  magic  cloak  had  also  the  effect  of  producing 
forgetfulness  of  the  past.  Of  Mannanan,  Mr  Elton  says:  "In 
him  we  see  personified  the  splendour  and  swiftness  of  the  sun  ; 


•  the  god  rushes  over  the  waves  like  a  '  wheel  of  fire '  and  his 
three-legged  shape  recalls  the  giant  strides  of  Vishnu.  He  was 
the  patron  of  traffic  and  merchandise.  The  best  weapons  and 
jewels  from  across  the  sea  were,  thought  to  be  gifts  from  the  god." 
Branwen,  "  white-bosom,"  the  daughter  of  Lir,  is  the  central 
figure  of  the  most  tragic  of  Welsh  myths.  She  is  married  to 
Matholwch,  King  of  Ireland,  who  treats  her  badly.  Her  brother 
Bran,  coming  to  know  of  it,  invades  Ireland.  The  Irish  yield, 
and  build  a  house  big  enough  for  Bran  to  enter  into,  a  thing  he 
never  hitherto  could  get,  so  enormous  was  his  size.  But  the  Irish 
had  decided  to  murder  their  guests  at  the  first  feast  in  the  great 
house.  The  cleverness  of  one  of  Bran's  men  foils  their  purpose  ; 
there  is,  however,  a  general  slaughter,  in  which  the  Irish  have  at 
first  the  best  of  it,  for  they  possess  a  cauldron,  into  which,  when 
any  one  is  dipped  that  is  dead,  he  comes  to  life  hale  and  sound. 
But  the  cauldron  is  discovered  by  the  already-mentioned  one  of 
Bran's  men,  and  he  breaks  it.  Bran  is  killed,  and  only  seven  re- 
turn of  his  people  to  Wales.  The  story  as  a  whole  is  a  very 
widely-spread  one  ;  it  appears  in  about  a  dozen  forms  in  Teutonic 
lands — the  Volsung  Saga  and  the  Nibelung  story  being  the  most 
famous  forms  of  it.  Probably  there  are  in  the  myth  the  evidences 
of  a  time  when  Celt  and  Teuton  lived  not  too  amicably  together 
on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  a  supposition  which  would  obviate  the 
necessity  of  supposing  the  Celtic  version  a  borrowed  one,  inferior 
though  it  may  be  in  some  details.  Another  legend  represents 
Branwen  or  Brangwaine  as  helping  the  loves,  illicit  though  they 
be,  of  Tristram  and  Iseult.  It  is  she  that  hands  to  Tristram 
the  fateful  love-potion  which  binds  him  irrevocably  to  Iseult. 
Hence  Mr  Elton  considers  her  the  Venus  of  the  Northern  Seas. 
Indeed,  the  sea  was  poetically  named  "  the  fountain  of  Venus," 
according  to  the  lolo  MSS.;  and  a  verse  in  the  "  Black  Book  of 
Carmarthen  "  gives  this  stanza  : — 

' '  Accursed  be  the  damsel 
Who,  after  the  wailing, 
Let  loose  the  Fountain  of  Venus,  the  raging  deep." 

From  this  we  can  easily  understand  how  Branwen  may  be  Venus 
and  daughter  of  the  sea-god  as  well,  as  Aphrodite  was  sprung 
from  the  foam  of  the  sea.  Cordelia,  another  daughter  of  Lear 
or  Llud,  has  already  been  mentioned  as  the  resplendent  summer 
goddess  for  whom  the  powers  of  air  and  the  shades  fight  every 
May-day  till  the  day  of  doom, 


In  the  remarkable  Mabinogion  entitled  "  Kilhvvch  and  Olvven," 
so  full  of  mythologic  lore,  we  can  see  the  true  character  of  at 
least  one  of  Arthur's  knights.  This  is  his  seneschal  Kai.  From 
the  references  in  this  mythic  tale,  it  could  alone  be  proved  that 
Kai  was  no  less  than  the  British  Vulcan,  the  fire-god.  "  Kai," 
says  the  tale,  "  had  this  peculiarity,  that  his  breath  lasted  nine 
nights  and  nine  days  under  water,  and  he  could  exist  nine  days 
and  nine  nights  without  sleep.  A  wound  from  Kai's  sword  no 
physician  could  heal.  Very  subtle  was  Kai.  When  it  pleased 
him  he  could  render  himself  as  tall  as  the  highest  tree  in  the  forest. 
And  he  had  another  peculiarity :  so  great  was  the  heat  of  his 
nature  that  when  it  rained  hardest,  whatever  he  carried  remained 
dry  for  a  handbreadth  above  and  a  handbreadth  below  his  hand ; 
and  when  his  companions  were  coldest  he  was  to  them  as  fuel 
with  which  to  light  their  fire."  Such  was  Arthur's  steward  ! 
Hephaestus  and  Vulcan  do  equally  mean  duties  in  the  halls  of 
Olympus.  The  gods  laugh  heartily  at  the  limping  gait  and  un- 
gainly appearance  of  Hephaestus  as  he  hands  round  the  cup  of 
nectar.  So  is  Kai  often  the  butt  of  Arthur's  knights.  Another 
of  Arthur's  knights  may  be  mentioned  as  probably  .a  degraded 
war  deity.  Owain,  the  son  of  Urien  Rheged,  is  never  mentioned 
in  the  older  poems  and  tales  without  reference  to  his  army  of 
ravens,  "  which  rose  as  he  waved  his  wand,  and  swept  men  into 
the  air  and  dropped  them  piecemeal  on  the  ground."  We  are 
here  reminded  of  the  Irish  war  goddess  who  so  often  appears  as, 
and  is  indeed  named,  the  "scald-crow"  (Badb}.  Odin,  too,  has 
his  ravens  to  consult  with,  and  to  act  as  his  messengers.  Many 
others  of  Arthur's  heroes  partake  of  the  same  mythical  type  ; 
of  Arthur  himself  we  shall  speak  again  in  considering  the  Celtic 
hero-tales.  At  present,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  Arthur  is,  at 
least,  as  mythical  as  any  of  the  rest  we  have  mentioned. 

Nor  must  we  overlook  Caridwen,  who  is  considered,  even  by 
the  Welsh  themselves,  their  goddess  of  nature.  She  is  possessed 
of  a  cauldron  of  "  inspiration  and  science,"  which,  as  Mr  Nutt 
points  out,  may  be  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  the  reproductive 
power  of  the  earth.  It  is  doubtless  this  same  cauldron  that  has 
appeared  in  the  story  of  Branwen  the  daughter  of  Lir  :  when  the 
dead  heroes  were  plunged  into  it  they  were  resuscitated.  The 
Tuatha-De-Dannan  were  possessed  in  Scythia  of  a  similar 
cauldron,  similarly  employed.  Caridwen,  the  tale  says,  set  her 


cauldron  to  boil,  and  placed  Gwion  Bach,  the  dwarf,  and  the 
blind  Morda  to  watch  it,  charging  them  not  to  suffer  it  to  cease 
boiling  for  a  year  and  a  day.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year, 
three  drops  of  the  boiling  liquor  spluttered  out  upon  the  hand  of 
Gwion,  and  suddenly  putting  his  hand  in  his  mouth  because  of 
the  heat,  the  future  and  present  were  revealed  to  him.  The  cauld- 
ron burst,  the  fairy  returned,  and  Gwion  had  to  run  for  his  life. 
Pursued  at  once  by  Caridwen,  he  changed  himself  into  a  hare  and 
fled.  But  she  changed  herself  into  a  greyhound  and  turned  him. 
And  he  ran  towards  the  river  and  became  a  fish  ;  she  took  the 
form  of  an  otter  and  gave  chase.  He  then  became  a  bird,  and 
she  a  hawk,  and  as  she  was  swooping  down  upon  him  he  fell 
among  a  heap  of  wheat  and  became  one  of  the  grains.  She, 
however,  became  a  high-crested  black  hen,  scratched  the  heap, 
found  him,  and  swallowed  him.  He  was  thereafter  born  as  a 
beautiful  boy,  whom  Caridwen  had  not  the  heart  to  kill.  She 
put  him  in  a  leather  sack,  and  cast  him  into  the  sea.  Being 
washed  ashore,  he  was  discovered,  and  brought  to  Prince  Elphin, 
to  whom  he  immediately,  child  though  he  was,  began  to  sing 
most  elegant  poetry.  This  youthful  poet  was  none  else  than 
Taliesin,  "  prince  of  song,  and  the  chief  of  the  bards  of  the  west." 
The  poems  ascribed  to  Taliesin  have  been  called  the  romance  of 
metempsychosis.  "  The  Druidical  doctrine  of  the  transmigration 
of  souls  is  thought  to  be  hidden  in  the  poet's  account  of  his 
wonderful  transformations."  A  specimen  or  two  out  of  many 
such  may  be  quoted. — 

"  I  have  been  in  a  multitude  of  shapes, 
Before  I  assumed  a  consistent  form, 
I  have  been  a  sword  narrow,  variegated, 
I  have  been  a  tear  in  the  air  ; 
I  have  been  the  dullest  of  stars, 
I  have  been  a  word  among  letters, 
[  have  been  a  book  in  the  origin." 

And  again — 

"  I  have  been  a  sow,  I  have  been  a  buck, 
I  have  been  a  sage,  I  have  been  a  snout, 
I  have  been  a  horn,  I  have  been  a  wild  sow, 
I  have  been  a  shout  in  battle." 

Evidently  there  is  in  these  poems  of  Taliesin  the  broken-down 
remembrance  of  the  old  Druidic  cult.  True  enough  the  poet 
does  show  a  wonderful  and  suspicious  acquaintance  with  the 
"  Metamorphoses"  of  Ovid  and  his  account  of  Pythagorean  doc- 


trines,  as  he  also  does  with  even  Irish  mythology,  for  he  speaks 
of  his  place  in  S.  Caer  Sidi,  doubtless  the  Irish  Side,  thus — 

"  Complete  is  my  chair  in  Caer  Sidi, 

No  one  will  be  afflicted  with  disease  or  old  age  that  may  be  in  it." 

Yet  for  all  this,  for  all  his  mingling  of  Greek,  Roman,  and 
Jewish  history  and  myth,  we  may  believe  that  there  is  at 
bottom  a  germ  of  genuine  Druidic  influence,  and  of  genuine 
Welsh  myth.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  tale  of  the  cauldron 
appears  in  the  history  of  the  Gaelic  counterpart  of  Taliesin 
— in  the  closing  scenes  of  Ossian's  career,  and  not  at  the 
beginning,  as  in  Taliesin's  case.  Ossian,  old  and  blind, 
tried  to  recover  his  youth  by  magical  means.  He  now  lived 
among  little  men  who  could  not  give  him  food  enough,  and 
consequently  he  had  a  belt  round  his  waist  with  three  skewers — 
dealg-  -in  it  to  tighten  his  stomach.  He  went  out  one  day  with  his 
gillie  to  hunt,  and  by  some  supernatural  means  brought  down 
three  remarkable  deer.  These  he  took  home  and  put  in  a  cauld- 
ron to  be  cooked,  bidding  his  gillie  watch  them,  and  on  no 
account  to  taste  any  of  the  food.  All  went  right  for  a  time ;  the 
deer  were  cooked  ;  Ossian  ate  the  first  and  let  out  one  skewer  ; 
he  ate  a  second  and  let  out  a  second  skewer ;  but  as  misfortune 
would  have  it,  while  the  third  deer  was  simmering  in  the  cauld- 
ron a  drop  of  the  broth  spurted  out  on  the  gillie's  hand,  which  he 
instantly  put  into  his  mouth.  Ossian  ate  the  third  deer  and  let 
out  the  third  skewer,  but  no  youth  returned  to  him.  The  licking 
of  the  little  drop  of  broth  had  broken  the  spell.  The  super- 
natural knowledge  and  power  gained  by  Gwion  Bach  do  not,  of 
course,  appear  in  this  tale,  but  it  may  be  observed  that  Finn 
gained  his  knowledge  of  futurity  in  a  manner  which,  though  dis- 
similar in  details,  is  yet  the  same  in  result.  Following  a  strange 
woman  that  he  saw  one  day,  he  came  to  a  hill  side,  where  she 
entered  by  a  concealed  door.  Finn  attempted  to  follow  her 
inside,  and  had  his  hand  on  the  door-post,  when  the  door  suddenly 
shut  on  him  and  jammed  his  thumb.  With  difficulty  extricating 
his  thumb,  he  very  naturally  shoved  the  hurt  member  into  his 
mouth,  when,  lo  !  he  found  himself  possessed  of  the  gift  of  seeing 
future  events.  This  gift,  however,  he  possessed  only  when  he 
bruised  his  thumb  in  his  mouth. 

(  To  be  continued.) 




OF  PROFIT  AND  INTEREST. — i.  Having,  in  the  last  chapter, 
treated  of  labour  and  capital,  and  shown  that  they  are  of  the  same 
generic  nature,  inasmuch  as  they  are  both  force  in  the  work  of 
production,  it  will  be  more  consecutive  to  inquire  now  into  the 
correlative  subjects  of  profit  and  interest,  before  entering  on  the 
consideration  of  power  and  wealth.  Interest  has  already  been 
defined  as  the  wages  of  capital,  and  I  mentioned  that  the  funda- 
mental cause  of  it  must  be  referred,  to  the  natural  phenomenon 
of  depreciation.  On  further  reflection,  and  by  the  examination 
of  other  causes,  I  believe  I  have  made  a  discovery,  the  quest  of 
which  has  occupied  and  perplexed  abler  inquirers.  The  subject 
is  not  only  still  involved  in  obscurity,  but  from  the  want  of  a 
proper  understanding  of  its  cause  and  laws,  the  same  assaults 
are  being  made  upon  it,  and  upon  the  rights  of  capital,  by  some 
writers,  as  are  being  made  upon  land  and  rent. 

2.  The  subject  of  the  cause  of  interest  has  been  treated  of 
by  David  Hume,  the  historian,  in  one  of  his  philosophic  essays, 
with,  perhaps,  more  research  and  acuteness  of  perception,  as  well 
as   greater    felicity  of  expression,  than  by  Adam    Smith.     In- 
terest being  so  immediately  connected  with  the  use  of  money  in 
its  three-fold  function,  namely — (i)  real  value,  as  a  pruduct  of 
labour ;  (2)  as  representing  the  value  of  the  things  exchanged  ; 
and  (3)  as  the  standard  or  instrument  by  means  of  which  the 
exchange  is  effected — the  fundamental  cause  of  it  has  hitherto 
not  been  discovered,  owing,  perhaps,  to  vagueness  of  ideas  regard- 
ing collateral  primary  causes,  as  the  attention  of  the  economists 
was  so  concentrated  on  science  that  they  excluded  the  light  of 
philosophy  from  their  minds.     The  subject  being  one  of  great 
practical  importance,  as  well  as  of  philosophic  interest,  I  must 
ask  the  reader's  thoughtful  attention  and  patience  while  examin- 
ing, at  some  length,  the  arguments  of  Smith  and  Hume. 

3.  At  this  stage,  it  is  essential  that  the  component  parts  of 
profit  should  be  stated.     These  are — (i)  the  wages  of  the  capi- 
talist, who  works,  or  superintends  his  own  business  ;  (2)  interest, 


which  I  have  termed  the  wages  of  capital ;  (3)  risks,  which  are 
now  usually  covered  by  insurance  ;  and  (4)  and  most  important, 
depreciation,  which  is  sometimes  called  "  tear  and  wear  ;"  but  it 
must  be  observed  that  depreciation  takes  place  in  things  forming 
capital  which  are  not  subjected  to  "  tear  and  wear." 

4.  Adarn  Smith  devotes  considerable  space  to  the  discussion 
of  the  changes  in  the  rate,  and  to  'the  probable  causes  of  these 

.  changes,  with  his  wonted  clearness  of  exposition  ;  but  he  did 
not  enter  upon  the  inquiry  as  to  the  fundamental  cause  of  the 
phenomenon  itself;  considering,  probably,  that  David  Hume 
had  discussed  the  question  with  as  much  ability  and  research  as 

-  he  himself  could  bestow  upon  it.  A  few  extracts  from  the  works 
of  these  great  authors  will  fully  show  the  reader  the  nature 
of  the  question — 

ADAM  SMITH — "  Accordingly,  therefore,  as  the  usual  market  rate  of  interest 
varies  in  any  country,  we  may  be  assured  that  the  ordinary  profit  will  vary  with  it, 
must  sink  as  it  sinks,  and  rise  as  it  rises.  The  progress  of  interest,  therefore,  may 
lead  us  to  form  some  notion  of  the  progress  of  profit. 

37th  of  Henry  VIII.  all  interest  above  ten  per  cent,  was  declared  un- 
seems,  was  sometimes  taken  before  that.     In  the  reign  of  Edward  VI. 
religious  zeai  prohibited  all  interest.     This  prohibition,  however,  like  .others  of  the 
same  kind,  had  no  effect,  and  probably  rather  increased  than  diminished  the  evils  of 

usury As  riches,   improvement,   and  population,  have  increased 

interest  has  declined.  The  wages  of  labour  do  not  sink  with  the  profits  of  stock.  The 
demand  for  labour  increases  with  the  increase  of  stock,  whatever  be  its  profits  ;  and 
after  these  are  diminished,  stock  may  not  only  continue  to  increase,  but  to  increase 
much  faster  than  before.  It  is  with  industrious  nations  who  are  advancing  in  the 
acquisition -of  riches  as  with  industrious  individuals.  A  great  stock,  though  with 
small"  profits,  generally  increases  faster  than  a  small  stock  with  great  profits.  Money, 
says  the  proverb,  makes  money.  When  you  have  got  a  little,  it  is  often  easy  to  get 

more.     The  great  difficulty  is  to  get  that  little The  diminution  of  the 

capital  stock  of  the  society,  or  of  the  funds  destined  for  the  maintenance  of  industry, 
however,  as  it  lowers  the  wages  of  labour,  so  it  raises  the  profits  of  stock,  and  conse- 
quently the  interest  of  money In  countries  which  are  fast  advancing 

in  riches  the  low  rate  of  profit  may,  in  the  price  of  many  commodities,  compensate  the 
high  wages  of  labour,  and  enable  those  countries  to  sell  as  cheap  as  their  less  thriving 

neighbours,  among  whom  the  wages  of  labour  may  be  lower Mr 

Locke,  Mr  Law,  and  Mr  Montesquieu,  as  well  as  many  other  writers,  seem  to  have 
imagined  that  the  increase  of  the  quantity  of  gold  and  silver,  in  consequence  of  the 
discovery  of  the  'Spanish  West  Indies,'  was  the  real  cause  of  the  lowering  of  the 
rate  of  interest  through  the  greater  part  of  Europe.  Those  metals,  they  say,  having 
become  of  less  value  themselves,  the  use  of  any  particular  portion  of  them  necessarily 
became  of  less  value  too,  and  consequently  the  price  which  could  be  paid  for  it.  This 
notion,  which  at  first  sight  might  seem  so  plausible,  has  been  so  fully  exposed  by  Mr 
Hume  that  it  is  perhaps  unnecessary  to  say  anything  more  about  it." 


DAVID  HUME — "  Nothing  is  esteemed  a  more  certain  sign  of  the  flourishing 
condition  of  any  nation  than  the  lowness  of  interest,  and  with  reason,  though  I  believe 

the  cause  is  somewhat  different  from  what  is  commonly  apprehended 

An  effect  always  holds  proportion  with  its  cause.  Prices  have  risen  near  four  times 
since  the  discovery  of  the  Indies,  and  it  is  probable  gold  and  silver  have  multiplied 
much  more  ;  but  interest  has  not  fallen  much  above  a  half.  The  rate  of  interest, 
therefore,  is  not  derived  from  the  quantity  of  the  precious  metals. 

"  Money  having  chiefly  a  fictitious  value,  the  greater  or  less  plenty  of  it  is  of  no 
consequence  if  we  consider  a  nation  within  itself ;  and  the  quantity  of  specie,  when 
once  fixed,  though  ever  so  large,  has  no  other  effect  than  to  oblige  every  one  to  tell 
out  a  greater  number  of  these  shining  bits  of  metal  for  clothes,  furniture,  or  equipage 

without  increasing  any  one  convenience  of  life If  gold  and  silver 

have  increased  in  the  state  together  with  industry,  it  will  require  a  greater  quantity  of 
these  metals  to  represent  a  great  quantity  of  commodities  and  labour.  If  industry 
alone  has  increased,  the  prices  of  everything  must  sink,  and  a  small  quantity  of  specie 
will  serve  as  a  representation. 

"  It  may  be  proper  to  observe  on  this  head  that  low  interest  and  low  profits  of  mer- 
chandise are  two  events  that  mutually  forward  each  other,  and  are  both  originally 
derived  fiom  that  extension  of  commerce  which  produces  opulent  merchants,  and 
renders  the  monied  interest  considerable.  Where  merchants  possess  great  stocks, 
whether  represented  by  few  or  many  pieces  of  metal,  it  must  frequently  happen  that 
when  they  either  become  tired  of  business  or  leave  heirs  unwilling  or  unfit  to  engage 
in  commerce,  a  great  proportion  of  these  riches  naturally  seeks  an  annual  and  secure 
revenue.  The  plenty  diminishes  the  price,  and  makes  the  lenders  accept  of  a  low 
interest.  This  consideration  obliges  many  to  keep  their  stock  employed  in  trade,  and 
rather  be  content  with  low  profits  than  dispose  of  their  money  at  an  undervalue.  On 
the  other  hand,  when  commerce  has  become  extensive,  and  employs  large  stocks,  there 
must  arise  rivalships  among  the  merchants,  which  diminish  the  profits  of  trade  at  the 
same  time  that  they  increase  the  trade  itself.  The  low  profits  of  merchandise  induce 
the  merchants  to  accept  more  willingly  of  a  low  interest  when  they  leave  off  business 
and  begin  to  indulge  themselves  in  ease  and  indolence.  It  is  needless,  therefore,  to 
inquire  which  of  these  circumstances,  to  wit,  low  interest  or  low  profits,  is  the  cause, 
and  which  the  effect.  They  both  arise  from  an  extensive  commerce,  and  mutually 
forward  each  other.  No  man  will  accept  of  low  profits  where  he  can  have  high  in- 
interest,  and  no  man  will  accept  of  low  interest  where  he  can  have  high  profits.  An 
extensive  commerce,  by  producing  large  stocks,  diminishes  both  interest  and  profits 
and  is  always  assisted  in  its  diminution  of  the  one  by  the  proportional  sinking  of  the 
other.  I  may  add  that,  as  low  profits  arise  from  the  increase  of  commerce  and  in- 
dustry, they  serve  in  their  turn  to  its  farther  increase  by  rendering  the  commodities 
cheaper,  encouraging  the  consumption,  and  heightening  the  industry.  And  thus,  if 
we  consider  the  whole  connection  of  causes  and  effects,  interest  is  the  barometer  of  the 
State,  and  its  lowness  is  a  sign  almost  infallible  of  the  flourishing  condition  of  a 

people Those  who  have  asserted  that  the  plenty  of  money  was  the 

cause  of  low  interest  seem  to  have  taken  a  collateral  effect  for  a  cause,  since  the  same 
industry  which  sinks  the  interest  commonly  acquires  great  abundance  of  the  precious 

metals But  it  is  evident  that  the  greater  or  less  stock  of  labour  and 

commodities  must  have  a  great  influence,  since  we  really  and  in  effect  borrow  these 
when  we  take  money  upon  interest.  It  is  true  when  commerce  is  extended  all  over 
the  globe  the  most  industrious  nations  always  abound  most  with  the  precious  metals, 


so  that  low  interest  and  plenty  of  money  are,  in  fact,  almost  inseparable.  But  still 
it  is  of  consequence  to  know  the  principle  whence  any  phenomenon  arises,  and  to 
distinguish  between  a  cause  and  a  concomitant  effect.  Besides  that,  the  speculation  is 
curious  ;  it  may  frequently  be  of  use  in  the  conduct  of  public  affairs.  At  least,  it 
must  be  owned  that  nothing  can  be  of  more  use  than  to  improve  by  practice  the 
method  of  reasoning  on  these  subjects,  which  of  all  others  are  the  most  important, 
though  they  are  commonly  treated  in  the  loosest  and  most  careless  manner." 

5.  The  nature  of  the  question  has  now  been  fully  stated,  and 
as  a  preliminary  remark  to  all  that  follows,  and  as  complimental 
to  Hume's  observation,  that  "  an  affect  always  holds  proportion 
with  its  cause,"  let  it  be  carefully  observed  that  the  price  of  all 
commodities  depends  upon  abundance  or  scarcity  in  proportion 
to  the  consumption.  The  English  economists  have  coined  a 
solecism  in  the  expression  "  demand  and  supply  "  of  which  the 
Scotch  logicians  could  hardly  be  guilty.  These  are  not  correlative 
terms,  for  there  can  be  no  ratio  between  a  demand,  which  is  a 
request  or  desire,  and  a  supply  which  refers  to  commodities. 
The  word  demand  is,  by  itself,  a  correct  enough  expression,  but 
its  correlative  is  response,  or  satisfaction,  and  not  supply,  the 
correlative  of  which  is  outlet  or  consumption.  It  is  the  high 
or  low  price  which  regulates  the  production  of  any  particular 
commodity  which  is  not  limited  in  nature.  It  is  thus  with  regard 
to  diamonds,  which  are  so  much  prized  for  their  brilliance  as 
ornaments.  They  are  scarce  in  nature  and  require  great  search 
and  labour  to  procure  them  in  small  supply  ;  but  if  the  supply 
could  be  greatly  increased,  their  price  would  fall  so  much  that, 
probably,  it  would  not  pay  for  the  necessary  labour  to  procure 
them.  Although  so  much  prized  for  their  brilliance  and  rarity, 
yet  it  is  the  labour  bestowed  in  digging  for  them  that  constitutes 
their  value.  It  is  the  same  with  gold  and  silver.  Gold  being 
adopted  with  us,  and  now  with  almost  all  European  nations,  as 
the  standard  of  value,  the  price  of  all  other  commodities  will  rise 
or  fall  in  relation  to  it,  as  the  supply  of  it  exceeds  or  falls  short 
of  the  proportion  in  which  it  is  required  to  meet  the  wants  of  an 
increasing  commerce  ;  and  it  has  lately  been  very  shrewdly,  and 
with  great  probability  of  truth,  surmised  by  Mr  Goschen,  that  it 
has  appreciated,  owing  to  the  diminished  output  of  the  mines. 
Although  the  yield  of  silver  is  very  large,  it  is  not  improbable 
that  its  fall  in  price,  in  relation  to  gold,  may  be  partly  due  to  an 
actual  appreciation  of  our  standard.  This  appreciation  of  gold, 


if  it  has  actually  taken  place,  would  seriously  affect  farmers,  who 
have  to  pay  fixed  rents,  as  the  effect  would  be  to  depress  the 
price  of  their  produce. 

6.  It  must  not  be  supposed,    however,  as  has   been    very 
clearly  shown  by  Hume,  that  the  ordinary  rate  of  interest  de- 
pends upon  the  quantity  of  the  precious  metals.      It   is   also 
necessary  to  keep  in  view  that  the  fluctuations  in  the  rate  of 
discount  at  the  Bank  of  England  arise  from  a  different  cause. 
The  rate  of  discount  at  the  Bank  is  sometimes  above  and  some- 
times below  the  ordinary  rate  of  interest,  just  the  same  as  the 
price  of  any  other  commodity  sometimes  exceeds  and  sometimes 
falls  below  its  natural  value.     This  is  due  to  its  function  as  an 
instrument  for  adjusting  international  balances,  and  sometimes 
the  activity  of  the  internal  trade,  or  exchanges  (which  is  of  the 
same  nature  as  the  international  cause),  as  well  as  a  feeling  of 
distrust  in  commercial  circles,  may  force  up  the  rate  of  discount 
to  an  abnormal  extent.     To  illustrate  this  use  of  money,  as  of 
real  value,  and  as  a  standard  or  instrument,  let  us  suppose  that 
in  a  town  or  country,  there  should  be  a  class  of  dealers,  whose 
business  consisted  in  providing  expensive  measures  for  corn,  oil, 
wine,  cloth,  and  the  like,  for  lending  or  hire.     Any  sudden  de- 
mand for  these  commodities  would,  naturally,  occasion  a  great 
demand  for  the  measures,  as  every  holder  of  such  stocks  would 
be  anxious  to  take  advantage  of  the  market,  and  would  conse- 
quently give  an  increased  rate  for  the  use  or  hire  of  the  instrument, 
or  of  the  commodity,  in  case  of  his  not  having  another  convertible 
commodity  to  meet  the  demands  of  his  creditors. 

7.  But  money  forms  part  of  the  stock  or  capital  of  every 
country,  and,  as  such,  is  dealt  in  by  bankers  as  an  equivalent  as 
well  as  measure  of  value  ;  but  the  banker  does  not  lend  his  own 
capital.     He  is  invariably  an  intermediate  party.     There  is  thus 
an  illusion  produced  on  the  mind  by  not  realising  the  fact  that, 
when  we  lend  or  borrow  money,  we  really  lend  or  borrow  some- 
thing else  which  it  represents  ;  for  the  banker  very  often  gets 
back  the  same  day  from  one  person  the  identical  money  which 
he  had  lent  to  another  for  six  months  or  a  year.     We  must  not, 
therefore,  confound  money,  as  a  currency  and  instrument,  with 
those  things  which  are  in   reality  lent  and  yield  wages,  which 
wages  constitute  interest.     For   instance,   I    borrow  money  for 


investing  in  horses  and  ploughs,  in  fishing  boats  and  nets,  or  in  a 
ship  or  steamer.  I  do  this  in  order  to  earn  wages  for  myself ; 
but  it  is  clear  that  I  must  pay  the  lender  or  banker  the  wages 
which  these  things  earn. 

8.  The  misconceptions  regarding  interest  have  arisen  from 
the  circumstance  that  the  consideration  of  it  has  been  mixed  up 
with  the  study  of  the  currency,  which  is  a  very  recondite  and 
difficult  subject.     Even  Adam  Smith  and  David  Hume  did  not 
entirely  escape  from  involving  the  consideration  of  it  too  much 
with  the  discussion  concerning  the  value  of  money,  relative  to 
other  commodities,  or  the  purchasing  power  of  money,  and  they 
failed  altogether  to   perceive  that  it  forms  the  principal  com- 
ponent part  of  profit,  especially  in  businesses  which  are  con- 
ducted on  a  large  scale.     Regarding  it  as  such,  it  is,  therefore, 
clear  that,  if  profits  fall  interest  must  fall,  and  if  profits  rise 
interest  must  rise,  for  this  is  virtually  saying  that  when  interest 
rises  interest  rises  ;  when  interest  falls  interest  falls,  and  so  with 
the  general  rate  of  profits.     We  then  see  that  capital  becoming 
abundant,  its  wages,  interest,  must  fall,  as  it  depends  like  every 
thing  upon  abundance  or  scarcity,  in  proportion  to  population. 

9.  It  remains,  however,  to  be  proved  that  interest  is  wages, 
and  in  proving  that  it  is,  to  justify  it,  and  to  show  that  capital  is 
the  labourer's  collaborateur  and  best  friend.     It  has  already  been 
repeatedly  stated  that  the  wages  of  labour  have  a  ratio  with  pro- 
fits ;  consequently  labour  must  have  a  ratio  with  capital,  for  in 
proportionals'there  must  be  four  terms  at  least,  and,  let  it  be  care- 
fully observed, 'that  no  ratio  can  subsist  or  be  established  between 
things  which  are  not  of  the  same  kind.     Euclid's  definition  is 
as  follows  : — "  Ratio  is  a  mutual  relation  of  two  magnitudes  of 
the  same  kind  to  one  another  in  respect  of  quantity."     "  Magni- 
tudes which  have  the  same  ratio  are  called  proportionals.    When 
four  magnitudes  are  proportionals  it  is  usually  expressed  by  saying, 
the  first  is  to  be  second,  as  the  third  is  to  the  fourth."     The 
reader  must  also  be  cautioned  against  confounding  the  abstract 
ratio  of  figures  or  numbers  with  the  ratio  of  things.    The  import- 
ance of  these,  distinctions  will  appear  subsequently,  when  I  come 
to  deal  with  the  sophistries  and  inversions  of  the  materialistic 
English  economists,  who  have  perverted  human  reason  by  the 
misapprehension  and  misuse  of  words  and  terms. 


10.  In  the  previous  chapter  it  has  been  shown  that  labour 
and  capital  are  of  the  same  generic  nature,  because  they  are  both 
force.  The  natural  man,  being  endowed  with  an  inventive  genius, 
has,  as  it  were,  formed  another  man  in  his  own  image — the 
automaton  or  mechanical  man,  which  we  call  capital.  This 
mechanical  man  is,  like  his  prototype,  liable  to  the  same  acci- 
dents, and  subject  to  the  same  law  of  decay  and  death.  The 
individuals  die,  but  the  race  increases  and  leads  a  continuous  life. 
It  is  so  with  the  antitype  capital.  As  phenomena  of  natural  and 
mechanical  force  they  are  correlative  and  homologous.  The  soul 
is  the  reality,  and  man  is  but  a  walking  shadow  :  labour  is  the 
reality,  and  material  is  but  the  outward  form. 

For  example,  let  us  instance,  firstly,  living  force  in  the 
case  of  the  horse.  In  his  wild  native  state  he  has  no  value,  and 
until  lately  in  Brazil  the  only  value  he  had  was  the  labour  of 
catching  and  taming  him.  It  is  just  the  same  with  regard  to 
the  domesticated  horse.  His  value  consists  in  the  labour  be- 
stowed on  the  soil  to  raise  food  for  him,  the  labour  expended  on 
stables  for  housing  him,  and  the  labour  of  grooming  and  attend- 
ance. But  as  he  exerts  more  force,  and  has  greater  fleetness  than 
man,  his  day's  wages  are  more  than  that  of  a  day  labourer. 

ii.  It  may  be  said  it  is  because  he  requires  food  to  repair 
his  system  ;  but  under  the  law  of  depreciation — decay  and  death 
— what  is  there  which  does  not  require  the  repairing  of  its  sys- 
tem ?  Does  the  ship  not  require  repairs  ?  Do  the  nets,  sails,  and 
boat  not  require  repairs?  Does  not  the  steam  engine  require 
repairs,  cleaning,  and  lubricating  ?  What  is  the  food  of  man  but 
repairs  ?  That  part  which  is  assimilated  by  the  human  body  is 
but  a  film  as  compared  with  the  amount  of  oil  and  tallow  which 
are  required  by  the  steam  engine.  Now,  it  is  just  for  the  self- 
same reasons  that  the  labourer  is  worthy  of  his  hire.  The  com- 
mand has  gone  forth  to  man  to  replenish  the  earth  and  subdue 
it — to  make  Nature  captive  to  his  will — to  modify  her  asperity 
and  to  enhance  her  beauty  ;  but  the  individual  man,  whilst  sub- 
ject to  the  sentence  of  depreciation — decay  and  death — and  dur- 
ing his  struggle  with  the  necessities  of  his  environment,  is  working 
out  "  whatever  end  he  means "  by  bringing  to  his  own  relief 
mechanical  forces.  If  he  were  not  under  this  sentence  there 
would  not  be  any  necessity  for  labour,  and  possibly  no  increase 


of  population.  But,  seeing  that  capital  performs  more  effectively 
the  purposes  of  humanity  in  the  development  of  force  for  repro- 
duction, as  well  as  for  overcoming  time  and  distance,  and  in  that 
way  administering  more  largely  to  our  varied  wants  and  plea- 
sures, it  is  most  obvious  that  its  wages  are  justified  on  the  same 
ground  as  those  of  the  labourer,  and  that  the  cause  of  interest  is 
derived  from  the  cause  of  wages. 

1 2.  We  see,  then,  that  labour  and  capital  are  correlative  and 
homologous.  But,  if  there  be  a  ratio  between  wages  and  profits, 
they  must  also  be  correlative  and  homologous  in  every  particular. 
The  four  component  parts  of  profit  have  been  stated.  The 
question,  then,  becomes,  are  the  wages  of  labour  made  up  of  the 
same  component  parts  ? 

It  requires  no  further  demonstration  than  the  mere  state- 
ment of  fact,  as  already  illustrated  in  the  previous  chapter,  that 
the  capitalist  who  conducts  his  own  business  deserves  wages 
according  to  his  culture  and  skill.  That  rule  holds  good  with 
regard  to  the  labourer.  It  has  been  demonstrated  in  the  last 
chapter  that  part  of  the  wages  of  skilled  and  professional  labour 
represents  capital  deposited  in  the  human  brain,  which  is  the 
highest  and  most  valuable  form  of  capital  devoted  to  the  service 
of  humanity.  But  it  will  be  asked  how  does  interest  enter  into 
the  wages  of,  say  the  common  field  labourer?  My  answer  to  this 
is  that,  unless  he  receives  a  modicum  to  represent  the  value  of 
intellect  in  its  simplest  form  in  the  use  of  the  pick  and  spade  or 
plough,  he  is  underpaid,  and  placed  on  a  level  with  the  brute 
creation,  or  in  the  condition  of  a  slave,  who  requires  the  super- 
intendence of  the  lash.  The  interest  in  the  labourer's  wages 
is  freedom's  premium  !  With  regard  to  the  component  of  risks, 
to  the  honour  of  the  British  Parliament  be  it  said,  the  Employers' 
Liability  Act  throws  compensation  for  accidents  upon  employers, 
which  acts  in  an  inverse  ratio  ;  but  if  wages  were  enhanced,  and 
that  the  employed  formed  an  insurance  fund  for  themselves,  it 
would  then  be  in  a  direct  ratio.  But  how  does  depreciation  enter 
into  wages  ?  My  answer  to  this  must  be  the  same  as  that  given 
concerning  interest,  or  the  wages  of  capital.  Unless  the  wages 
of  labour  are  high  enough  to  repair  the  human  capital  in  rearing 
children,  providing  something  for  old  age,  and,  finally,  for  funeral 
expenses,  the  wages  are  too  low. 


13.  I  have  now  demonstrated,  not  only  the  cause  of  interest, 
wherein  consists  its  justification,  but  also  that  distributive  justice 
proceeds  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  geometrical  proportion, 
the  perfection  of  which  consists  in  a  mean  between  two  ex- 
tremes, as  I  shall  subsequently  show.  It  must  be  observed  in 
the  meantime,  however,  that  a  dual  system  of  agriculture  does 
not  conform  to  the  laws  of  free  industries,  nor  to  geometrical 
proportion.  Interest,  although  analagous  to  rent,  is  not  Jiomolo- 
gous  with  it,  because  interest  is  the  wages  of  capital,  which  is  the 
creation  of  labour.  Rent,  on  the  other  hand,  is  in  respect  of 
land  ;  which  is  not  the  creation  of  labour  (except  in  respect  of 
its  ameliorations,  which  must  always  be  considered  as  capital), 
and  is,  therefore,  not  homologous  with  interest. 

It  is  of  prime  importance  that  the  industrial  classes  should 
be  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  regular  rate  of  interest  is  not, 
like  rent,  a  tax  on  labour,  except  the  interest  on  the  National 
Debt,  which  of  course  is  not  capital,  and  the  interest  of  which 
ought,  in  justice,  to  fall  exclusively  on  land,  as  the  Debt  was 
incurred,  if  not  for  the  defence  of  the  land,  it  was  in  order  to 
secure  high  rents  by  such  questionable  means  as  taxing  the 
American  Plantations,  and  preserving  the  balance  of  power  on 
the  Continent !  Those  wars  were  waged  in  the  interests  of  land- 
lords alone,  who  benefited  very  largely  in  enhanced  rents,  whilst 
the  trade  and  commerce  of  the  country  is  saddled  with  the  in- 
terest on  the  Debt.  It  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
absorption  and  destruction  of  a  vast  amount  of  capital  had 
brought  upon  the  country  a  state  of  distress  of  which  the  present 
generation  has  had  no  experience,  and  hardly  a  conception. 

(  To  be  concluded  in  our  next.) 

Scientific  Society  and  Field  Club  opened  its  winter  session  on  the  evening  of  the  ijth 
November  with  the  annual  meeting.  The  president,  Mr  Jas.  Fraser,  C.E.,  occupied  the 
chair.  The  office-bearers  for  the  ensuing  year  were  then  elected  : — President,  Mr  E. 
H.  Macmillan  ;  vice-presidents,  Sheriff  Blair  and  Wm.  Mackay,  F.S.A.  Scot.,  solici- 
tor ;  secretary,  Mr  T.  D  Wallace,  F.S.A.  Scot. ;  treasurer,  Mr  Jas.  Ross  ;  librarian, 
Mr  James  Barren,  F.S.A.  Scot.  :  curator,  Mr  George  Reid  ;  members  of  council, 
Messrs  C.  R.  Manners,  C.E.  ;  Geo.  Robertson,  Alex.  Mackenzie,  F.S.A.  Scot.,  Celtic 
Magazine;  Alex.  Ross,  P'.S.A.  Scot.  ;  and  Dr  Aitken,  F.S.A.  Scot.  The  syllabus 
for  the  ensuing  session  contains  the  following  subjects  :— "  Travelled  boulders  of  Loch- 
aber,"by  Mr  Colin  Livingston,  Fort-William;  "  Old  iron  works  at  Lochmaree,"  by  Mr 
John  H.  Dixon,  supplemented  by  Mr  John  E.  Marr ;  "Plants  of  Palestine,"  by  Mr 
Alex.  Ross;  "Electrical  Measurements,  and  the  theory  of  the  Dynamo,  by  Mr  M'G. 
Ross,  Alness;  &c. 



ON  the  banks  of  the  River  Spean,  and  nearly  opposite  Keppoch, 
stands  the  farm  house  of  "  Inch  " — "  Tigh  na  h-Innse."  At  the 
time  of  which  I  write,  the  tacksman  of  this  place  was  Ronald 
Macdonald,  a  cadet  of  the  house  of  Keppoch.  He  was  a  brave 
young  fellow,  of  a  most  soldierlike  appearance,  and  of  a  high  and 
noble  spirit.  He  fell  in  love  with  the  daughter  of  the  chief  of 
the  MacMartin  Camerons  of  Letterfinlay,  "  Eili  na  Leitreach"— 
as  she  was  called — and  the  maiden  responded  to  his  affection  with 
her  whole  heart.  MacMartin,  however,  made  an  excuse  of  her 
extreme  youth  to  delay  their  betrothal,  but  Ronald  feared  that 
the  father  was  hoping  to  get  a  richer  suitor  for  his  beautiful 

One  day  Ronald  was  out  deerstalking,  and  towards  night, 
when  preparing  to  return  home,  he  heard  a  woman's  shriek  on 
the  mountain  side.  The  men  who  were  with  him  got  frightened, 
thinking  it  was  the  cry  of  the  "  Bean-Shith,"  but  Ronald  knew 
the  voice  of  his  beloved.  "  Follow  me,"  he  cried  hastily  to  his 
men,  and  before  many  minutes  were  over  he  overtook  a  gen- 
tleman of  the  clan  Mackintosh,  accompanied  by  some  of  his 
followers,  carrying  off  Eili,  who  shortly  before  had  utterly 
refused  his  offer  of  marriage.  Ronald  fought  like  a  hero,  and  at 
last  delivered  his  beloved  from  the  rough  hands  that  held  her  in 
bondage  ;  she  clung  to  him  in  gladness  and  joy  ;  together  they 
returned  to  her  father's  house,  and  as  soon  as  Eili  was  in  safety, 
he  fell  fainting  on  the  floor.  His  brow  had  been  cut  in  the  most 
dreadful  manner,  and  the  blood  streaming  from  the  wound  had 
been  blinding  him  all  the  way  down  the  hill,  although  he  had 
said  nothing  to  the  maiden  about  it.  He  lay  ill  for  a  long  time 
after,  in  Letterfinlay  House,  and  when  he  returned  home  to 
Inch  he  took  his  bride  with  him.  She  could  not  bear  to  be 
again  separated  from  him,  and  her  father  admitted  that  he  had 
nobly  earned  her. 

The  young  pair  were  as  happy  as  such  lovers  could  be,  and 
before  they  were  married  a  year  a  daughter  was  born  to  them. 
Shortly  after  the  birth  of  their  child,  Ronald  found  he  had  to  go 



to  the  South  on  business,  and  though  he  felt  sorry  to  be  even  so 
short  a  time  parted  from  his  wife,  he  cheered  her  with  hopes  of 
a  speedy  return.  A  young  relative  of  his  own,  named  Coll,  was 
standing,  holding  the  infant  in  his  arms,  as  Ronald  left  the 
house.  If  I  do  not  return,  whether  will  you  marry  my  wife  or  my 
daughter  ?  asked  Ronald  laughingly.  "  Both  perhaps,"  replied  the 
lad.  The  time  appointed  for  his  return  came,  but  no  Ronald, 
and  for  many  a  weary  night  Eili  sat  up  waiting  to  hear  his  well- 
known  foot  approaching  the  house,  but  all  in  vain.  Months  passed 
and  years  rolled  on,  but  he  came  not,  and  then  they  ceased  to 
expect  him.  Coll  remained  at  Inch,  faithful  always  to  the  lady 
and  her  young  daughter,  protecting  them  in  every  possible  way. 
Mackintosh  began  to  make  proposals  again  to  Eili ;  she  felt 
sorely  afraid  of  him,  and  as  a  protection  against  him,  as  well  as 
to  reward  Coll,  she  made  up  her  mind  rather  to  marry  her  faith- 
ful friend  who  had  managed  everything  so  well  for  her  during 
the  years  of  her  desolation.  Her  daughter  was  now  upwards  of 
fifteen  years  of  age,  and  needed  a  guardian  who  could  act  with 
the  authority  of  a  father.  The  marriage  was  duly  arranged,  and 
all  their  mutual  friends  thought  it  a  very  wise  step  for  both  to 
take.  On  the  wedding  day  a  wearied  traveller  came  to  the  dis- 
trict, and  on  calling  for  a  glass  of  water  at  a  house  by  the  road- 
side, he  was  told  of  the  cause  for  the  appearance  of  festivity  about 
the  house  of  Inch,  when  he  said  the  following  words,  which 
have  been  handed  down  : — 

"  Chunnaic  mi  smilid  do  thigh  na  h-Innse, 
'S  bha  mi  cinnteach  gu'r  smm'd  bhainns'i, 
'S  tha  mi  'n  duil  a  Righ  na  Soillse, 
Gur  aim  learns'  tha  biadh  na  bainnse." 

He  went  on  to  the  house  and  asked  for  food,  which  was  placed 
before  him  in  abundance.  He  inquired  if  the  marriage  ceremony 
was  over,  and  he  was  told  that  it  was.  Then  he  said — "  Will 
you  ask  the  bride  to  do  me  the  grace  of  giving  me  a  glass  of 
whisky  out  of  her  own  hand,  and  I  will  give  her  my  blessing. 
The  bride  came,  still  looking  youthful  and  lovely.  She  filled  the 
glass,  and  gave  it  to  the  stranger,  who  rose,  and  stood  looking  at 
her  in  silence,  as  if  preparing  to  say  words  that  refused  to  come. 
He  took  of  his  bonnet,  and  running  his  fingers  through  his  hair, 
exposed  his  brow.  The  lady  looked,  and  saw  the  mark  of  the 


gash  that  had  been  made  on  her  husband's  brow  on  the  night  on 
which  he  had  saved  her  from  Mackintosh.  She  looked  into  his 
eyes,  and  crying  aloud,  "  My  darling,  my  darling,"  she  fell  on  his 
bosom.  It  soon  became  known  to  the  guests  that  the  marriage 
ceremony  of  the  morning  was  null  and  void,  and  no  one  was 
better  pleased  at  the  return  of  the  long  lost  one  than  the 
generous-hearted  Coll.  "Come  here  my  friend,"  said  Ronald, 
"you  cannot  have  my  wife.  I  have,  however,  heard  to-day 
of  your  faithfulness,  and  you  shall  have  my  daughter."  The 
priest  was  called  forthwith,  and  Coll  was  married  to  young 
Mariot,  who  had  secretly  loved  him,  and  sorrowed  over  his 
marriage  to  her  mother.  "  By  my  garment,"  cried  Ronald,  "  you 
kept  your  word.  You  said  if  I  did  not  return  you  would  marry 
both  my  wife  and  daughter,  but  it  was  too  bad  to  marry  them 
both  on  the  same  day." 

Ronald  never  told  what  kept  him  away  those  fifteen  years. 
It  was  known  that  a  tale  of  wrong  and  suffering  could  be  related 
about  his  absence,  and  that  Mackintosh  was  to  blame  for  it.  If 
Ronald  would  tell  all,  he  said,  the  fiery  cross  would  be  out  at  once 
to  gather  the  Macdonalds  to  avenge  his  wrongs  ;  and  having  got 
home  again  he  wished  to  live  a  life  of  peace.  The  happy  pair 
had  several  children  after  that,  and  their  grandchildren  and  their 
own  played  together  round  the  same  hearth  in  peace  and 
happiness.  MARY  MACKELLAR. 


SIR, — I  have  read  with  much  interest  the  papers  by  that  distinguished  antiquarian, 
Mr  Ftaser-Mackintosh,  on  the  "Lower  Fishings  of  the  Ness;"  but  with  respect  to 
one  remark  which  occurs  in  the  first  paper  (in  your  October  No. )  I  should  like,  with 
your  permission,  to  say  a  few  words. 

After  reciting  the  terms*  of  the  Golden  Charter  of  James  VI.  giving  the  right  of 
fishing  to  the  Town  of 'Inverness,  "betwixt  the  Stone  called  Clachnahagaig  and  the 
sea,"  Mr  Fraser-Mackintosh  proceeds  to  state  that  "  the  exact  site  of  Clachnahagaig 

has  been  questioned,  but  unnecessarily,"  and  he  explains  that  the 

stone  was  "  usually  and  exactly  termed  Clachnahalig."  I  submit,  sir,  that  no  evi- 
dence whatever  is  produced  to  show  that  the  "Clachnahagaig"  of  King  James' 
charter,  and  the  "  Clachnahalaig  "  of  certain  plans,  titles,  &c.,  are  one  and  the  same. 
Any  person,  or  persons,  founding  rights  on  the  charter  are  bound  to  show  the  "  Clach- 
nahagaig "  march  stone  of  King  James'  time  ;  and  that  might  easily  be  done  had  the 
latter  stone  and  its  actual  position  have  been  guarded  with  equal  care  as  its  confrere, 
the  "Clachnacudain,"  has  been. 


It  is  urged  that  "  Clachnahalig  "  is  marked  in  a  plan  by  May  of  1762,  and  in  one 
by  Home  of  1774.  This,  however,  is  no  evidence  as  to  "  Clachnahagaig." 

Again,  the  paper  describes  the  Upper  Fishings  as  terminating  at  the  "  Town's 
lands  of  Drumdivan,  near  Balnahaun  of  Holm."  I  hold  part  of  the  lands  of  Drum- 
divan,  which  comprise  the  Fortalice  of  Drumdivan,  just  above  Holme  House ;  the 
house  and  lands  of  Burnside  (now  acquired  by  Mr  Gordon)  and  Slacknamarlach  : 
but  Drumdivan  never,  as  I  understand,  went  down  to  the  river  ;  the  very  name,  I 
believe,  signifies  in  Gaelic  "  The  edge  of  the  ridge,"  as  distinguished  from  the  low 
"  Holme  ground." 

When  Mr  Fraser-Mackintosh,  moved  by  antiquarian  zeal,  erected  the  monumental 
stone  "  In  memory  of  Clachnahagaig,"  we  are  told  that  one  Charles  Fraser,  a  crofter, 
"audibly  declared"  that  the  stone  was  "truly  placed,"  which,  of  course,  is  evidence 
quantum  vahat.—\  remain,  &c.,  ANGUS  MACKINTOSH. 


WASHINGTON,  U.S.A.,  September  25,  1883. 

SIR,— In  your  February  number,  at  page  192,  is  a  report  of  some  remarks  of  Mr 
Mackay  on  the  relationship  that  of  old  existed  between  landlord  and  tenant.  He 
says  : — "  The  feudal  system,  about  which  one  hears  a  great  deal  of  nonsense  now-a-days 
spoken,  was  established  in  the  Highlands  as  early  as  the  thirteenth  century,  since 
which  time  the  chiefs  have  held  the  lands  as  absolute  proprietors  under  written  titles, 
in  terms  similar  to  those  which  were  common  over  the  rest  of  Scotland."  This  pro- 
position appears  to  include  all  the  chiefs  and  all  the  lands,  and  in  that  sense  is  at 
variance  with  history.  Mr  Burton  tells  us  (vol.  II.,  p.  57)  that  feudal  institutions  were 
established  formally  throughout  Scotland  before  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
but  that  Celtic  customs  prevailed  in  the  North  ;  and  (vol.  VI.,  p.  35)  that  in  the  year 
1597  Parliament  required  the  chieftains  and  leaders  of  clans  to  attend  at  Edinburgh 
and  produce  their  titles  to  their  lands,  but  the  response  was  meagre,  because  such 
titles  did  not  exist.  I  think  Mr  Burton  elsewhere  explains  that  the  Highlanders  had 
a  great  repugnance  to  sheepskin  titles,  which,  in  an  age  when  the  laity  had  little 
knowledge  of  letters,  gave  opportunity  for  fraud  and  imposition  ;  but  I  have  no  note 
of  the  passage. 

It  was  a  fundamental  idea  of  the  feudal  system  that  all  titles  were  originally 
derived  from  the  king.  The  injustice  was  in  treating  this  legal  fiction  as  a  solid  fact, 
and  claiming  for  the  king  all  lands  to  which  the  occupants  did  not  show  a  paper  title. 
This  fiction  should,  in  reason,  have  been  neutralised  by  another  fiction — or  rather  a 
legal  presumption — that,  when  one  has  been  in  long,  uninterrupted,  and  notorious 
possession  of  land,  he  had  received  a  grant  from  the  proper  authority,  but  had  lost  it. 

Human  nature  is  the  same  in  all  ages  ;  and  when  the  United  States  acquired 
California  from  Mexico  in  1848,  Congress  did  just  what  the  Scottish  Parliament  did  in 
1597 — required  all  persons  occupying  land  to  show  their  paper  titles,  and  if  they  could 
show  none,  their  land  was  declared  to  be  public  property.  Thus,  not  only  the  wild 
tribes  of  Indians,  but  many  Christianised  and  semi-civilised  communities  had  their 
lands  sold  from  under  their  feet,  and  in  many  cases  they  were  expelled  from  fields, 
gardens,  and  pretty  houses, — I  am,  yours,  &c., 



X. — CHICAGO — Continued. 

WALKING  along  the  regularly  laid  out  and  spacious  streets  of  the 
city,  and  watching  the  busy  crowds  passing  to  and  fro,  I  could 
hardly  realise  that  fifty  years  ago  the  city  had  no  existence  ;  that 
little  more  than  sixty  years  ago  its  site  was  unbroken  prairie,  on 
which  the  Red  Indian  hunted  the  white  man  and  the  buffalo. 
Yet  so  it  was.  This  city  of  half-a-million  inhabitants  has  living 
in  it  now,  or  had  until  recently,  a  gentleman  who  came  to  the 
place  where  the  city  now  stands  when  there  were  only  two  houses 
on  it.  In  1833  a  village  was  organised,  and  four  years  later 
(1837)  the  city  Charter  was  obtained.  A  local  census  taken  in 
1837  showed  the  population  of  the  new  city  to  be  4179,  of  whom 
only  one  man  was  reported  as  having  no  regular  employment, 
and  he  was  denominated  a  "  loafer."  Unfortunately,  the  propor- 
tion of  "  loafers  "  in  the  population  of  Chicago  has  increased  with 
the  growth  of  the  city.  Until  1848  there  was  nothing  in  the 
progress  of  Chicago  to  excite  special  remark,  but  in  that  year  the 
first  of  those  lines  of  communication  which  have  contributed  so 
materially  to  the  progress  of  the  city  was  completed.  This 
was  the  Illinois  and  Michigan  Canal,  connecting  Lake  Michigan 
with  the  Illinois  River,  and  so  with  the  Mississippi.  This  canal, 
with  which  the  main  branch  of  the  Chicago  river  is  connected, 
has  been  so  deepened  that  it  draws  the  water  out  of  the  Lake, 
so  that,  as  the  Illinois  river  flows  into  the  Mississippi,  the  waters 
of  Lake  Michigan  have  been  made  to  flow,  as  it  were,  "  up-hill," 
and  find  their  way  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  In  the  pre- 
vious year — 1847 — the  first  railway  entering  the  city,  the  Galona 
and  Chicago  Union,  was  begun;  and  so  timid  were  its  projectors, 
that  they  had  a  clause  inserted  in  their  Charter  authorising  them 
to  make  a  turnpike  instead  of  a  railroad  if  they  saw  fit.  By  the 
end  of  1848  they  had  laid  only  ten  miles  of  line.  This  modest, 
and,  at  the  outset,  timid  enterprise,  has  now  grown  into  the 
Chicago  and  North-Western  Corporation,  which  now  owns  nearly 
three  thousand  miles  of  railway.  In  1852  rail  communication 


was  opened  with  the  East.  From  that  time  the  progress  of 
Chicago  was  rapid.  Between  1840  and  1850  the  population  had 
increased  from  4479  to  28,963  ;  in  1853  it  had  increased  to 
59,130;  in  1855  it  had  risen  to  83,509;  and  in  1871  the  local 
census  gave  a  population  of  nearly  350,000. 

An  English  writer  who  visited  Chicago  in  1867,  describes  it 
as  being  one  of  the  handsomest  and  best  built  cities  in  the 
United  States,  superior  in  many  respects  to  New  York.  He 
says,  "  There  are  many  beautiful  private  dwellings  in  the  princi- 
pal streets,  which  would  be  a  credit  to  the  West  End  of  London  ; 
in  fact,  there  is  nothing  in  London,  except  a  few  great  mansions, 
superior  to  them.  The  Churches  are  large  and  handsome,  built 
for  the  most  part  of  stone,  and  the  public  buildings  are  not  only 
thoroughly  adapted  for  the  purposes  for  which  they  are  designed, 
but  they  are  also  very  imposing  in  appearance.  Birmingham 
and  Glasgow  are,  compared  with  Chicago,  what  the  back  streets 
of  London  are  compared  with  Belgravia.  There  is  no  theatre  in 
England,  except  Covent  Garden,  so  spacious  and  so  commodious 
as  the  Opera  House  here.  Some  of  the  streets  are  built  upon  for 
a  distance  of  three  miles  ;  they  are  half  as  broad  again  as  Regent 
Street,  and  as  the  city  grows  they  may  be  carried  as  far  out  to  the 
West  as  the  inhabitants  please,  for  there  is  only  the  prairie 

beyond It  is  impossible  to  place  a  limit  upon  the 

future  growth  of  this  remarkable  city.  There  is  an  unbounded 
trade  at  the  back,  and  the  people  have  done,  and  are  doing,  their 
utmost  to  entice  it  here.  Two  thousand  miles  of  inland  naviga- 
tion are  controlled  from  Chicago,  and  all  the  rich  country  of  the 
West  passes  its  treasures  into  it."  Such  was  Chicago  in  1867, 
and  for  four  years  longer  it  continued  without  interruption  its 
remarkable  progress  onwards.  Beautiful  buildings,  of  Athens' 
(Illinois)  marble — says  a  writer  in  one  of  the  American  maga- 
zines— nearly  white,  rose  on  all  side^,  and  additions  were  daily 
made  to  their  number.  The  situation  and  conformation  of  the 
city  do  not  differ  greatly  at  present  from  what  they  were  then. 
It  extends  along  the  Lake  shore,  which  here  runs  north  and 
south,  and,  of  course,  gives  it  a  long  eastern  water  front.  The 
Chicago  river,  which  empties  into  the  Lake,  forks  very  near  its 
mouth  ;  the  north  branch  extending  north-westerly,  and  the  south 
branch  first  southerly,  and  then  a  little  south  of  west.  Bounded 


on  the  north  by  the  short  main  river,  on  the  west  by  the  north- 
and-south  portion  of  the  south  branch,  and  on  the  east  by 
the  Lake,  lay — and  lies — the  most  important  business  section. 
Bridges  were  originally  built  across  the  river,  at  intervals  of  two 
blocks  ;  but  as  the  draws  were  frequently  open,  and  great  delays 
ensued,  a  tunnel  was  constructed  in  1869  to  connect  the  south 
and  west  divisions,  and  another  in  1871  to  connect  the  north  and 
south  sides.  Many  as  had  been,  up  to  1871,  the  solid  and  stately 
buildings  erected,  there  remained  interspersed  among  them  many 
more  of  the  wooden  structures  of  former  days.  For  a  great 
many  miles  the  sidewalks,  too,  were  of  wood.  In  the  early  days 
of  October  1871,  the  city  of  Chicago  was  as  active  and  bustling 
as  at  any  time  in  its  history.  The  preceding  months  had  been 
very  dry  throughout  the  North-western  country,  and  farmers 
were  complaining ;  but  the  city  people  generally  were  hopeful 
and  contented,  and,  as  usual,  absorbed  in  their  occupations  and 
industries.  Nothing  could  have  seemed  more  improbable  than 
that  a  few  hours  would  send  this  vast,  strong,  resolute  population 
from  prosperity  to  ruin,  from  happiness  to  despair.  Yet,  on 
Sunday  evening,  October  8,  some  one,  as  the  story  goes,  upset  a 
lighted  Kerosene  lamp  in  a  small  wooden  building  in  De  Koven 
Street,  on  the  west  side.  A  gale  was  blowing  from  the  south- 
west, and  in  a  few  hours  the  most  terrible  conflagration  known  in 
modern  times  was  fiercely  raging.  During  the  whole  of  that 
night  and  the  greater  part  of  the  next  day,  the  fire  continued  to 
rage.  The  city  fire  department,  although  efficient,  was  exhausted 
by  a  large  fire  on  the  previous  Saturday,  and  the  fire  soon  outran 
their  efforts  to  check  it.  In  the  division  where  it  originated  it 
burned  over  194  acres,  reduced  500  buildings  to  ashes,  and  made 
2500  people  homeless.  Crossing  to  the  south  division,  it  swept 
over  460  acres,  and  destroyed  over  1600  stores,  28  hotels,  60 
manufacturing  establishments,  and  the  homes  of  some  22,000 
persons.  Rushing  across  the  main  river,  it  attacked  the  north 
side.  In  a  short  time,  in  an  area  of  1470  acres,  where  had  been 
the  dwellings  of  75,000  people,  600  stores,  and  100  manufactories, 
there  was  left  out  of  1 3,300  buildings,  just  one.  The  fire  was  at 
last  stopped  by  blowing  up  with  gunpowder  a  line  of  houses  to 
the  south  of  the  fire,  while  on  the  north  it  only  ceased  its  ravages 
when  there  was  nothing  more  to  burn.  The  direction  of  the 


wind  prevented  the  fire  from  spreading  to  the  westward.  Over 
98,000  people  were  rendered  homeless,  and  nearly  all  the  public 
buildings  in  the  city — Custom-Houses,  Post-Office,  Court-House, 
Churches,  Hotels,  Theatres,  Banks,  and  Railway  Stations — were 
destroyed.  The  area  over  which  the  fire  extended,  and  which  it 
burnt  out,  was  about  four  miles  in  length  by  from  one  to  one 
and  a-half  miles  in  width,  the  estimated  amount  of  street 
frontage  destroyed  being  73  miles. 

If  it  was  difficult  to  realise  that  only  fifty  years  ago  Chicago 
was  a  mere  hamlet,  it  was  almost  more  .difficult  to  realise 
that  only  eleven  years  had  elapsed  since  such  a  dire  calamity 
overtook  the  city.  Her  rivals  thought  the  blow  which  fell  on  the 
city  in  1871  would  crush  her,  and  that  before  she  rose  from  her 
ashes  her  commerce  would  be  gone.  But  the  men  who  had 
made  Chicago  were  not  to  be  crushed.  Before  the  ashes  of  the 
burnt  city  were  cool  the  work  of  rebuilding  was  commenced. 
Fortunately  the  records  of  the  titles  by  which  the  building  lots 
in  the  city  were  held  were  saved  from  the  fire  by  the  courage  and 
determination  of  their  custodier,  so  that  legal  difficulties  which 
might  otherwise  have  arisen  were  avoided.  Every  man,  whatever 
his  station,  put  his  hand  to  the  work  that  was  to  do.  Merchant 
princes  might  be  seen  in  their  shirt  sleeves  digging  among  and 
clearing  away  the  ruins  of  their  business  premises,  that  new  ones 
might  be  reared  in  their  place.  In  the  course  of  the  first  year 
after  the  fire,  buildings  representing  when  finished,  a  value  of 
over  eight  millions  of  pounds  sterling,  had  been  either  erected  or 
started,  and  within  three  years  the  city  had  been  provided  with 
buildings  equal  in  capacity  to,  and  double  the  value  of,  those 
destroyed  by  the  fire.  Never  for  a  moment  did  Chicago  stop  its 
onward  progress.  In  1872  the  population  had  increased  to 
367,000  ;  in  1874,  to  395,000  ;  and  at  present  it  is  believed  to  be 
over  half-a-million.  It  is  now  the  most  beautiful  city  in  the  United 
States,  and  probably  in  the  world  ;  and  year  by  year,  as  the  rich 
country  behind  it  is  opened  up  and  settled,  its  commerce  and  its 
riches  increase. 

Before  leaving  Chicago  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  a  son 
of  the  Rev.  Mr  Sage,  the  first  Free  Church  minister  of  Resolis,  in 
Ross-shire,  and  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Evangelical  party  in  the 
Church  of  Scotland,  prior  to  and  at  the  Disruption.  Mr  Wm.  M. 


Sage  is  General  Freight  Agent  on  the  Chicago,  Rock  Island,  and 
Pacific  Railway,  one  of  the  largest  systems  running  out  of 
Chicago,  and  I  afterwards  heard  from  a  countryman  in  Min- 
nesota, who  was  unacquainted  with  him  except  by  name,  that  he 
was  the  most  popular  Freight  Agent  in  Chicago.  The  name  of 
Mr  Sage,  of  Resolis,  is  still  a  household  word  in  the  Highlands 
of  Scotland,  and  Highlanders  everywhere  will  be  gratified  to 
know  that  his  son  occupies  so  prominent  and  important  a  posi- 
tion in  the  West,  and  with  so  much  acceptance  to  those  with 
whom  he  comes  in  contact. 

I  left  Chicago  with  regret,  although  I  felt  somewhat  unhappy 
in  being  a  mere  onlooker  among  all  the  bustle  and  hurry  around 
me.  In  the  early  evening  we  steamed  out  of  Chicago  on  towards 
the  Mississippi,  which  the  beautiful  Albert  Lea  Route  crosses  at 
Rock  Island.  The  city  of  Saint  Paul  was  my  immediate  desti- 
nation, but 

"  The  best  laid  schemes  o'  mice  an'  men 
Gang  aft  a-gley. " 

Early  in  the  morning  the  conductor  of  the  Pullman  car  called  all 
the  passengers,  and  told  them  if  they  wanted  breakfast  they 
must  look  sharp,  as  the  dining-room  car  would  be  detached  at 
West  Liberty,  which  we  were  timed  to  reach  at  seven  o'clock. 
A  hurried  toilet  and  a  hurried  breakfast  were  accomplished  be- 
fore West  Liberty  was  reached,  and  there  we  found  that  not  only 
were  we  to  lose  the  dining-room  car,  but  the  sleeper  as  well. 
These  went  on  to  the  west,  while  our  route  was  to  the  north, 
Those  of  the  passengers  who  were  going  in  the  latter  direction  had 
unwillingly  to  move  into  the  rear  cars.  The  transference  brought 
me  into  contact  with  passengers  who  had  joined  the  train  during 
the  night.  To  one  of  these  my  tongue  betrayed  me.  He  was  a 
sharp-looking  young  gentleman,  with  fair  hair  and  beard,  and 
when  he  had  passed  me  several  times,  looking  sharply  into  my 
face  each  time,  as  I  sat  on  the  arm  of  one  of  the  seats  speaking  to 
a  lady  and  her  child  who  had  been  my  fellow-travellers  over 
night,  the  extensive  experience  I  had  acquired  during  my  two  or 
three  weeks'  sojourn  on  the  Continent  enabled  me  to  set  him  down 
at  once  as  a  Yankee,  and,  I  was  more  than  half  inclined  to  add 
(to  myself  of  course),  an  impudent  one.  I  was  never  more  mis- 
taken. A  more  genuine  and  genial  son  of  Scottish  soil  never 


existed.  While  I  was  smoking  on  the  platform  of  the  car  early 
in  the  forenoon,  my  "  Yankee  "  friend  joined  me,  and  in  a  quiet  and 
kindly  tone  asked  me  whether  I  was  from  the  "  old  country."  These 
are  talismanic  words  away  from  home,  and  after  I  had  satisfied 
my  curiosity  by  finding  out  that  I  had  betrayed  my  nationality 
by  my  pronunciation  of  Chicago  (which  it  seems  the  Americans 
pronounce  "  Shicago"),  my  Yankee  friend  and  I  exchanged  bio- 
graphies. His  name  is  Millar,  a  native  of  Caithness,  for  some 
time  resident  in  Invergordon,  and  now  having  his  home  in  Min- 
neapolis. He  came  to  America  some  thirteen  years  ago,  went  in- 
to a  New  York  drapery  house,  doing  an  extensive  wholesale 
business,  and  he  now  represents  the  house  in  the  State  of  Iowa. 
When  I  met  him  he  was  on  his  way  to  his  home  in  Minneapolis, 
which  is  two  or  three  hundred  miles  from  his  business  head- 
quarters, to  see  his  wife,  who  was  in  delicate  health.  With  my 
newly  formed  acquaintance  the  day  passed  very  pleasantly,  and 
as  we  approached  Minneapolis,  my  friend  invited  me  to  stay  over 
night  in  the  city,  and  make  his  house  my  home.  I  agreed  to  the 
first  part  of  the  proposal,  but  not  to  the  second  ;  and  accordingly, 
on  our  arrival  at  Minneapolis,  I  sent  on  my  baggage  check,  and 
found  my  way  to  the  Nicolette  House,  the  principal  Hotel  in 
Minneapolis,  where,  through  the  good  offices  of  my  friend,  I  ob- 
tained accommodation.  K.  M'D. 
(To  be  continued.) 


THE  readers  of  the  Celtic  Magazine  are  aware  that  a  proposal  was  made  some  time 
ago  in  these  pages  to  recognise  in  some  public  manner  the  services  of  Professor 
Blackie  to  the  cause  of  our  Gaelic  language  and  literature,  and  more  particularly 
his  great  and  successful  efforts  for  establishing  r.  Celtic  Chair  in  the  University  of 
Edinburgh.  The  present,  just  when  the  new  Celtic  Professor  has  begun  his  public 
labours,  is  a  most  opportune  time  for  giving  effect  to  the  proposal.  With  that 
object  in  view,  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness  have  communicated  with  several 
influential  Highlanders  for  active  support ;  and  all  lovers  of  our  Gaelic  mother- 
tongue  will  be  pleased  to  learn  that,  among  others,  the  following  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  have  agreed  to  act  as  a  Provisional  Committee  to  promote  the  proposed 
testimonial,  viz. : — The  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Breadalbane  ;  Sir  Kenneth  S.  Mac- 
kenzie of  Gairloch,  Bart.,  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ross-shire  ;  Cluny  Macpherson  of  Cluny 
Macpherson,  C.B. ;  Lachlan  Macdonald,  Esq.  ofSkeabost;  Charles  Fraser-Mackintosh, 
Esq.,  M.P. ;  the  Right  Rev.  Angus  Macdonald,  Bishop  of  Argyll  and  the  Isles  ;  Alex. 
Nicolson,  Esq.,  M.A.,  LL.I).,  Advocate,  Sheriff-Substitute  of  Kirkcudbright ;  Donald 
Mackinnon,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Professor  of  the  Celtic  Languages  and  Literature  in 


the  University  of  Edinburgh;  H.  C.  Macandrew,  Esq.,  Provost  of  Inverness; 
Kenneth  Macdonald,  Esq.,  F.S.A.  Scot.,  Town-Clerk  of  Inverness;  John  Mackay, 
Esq.,  C.E.,  Hereford  ;  Major  Colin  Mackenzie,  Seaforth  Highlanders  ;  Rev.  Donald 
Macdonald,  Glenfinnan;  Bailie  Macdonald,  Aberdeen;  Ex-Provost  Simpson,  Inverness; 
Councillor  W.  G.  Stuart,  Inverness  ;  and  the  Council  of  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness, 
which  consists  for  the  current  year  of  -  The  Right  Honourable  The  Earl  of  Dunmore, 
chief;  Messrs  Alexander  Mackenzie,  F.S.A.  Scot.,  editor  of  the  Celtic  Magazine; 
John  Macdonald,  merchant,  Exchange ;  and  Alexander  Macbain,  M.A.,  head- 
master of  Raining  School,  Inverness,  chieftains;  William  Mackay,  F.S.A.  Scot., 
solicitor,  honorary  secretary ;  William  Mackenzie,  Drummond  Street,  secretary  ; 
Duncan  Mackintosh,  Bank  of  Scotland,  treasurer ;  Bailie  Mackay,  and  Messrs  George 
I.  Campbell,  solicitor  ;  Colin  Chisholm,  Namur  Cottage  ;  J.  Whyte,  librarian  ;  and 
A.  R.  Macraild,  writer,  Inverness,  members  of  council.  Other  gentlemen  willing  to 
join  the  Committee  should  intimate  their  wish  to  the  Secretary. 

Charles  Fraser-Mackintosh,  Esq.,  M.P.,  has  consented  to  act  as  honorary 
treasurer.  Mr  William  Mackenzie,  Secretary  of  the  Society,  will  act  in  the  same 
capacity  for  the  Committee. 

A  circular,  setting  forth  the  object  in  view,  is  now  in  course  of  being  issued,  and 
as  it  is  impossible  to  send  a  copy  of  it  to  every  one,  we  would  urge  on  all  who  wish 
to  co-operate  in  promoting  the  laudable  object  the  Committee  have  in  view,  to  com- 
municate with  the  Secretary  ;  or  to  send  their  subscriptions  to  the  Honorary  Treasurer 
at  his  residence,  5  Clarges  Street,  London,  W. 

In  particular  it  is  impossible  to  send,  the  circular  to  many  Highlanders  in  the 
Colonies,  and  elsewhere  out  of  Scotland.  We  would,  therefore,  especially  commend 
the  matter  to  our  leading  countrymen  abroad  and  in  the  South,  and  respectfully 
suggest  to  them  the  formation  of  Committees  in  the  principle  centres  among  High- 
landers all  over  the  world.  Several  subscriptions  from  ten  guineas  down  to  half-a- 
crown  have  been  already  intimated. 

In  his  excellent  inaugural  address,  Professor  Mackinnon  referred  to  Professor 
Blackie's  labours  in  connection  with  the  Celtic  Chair  in  the  following  happy 
manner : — 

"  We  owe  it  especially  to  the  founder  of  the  Chair,  that  no  effort  will  be  wanting 
on  our  part  to  prove  that  upon  scientific,  as  well  as  upon  patriotic  grounds,  the 
Chair  fills  a  gap  in  our  national  system  of  education.  It  was  founded  as  probably 
never  Chair  was  founded  before.  When  the  history  of  the  movement  comes  to 
be  written,  it  will  be  found  that  the  work  was  the  work  of  one  man.  Professor 
Blackie  undertook  the  duty  when  others  failed.  With  a  large  faith,  a  firm  purpose, 
a  loving  heart,  and  an  eloquent  tongue,  during  all  these  years  he  never  lost  sight 
of  the  object  to  which  he  devoted  himself.  He  called  himself  the  Apostle 
of  the  Celts  ;  and  he  was  ready  to  become  all  things  to  all  men,  that  he  might  win — 
subscriptions.  And  subscriptions  he  did  win — from  high  and  low,  rich  and  poor;  from 
the  student  of  science  and  the  votary  of  commerce  ;  from  the  peer  and  the  peasant ; 
from  the  Queen  upon  the  throne  and  the  poorest  of  her  Highland  subjects.  .  .  . 
He  has  made  the  language  of  the  Celt  classical  within  these  walls  of  learning.  To 
use  his  own  words,  he  has  placed  it 

'  With  Greece  and  with  Rome  in  the  schools  of  the  wise.' 
And  shall  we  not  say  to  him  in  the  old  language  of  this  land, 
'  Buaidh  is  piseach  air  a  cheann'. 

'An  la  a  chi  's  nach  fhaic. '  " 
And  so  say  we. 

Gu'm  bu  fada  beo  an  skr  ghaisgeach. 



[THE  following  elegy  was  composed  by  Roderick  Mackenzie,  heir-male  of  the  Old 
Mackenzies  of  Applecross,  to  his  brother  Malcolm  Roy.  The  author  composed 
several  other  very  beautiful  pieces,  but  few,  if  any,  of  them  have  been  preserved.  He 
had  emigrated  to  Nova  Scotia  early  in  the  century,  leaving  the  devoted  Malcolm  be- 
hind him  in  this  country.  We  are  indebted  for  the  manuscript,  which  is  phonetically 
written,  to  Mrs  Leed,  Fairfield  Road,  Inverness,  herself  a  near  relation,  and  a  direct 
descendant  of  the  author,  through  her  mother,  Mrs  Farquhar  Macrae,  Strome  Hotel 
(North  Side),  Lochcarron.] 

A  Righ,  gur  mis'  tha  bochd,  truagh, 

'S  trie  deoir  air  mo  ghruaidh, 

'S  m6  's  trie  mi  ri  luaidh  mo  dh6ruinn, 

'S  mi  ri  cumhadh  'n  fhir  ruaidh, 

Dh'  fhag  mi  thall  thair  a'  chuain, 

Far  nach  cluinn  mi,  a  luaidh,  do  chomhradh. 

'S  e  mo  chridhe  'tha  bruit', 

'S  trie  snidh'  air  mo  shuil, 

'S  thuit  m'  inntinn  gu  tuirs'  a's  br6n  domh  ; 

'S  ann  agam  tha'm  fath, 

'S  mi  'chaill  mo  dheas-laimhy 

Mo  thasgaidh,  's  mo  bhrathair  ro-mhath. 

Aona  bhrathair  mo  ghaoil, 
Dh'fhag  cho  muladach  mi, 

'S  nach  urrainn  domh  inns'  mo  dhoruinn  ; 
'S  ann  domhsa  tha  buan, 
H-uile  mionaid  is  uair, 

A  bhi  cuimhneachadh  buaidhean  t'oige, 
'S  cha'n  'eil  lighich  fo'n  ghrein, 
A  leighseas  mo  chreuchd, 

An  taobh-sa  Mhac  Dhe  na  Gloire  ; 
Bho'n  thainig  gun  dail 
Ort  sumanadh  bais, 

Thuit  mo  chridhe  fo  shail  mo  bhroige. 

Sid  am  bks  'thig  gu  teach, 
Air  sliochd  Adhaimh  fa  leth, 

Bho  rinn  'Namhaid  ar  creach  's  ar  spuilleadh. 
Mur  be  'n  Ti  le  mh6r  ghras, 
Gu'n  do  sheas  E  na'r  n-ait, 

Bhiodh  sinn'  uile  baite  cdmhladh  ; 
Tha  mi  'n  d&chas,  a  ghraidh, 
Gu'n  d'  rinn  creideamh  thu  slan 

Anns  an  Ti  am  beil  fath  nar  dochais  ; 
'S  cha'n  'eil  teagamh  'n  am  chriclh, 
Nach  eil  t-anam  an  slth, 

Mar-ri  ainglibh  a'  seinn  nan  oran. 


Bu  mhi  d'  Oisean  bochd,  truagh, 
'S  mi  'dh'fheudadh  a  luaidh 

Gu  'm  bu  diombuan,  neo-bhuan  do  sheorsa  : 
Bha  iad  foghainteach,  garbh, 
'S  bha  iad  math  air  ceann  airm, 

'S  bu  mhath  cuid  diubh  gu  sealg  fear  cr6ice  ; 
Chunnaic  mise  thu  fein, 
Nach  fhaicinn  air  feill, 

No  'n  co-thional  cheud  aig  Ordugh, 
Na  bu  smearaile  ceum, 
'Gabhail  beachd  ort  na  d'  dheigh, 

'S  tu  'g  amharc  fo  t'eudadh  D6mhnaich. 

Thigeadh  feileadh  nam  ball, 
Air  a  phreasadh  gu  teann  ; 

"Se  nach  fheumadh  'bhi  gann  da  dheanamh  ; 
Gartan  craobhach,  caol,  daight', 
'S  osan  gearr  do'n  ch!6  bhreac, 

Bho  laimh  taillear  bu  mhath  gu  fhiaradh. 
Air  an  iosgaid  ghil,  dhluth, 
Bu  ro-shoillear  fo'n  ghlun, 

Air  an  dearcadh  gach  suil  air  lianaig  : 
'S  cha  bu  chladhaire  thu, 
'N  fhuair  a  chuirt'  thu  gu  d'  chul, 

'S  cha  robh  taise  'n  ad  ghnuis  gu  striochdadh. 

Mo  ghradh  an  spalpaire  grinn, 
Air  an  laidheadh  na  rainn, 

Air  nach  d'  rainig  an  aois  mhor  bhliadhnaibh 
Dha  'n  robh  cridhe  neo-thoinnt', 
Leis  nach  d'  rugadh  an  fhoill, 

Pairteach,  furanach,  fialaidh,  foirmeil  ; 
Fear  modhail  's  e  ciuin, 
'S  fiamh  a'  ghair'  air  a  ghnuis, 

'S  e  na  labhairt  cho  muint  ri  maighdinn  ; 
Anns  gach  cruadal  a's  tuirn, 
'S  tu  nach  teicheadh  air  chul, 

'S  bha  thu  fearail  an  cuisean  saighdeir. 

Gur  e  'n  t-eug  bha  gun  bhaigh, 
Bhuail  e  palsaidh  na  d'  laimh , 

'Chaidh  le  sumanadh  bais  g'ad  iarraidh  ; 
Is  maor  le  'n  teidear  an  t-aog, 
Nach  gabh  cumha  no  els, 

Ach  bhi  umhailt'  gach'taobh  g'an  iarr  e  ; 
'S  maor  e  'bhagras  gach  righ, 
Anns  gach  cath  agus  stri 

Chumadh  cogadh  fad  mhiltean  bliadhna  ; 
Bha  e  treun  anns  gach  blar, 
A's  lann  gheur  'na|dheas*laimh, 

Do  'm  feum  uile  shiol  Adhaimh  striochdadh. 


Bho'n  thainig  mi'n  nuadh-dhuthaich, 
lomallaich,  fhuair, 

Fhuair  mi  carrachdainn  cruaidh  gu  leor  innt'; 
Bho  'n  dh'eug  Mairi  mo  ruin, 
'Sa  chaill  mi  fradharc  mo  shul, 

'S  m6r  gum  b'fhearr  learn  'bhi  'n  duthaich  m'  eolais  ; 
Gu'm  beil  m'  aigneadh  gach  uair, 
'Ruith  a  null  air  a*  chuan, 

'S  mi  ri  cumha  Chaluim  Ruaidh,  's  nach  beo  e  : 
'S  mi  mar  dhuine  gun  cholg, 
Dheth  a  spuillteadh  'chuid  airm, 

'S  gur  e  cumha  nam  marbh  a  le&n  mi. 

Tha  gach  fear  'thig  as  ur 

'G  inns'  a  chorr  dheth  do  chliu, 

De  na  thainig  an  taobh  so  dh'  fhairge  ; 
'S  bi  gach  fear  a  tha  thall 
'Cur  an  aonta  na  cheann, 

Nach  deach  aon  ni  'chur  meallt'  na  mharbhrainn, 
Mu'n  laoch  mhisneachail,  threun. 
Do  'n  robh  gliocas  le  ceill, 

Anns  gach  subhailc  bha  ceutach,  ainmeil ; 
'S  bho  'n  bharc  ort  an  t-eug, 
Thuit  an  cul  as  mo  sgeith, 

'S  mi  gun  bhrathair  'n  ad  dheigh  bho  'n  dh'fhalbh  thu. 


IT  is  our  purpose  in  future  to  devote  a  small  portion  of  our  space  to  the  recording,  in 
the  form  of  short  notes,  of  important  events  of  a  Celtic  character,  especially  such  as 
bear  upon  the  language  and  literature  of  the  Gael.  We  shall  be  glad  to  receive  con- 
tributions from  friends  who  may  have  any  facts  to  communicate  which  they  consider 
would  add  to  the  freshness  and  interest  of  this  department.  Announcements  of  forth- 
coming Celtic  works,  intimations  of  the  formation  of  Celtic  Societies,  or  of  the  incep- 
tion and  progress  of  any  movements  for  preserving  the  records  and  traditions,  or 
promoting  the  use  of  the  language,  of  the  Gael,  are  the  description  of  notes  which  we 
specially  invite. 

A  resolution  was  come  to  by  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness  last  winter,  of  estab- 
lishing a  class  for  the  teaching  of  Gaelic.  We  hope  the  suggestion  will  be  cordially 
taken  up  now  that  the  Society  has  entered  on  its  winter  work,  and  that  a  flourishing 
class  will  be  the  result. 

Two  rare  and  important  Highland  works  are  about  to  be  re-issued,  namely, 
"Martins  Western  Islands  of  Scotland,"  and  Dean  Munro'swork  on  the  same,  subject 
at  an  earlier  period.  Both  works  have  long  been  scarce  and  difficult  to  procure,  and 


we  have  no  doubt  many  will  gladly  avail  themselves  of  this  opportunity  of  securing 

We  are  glad  to  observe  that  the  veteran  Lochfyne  bard,  Mr  Evan  MacColl,  is 
about  to  give  to  the  world  a  new,  enlarged,  and  revised  edition  of  his  sweet  lyrics, 
both  English  and  Gaelic.  We  bespeak  for  the  volumes  a  reception  worthy  of  a  true 
and  genuine  poet,  as  well  as  a  warm-hearted  and  manly  Highlander. 

The  Earl  of  Seafield  has  recently  issued,  for  the  private  use  of  friends  and  con- 
nections of  the  Family  of  Grant,  the  history  of  the  "Chiefs  of  Grant,"  in  three 
magnificent  volumes.  The  work  of  compiling  the  history  was  intrusted  to  Dr  William 
Eraser,  of  the  Register  House,  Edinburgh,  a  fact,  which  in  itself,  guarantees  its 
complete  and  thoroughly  trustworthy  character.  The  wide  ramifications  of  the  history 
of  the  Grant  family,  and  the  important  share  which  they  have  always  taken  in  the 
stirring  event  of  past  times  in  the  Highlands,  must  of  necessity  render  the  work  one 
of  outstanding  value  to  the  student  of  Highland  history.  As  an  expression  of  his 
interest  in  Inverness  and  its  institutions,  the  Earl  of  Seafield  has  presented  a  copy  of 
"  The  Chiefs  of  Grant  "  to  the  Public  Library. 

"Woods,  Forests,  and  Estates  of  Perthshire,"  is  the  title  of  a  most  charming 
book  by  Mr  Thomas  Hunter,  editor  of  the  Perthshire  Constitutional.  One  does  not 
know  whether  to  admire  most  Mr  Hunter's  interesting  pedigrees  of  the  trees  and 
forests  of  Perthshire,  or  his  lively  and  enthusiastic  pictures  of  the  estates  which  have 
reared  them.  Mr  Hunter  is  almost  entitled  to  the  description  applied  to  the  natural- 
ist of  old,  who  "spake  of  trees,  from  the  cedar  tree  that  is  in  Lebanon,  even  unto  the 
hyssop  that  groweth  out  of  the  wall."  We  shall  avail  ourselves  of  an  early  opportunity 
of  giving  this  book  a  more  extended  notice. 

The  Rev.  Mr  Maccallum,  of  Arisaig,  has  published  a  small  collection  of  Gaelic 
verses  under  the  title  of  "  Sop  as  gach  Seid  ;"  but  beyond  the  fact  that  the  booklet 
is  tastefully  got  up,  and  clearly  and  pretty  correctly  printed,  there  is  not  much  calling 
for  praise.  Mr  Maccallum  has  done  much  meritorious  work  in  other  spheres,  and  is 
capable  of  doing  more — poetry  is,  however,  not  his  forte.  The  time  required  to  produce 
the  Gaelic  rhymes  before  us  may  be  described  as  wasted  on  the  profitless  occupation 
of  "trusadh  nan  Sop  's  a'  leigeil  nan  boitean  leis  an  t-sruth,"  while  more  import- 
ant work  lies  to  Mr  Maccallum's  hand  all  around  him.  It  requires  something  more 
than  poetic  licence  to  justify  our  author,  when  he  makes  the  sun  rise  on  Christmas 
Eve.  The  astronomical  phenomenon  is  thus  referred  to  on  page  1 1  : — 
"  Furan's  failt'  ort,  Oidhche  Nollaig  ! 

Deonach  molam  fein  thu  ; 

Soills'  na  Grein  rinn  sinne  sona, 

Roimhe  ortsa  dh'  eirich." 

Messrs  Maclachlan  &  Stewart,  Edinburgh,  are  about  to  publish  a  large  collection 
of  Highland  dance  music.  The  tunes  are  arranged  and  selected  by  Mr  James 
Stewart-Robertson  of  Edradynate,  a  gentleman  of  wide  experience  in  this  department 
of  science  and  art.  The  collection  will  consist  of  no  fewer  than  800  tunes.  The  same 
publishers  have  also  in  the  press  another  musical  work,  namely,  a  collection  of  Gaelic 
songs,  with  airs  and  English  translations,  edited  and  arranged  by  Mr  Charles  Stewart 
of  Tigh-an-duin,  whose  name  is  sufficient  guarantee  that  the  work  will  be  all  that  good 
taste,  wide  and  correct  knowledge,  and  hearty  Highland  enthusiasm  can  make  it.  , 

The  third  volume  of  Mackintosh's  "  History  of  Civilisation  in  Scotland"  has  just 


been  issued,  and  it  fully  justifies  the  high  anticipations  excited  by  the  former  volumes. 
This  volume  is  devoted  to  an  account  of  the  Union  of  the  Crowns  in  1603,  the  Cove- 
nanting struggle,  the  Commonwealth,  the  Restoration,  the  Revolution,  the  Risings, 
and  the  social  and  literary  history  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  The 
work,  when  completed,  as  it  is  expected  to  be  by  the  publication  of  a  fourth  volume, 
will  form  a  monument  of  faithful  and  painstaking  labour.  No  Scotchman's  library 
can  be  complete  without  it.  We  only  say  this  much  at  present,  as  we  purpose  to 
review  the  volume  before  us  more  fully  on  an  early  occasion. 

A  deputation  of  gentlemen  interested  in  the  promotion  of  the  study  and  intelligent 
use  of  Gaelic  in  Irish  schools,  recently  waited  upon  the  Secretary  to  the  Lord-Lieuten- 
ant, with  the  view  of  enlisting  his  aid  in  the  accomplishment  of  their  purpose.  What 
the  prospects  held  out  to  them  were  we  know  not,  but  we  mention  the  fact  as  an  ex- 
ample and  incentive  to  the  friends  of  the  Gaelic  language  in  Scotland  to  bestir  them- 
selves in  a  similar  manner.  The  concession  made  in  the  Code  a  few  years  ago  in 
favour  of  the  movement  amounts  to  no  more  than  a  recognition  of  its  reasonableness. 
Its  practical  value  is  infinitesimal,  and  therefore  we  trust  our  societies  will  buckle  on 
their  armour  once  more  for  further  demands,  and  raise  the  question  to  the  position  of 
a  test  one  on  the  hustings,  in  view  of  the  extension  of  electoral  power  to  the  mass  of 
the  Highland  population. 

One  of  the  most  important  events  in  the  history  of  the  Celtic  languages,  and  one 
likely  to  exert  a  weighty  influence  on  their  future  preservation  and  utilisation, 
occurred  recently  at  Edinburgh.  We  refer  to  the  inauguration  of  the  Chair  of  Celtic 
Languages,  History,  Literature,  and  Antiquities.  The  inaugural  address  delivered 
by  Professor  Mackinnon,  is  now  before  us,  and  the  highest  praise  which  we  can 
bestow  upon  it  is  to  say  that  it  was  eminently  worthy  of  the  occasion.  It  bears  evi- 
dence of  being  the  work  of  one  who  can  apply  to  the  unique  and  all-important  labours 
on  which  he  has  entered,  those  qualities,  in  a  very  high  degree,  which  are  necessary 
for  the  effective  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  office.  In  Mr  Mackinnon's  address, 
the  field  to  be  brought  under  cultivation  is  first  sketched.  In  doing  so  he  evinces  an 
extensive  and  minute  acquaintance  with  all  the  available  historical  and  philological 
sources  of  information.  To  this  is  added  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  vernacular, 
and  he  brings  to  bear  upon  the  work  a  spirit  of  admirable  candour  and  impartiality, 
that  enables  him  to  address  himself  to  it  in  a  truly  philosophic  spirit,  willing 
to  receive  light  and  teaching  from  the  endless  variety  of  dialectic  differences  which 
prevail  in  the  domain  of  the  Gaelic  tongue,  instead  of  dogmatically  elevating  the 
patois  of  a  district  into  the  position  of  an  infallible  standard.  Mr  Mackinnon  adopts 
as  the  principle  of  his  conduct  that  of  the  apostle,  and  also  that  of  science  and  com- 
mon sense,  "  Prove  all  things  ;  hold  fast  that  which  is  good." 

In  connection  with  the  work  of  the  Celtic  Chair,  Mr  Mackinnon  is  preparing  a 
series  of  Gaelic  Reading  Books,  the  first  of  which  is  now  in  the  press  ;  and,  judging 
from  advanced  sheets  which  have  been  sent  us,  the  work  is  done  in  a  thorough  and 
accurate  manner.  We  are  certain  that  the  preparation  of  these  manuals  alone  will 
lead  to  a  renewed  interest  in  the  teaching  of  the  language,  not  merely  in  connection 
with  the  University  classes  in  Edinburgh,  but  over  the  length  and  breadth  of  the 
Gaelic  world.  There  are  at  present  in  existence  no  class-books  that  could  be  made 
available,  and  thus  a  great  desideratum  will  be  supplied;  and  did  Professor  Mackinnon 
accomplish  nothing  else,  he  would,  even  for  this  act  alone,  have  deserved  well  of  the 
youth  of  his  country. 




No.  XCIX.  JANUARY  1884.  VOL.  IX. 


By  the  EDITOR. 



LOCHIEL,  shortly  after  the  incident  described  in  our  last,  received 
a  message  from  General  Middleton  that  he  had  been  defeated  by 
General  Morgan  at  Lochgarry,  where  he  was  surprised  and  had 
many  of  his  men  killed,  at  a  time  when  he  thought  himself  quite 
free  from  all  danger  at  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  In  consequence 
of  this  defeat,  Middleton,  who  had  previously  invited  the  King  to 
come  over  from  France  in  the  following  spring,  promising  His 
Majesty  that  the  country  as  one  man  would  rise  to  support  him, 
gave  up  all  hopes  of  success  for  the  Loyalists,  and  he  sent  express 
instructions  to  Lochiel  to  come  to  him,  not  so  much  with  the 
view  of  continuing  the  war,  as  to  concert  the  best  means  of  giving 
it  up  on  the  best  and  most  honourable  terms  which  in  all  the  cir- 
cumstances they  could  secure. 

Lochiel  proceeded  on  this  journey  with  three  hundred  of  his 
followers  through  the  most  secret  and  inaccessible  mountain 
paths,  but  the  Governor  of  Inverlochy  heard  of  his  movements, 
and  advised  General  Morgan  of  his  departure,  pointing  out 



to  him  the  great  service  that  he  would  render  to  the  State  if  he 
captured  him  dead  or  alive.  The  young  Chief,  however,  soon 
managed  to  reach  Braemar.  Here  he  took  up  his  quarters  for 
the  night  in  a  small  shealirig,  greatly  fatigued,  where  he  slept 
soundly  in  his  plaid  on  a  bed  of  heather.  He  was  disturbed 
early  next  morning  by  a  peculiar  dream,  which,  according  to  his 
biographer,  was  the  means  of  saving  his  life.  He  imagined  that 
a  grizzly-bearded  man,  of  disordered  countenance  and  low  stature, 
came  where  he  was,  and,  striking  him  smartly  on  the  breast, 
exclaimed  in  a  loud  voice,  "  Lochiel,  get  up,  for  the  Borrowing 
days  will  soon  be  upon  you."*  Being  no  believer  in  dreams,  the 
Chief  immediately  fell  asleep;  the  grizzly  little  man  repeated  his  past 
performance,  calling  out  louder  than  before.  Lochiel  thought  that  it 
was  merely  a  trick  played  upon  him  by  one  of  his  own  retinue,  who 
slept  with  him  in  the  bothy,  and,  after  chiding  him  for  his  inter- 
ference, and  getting  a  denial,  he  again  fell  asleep  ;  but  no  sooner 
had  he  done  so  than  the  little  man  again  appeared,  doubling  the 
force  of  his  blow,  and  crying  aloud,  as  if  in  terror,  "  Arise  quickly, 
Lochiel,  arise,  for  the  Borrowing  days  are  already  upon  you." 
The  Chief  immediately  started  from  his  bed,  and  before  he  was 
able  to  get  on  his  hose,  he  was  informed  that  the  ground  round 
about  was  literally  covered  with  horse  and  foot,  and  that  some  of 
them  were  already  almost  at  his  bothy's  door.  He  instantly  fled  to 
the  top  of  the  nearest  hill,  and  there,  looking  behind  him  for  the  first 
time,  he  beheld  a  whole  regiment  of  dragoons,  and  several  com- 
panies of  foot,  from  the  Castle  of  Kildrummie,  sent  by  General 
Morgan  to  capture  him,  on  receipt  of  the  message  from  Inver- 
lochy  that  he  had  started  on  his  way  to  meet  General  Middle- 
ton,  promising  the  officer  in  command  a  rich  reward  if  he  brought 
him  in  either  dead  or  alive. 

The  Camerons  must  have  felt  themselves  in  perfect  security, 
for  they  were  completely  off  their  guard.  They  lost  all  their 
baggage,  among  which,  it  is  said,  were  many  valuable  things, 
including  a  "  quantity  of  unset  diamonds,  besides  a  dozen  of 
silver  spoons  curiously  wrought,  and  on  which  the  whole  deca- 

*  These  are  the  last  three  days  of  March,  which,  being  generally  tempestuous, 
often  prove  fatal  to  sheep,  lambs,  and  cattle,  weakened,  when  badly  fed,  by  the 
severity  of  the  preceding  winter.  The  three  days  are  said  to  be  borrowed  from 
April,  whence  they  are  called  the  "  Borrowing  days." 


logue  was  engraved  with  great  art."  All  these  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  Next  night  Lochiel  slept  on  the  top  of  a 
mountain  where  no  horse,  and  scarcely  any  foot,  could  reach 
him.  During  the  succeeding  day  he  arrived  safely  at  General 
Middleton's  headquarters.  Here  he  remained  for  a  few  days, 
taking  part  in  a  Council,  at  which  it  was  resolved  to  discontinue 
the  war,  and  to  have  the  army  broken  up,  each  shifting  for  him- 
self as  best  he  could,  the  season  being  so  far  advanced  that 
they  could  no  longer  keep  in  the  open  field.  Middleton,  with  a 
few  of  his  officers,  resolved  upon  retiring  to  the  Western  Isles, 
while  others  accompanied  Lochiel  to  Lochaber,  whither  they 
secretly  found  their  way.  Cromwell,  now  finding  that  he  required 
to  direct  his  attention  more  to  his  English  subjects,  was  anxious  to 
come  to  terms  with  the  Scottish  Loyalists,  intimated  to  the  High- 
land Chiefs,  through  secret  agents,  that  he  would  accept  their 
submission,  and  that  upon  laying  down  their  arms,  and  returning 
to  their  homes,  they  would  be  restored  to  their  fortunes  and 
estates  ;  and  this,  in  the  unpromising  nature  of  their  prospects, 
naturally  induced  many  of  them  to  accept  terms  and  give  up 
the  war,  at  least  until  there  should  appear  a  better  prospect  of 
carrying  it  on  more  successfully. 

During  the  winter  Lochiel  and  his  guests  visited  General 
Middleton  at  Dunvegan  Castle,  in  the  Isle  of  Skye,  where  the 
General  and  many  of  his  officers  found  shelter.  Several  other 
chiefs  also  attended,  and  after  long  deliberation  it  was  resolved 
that  they  should  all  submit,  before  they  were  completely  ruined, 
finding  the  King  quite  unable  to  support  them  with  men,  money, 
or  arms.  Middleton  escaped  to  France.  A  few  days  before  he 
left  he  handed  Lochiel  a  document,  in  which  he  recounted  his 
services  on  behalf  of  the  King,  especially  referring  to  his 
never  having  submitted  to  the  enemy,  and  to  his  having  given 
frequent  proofs  of  his  fidelity,  courage,  and  conduct,  standing 
out  to  the  very  last,  notwithstanding  all  difficulties,  concluding 
thus  : — "  And  withal,  I  do  hereby  allow  and  desire  him  to  take 
such  speedy  course  for  his  safety,  by  capitulation,  as  he  shall  see 
fit,  seeing  inevitable  and  invincible  necessity  has  forced  us  to  lay 
aside  this  war,  and  that  I  can  do  nothing  else  for  his  advantage." 
The  document  is  signed  and  sealed  "  Att  Dunvegan,  the  last  day 
of  March  1665,"  by  "Middletone."  Thus,  in  the  meantime 


ended  the  war,  and  we  shall  next  follow  our  hero  into  the  more 
peaceful  paths  of  diplomacy,  a  field  in  which  he  seems  to  have 
been  as  distinguished  as  in  that  of  war. 

During  his  absence  in  the  Isle  of  Skye,  the  officers  at  Inver- 
lochy  arranged  several  hunting  parties,  accompanied  by  consider- 
able bodies  of  troops,  at  first  keeping  well  together  when  out  in 
Lochiel's  forest,  but  as  they  became  better  acquainted  with  the 
ground,  and.  more  assured  of  their  safety  in  the  absence  of  the 
Chief,  they  became  bolder,  and  hunted  separately.  On  one 
occasion  many  of  the  principal  officers  from  the  Castle  were  out 
for  a  grand  match,  each  having  a  small  party  of  soldiers  in 
attendance.  They  agreed  to  meet  at  a  spot  near  the  garrison,  at 
night,  and  march  in  together.  Lochiel  was  kept  well  informed 
of  their  movements  from  day  to  day,  and  on  this  occasion  he 
divided  his  men  in  small  parties,  with  instructions  to  follow  each 
officer's  party  at  a  proper  distance,  until  they  found  a  convenient 
opportunity  to  attack  it  with  success,  with  the  result  that  most  of 
the  officers  were  killed,  and  the  rest  taken  prisoners.  Such  a 
loss  o  his  principal  officers  filled  the  Governor  with  sorrow  and 
feelings  of  revenge.  The  hunting  matches  were  at  once  stopped. 
He  at  once  adopted  means  for  obtaining  intelligence  of  Lochiel's 
movements  through  "  men  of  desperate  circumstances,  whom  the 
hopes  of  gain,  and  the  security  of  living  safe  from  the  prosecutions 
of  their  defrauded  creditors,  allured  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom," 
and  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  village  of  Fort-William,  which, 
our  author  says,  "would  have  soon  increased  into  a  tolerable 
market  town  in  those  remote  parts,  if  the  restoration  of  the 
Royal  Family  had  not  put  a  stop  to  it.  It  was  no  great  diffi- 
culty for  the  Governor  to  find,  among  such  a  confluence  of  des- 
peradoes, many  bold,  cunning  fellows,  proper  enough  for  spies 
and  intelligencers.  Lochiel  no  sooner  met  with  them,  as  he 
often  did,  but  he  commanded  them  to  be  hanged  without  delay."* 
In  consequence  of  all  this,  Lochiel  was  so  sharply  looked  after  that 
he  soon  found  it  dangerous  to  remain  near  the  garrison,  though 
he  had  arranged  a  set  of  spies  of  his  own,  through  whom,  on 
several  occasions,  he  managed  to  escape  capture. 

Not  long  after  this  he  called  together  the  principal  gentle- 
men of  the  clan,  and  intimated  to  them  his  intention  of  giving  up 
*  Lochiel's  Memoirs,  p.   139. 


the  war,  as  every  chance  of  success  had  entirely  vanished,  and 
their  present  mode  of  life,  wandering  in  the  hills,  had  become 
well-nigh  intolerable.  He  was  determined  to  secure  honourable 
terms  of  peace  for  himself  and  for  them,  and  had  formed  his 
plans  accordingly,  but  he  expressed  a  desire  that  they  should 
trust  him  with  all  the  details,  without  in  the  meantime  disclosing 
them.  Such  was  their  confidence  in  him,  that  they  agreed  to 
leave  everything  in  his  hands,  and  asked  him  only  to  command 
them,  and  that  they  would  do  his  bidding  and  execute  his  orders. 
He  picked  out  about  a  hundred  from  amongst  them,  and  told 
them  to  be  in  readiness  to  join  him  at  any  moment. 

He  had  just  received  a  communication  from  the  Laird  of 
MacNaughten,   in*  Cowal, — a   near  relative   of  his  own,  and   a 
Loyalist,  who  had  in  consequence  to  live  in  the  hills  to  escape 
the  Marquis  of  Argyll — that  three  English  and  one  Scotch  Colonel 
were  surveying  the  district  by  orders  of  General  Monk,  and  that 
if  he  came  with  a  few  brave    followers   they  might  easily  be 
captured  and  kept  as  hostages  until  he  could  secure  favourable 
terms  of  surrender.    Lochiel  was  delighted  on  receiving  this  intelli- 
gence, and  he  proceeded  with  his  brave  followers,  keeping  the  high 
ground  night  and  day,  so  as  to  avoid  detection  on  his  march. 
He  met  MacNaughten  at  the  appointed  place,  and  was  informed 
of  the  whereabouts  of  the  Colonels.     They  then  arranged  the 
best  plan  by  which  to  secure  them,  after  which  he  marched  alone 
with  his  men,  during  the  night,  to  a  village  within  four  miles  of 
Inveraray,  where  he  arrived  about  one  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
He  then  told  his  followers  the  object  of  his  visit,  and  directed 
them  how  to  proceed.     He  informed  them  that  at  a  small  inn 
close  bye  the  Colonels  lay  asleep  that  night,  without  any  appre- 
hension of  danger.     "  It  is  probable  they  may  have  a  sentry  at 
the  door,  and  some  officers  and  servants  lodged  with  them  in  the 
house,  and,  therefore,  to  prevent  resistance,  I  have  contrived  the 
following  stratagem,  which  may  be  executed  quickly,  easily,  and 
without  danger  of  alarming  their  guards.     The  house  being  built 
of  lime  and  stone  it  will  be  no  easy  matter  to  break  through  the 
wall  or  to  force  open  the  door  ;  we  must,  therefore,  steal  softly  to 
it,  and  after  seizing  the  sentry,  if  there  be  any,  we  must  each  of 
us  take  hold  of  the  timber  or  kebbers  that  support  the  roof  at 
the  back  side  of  it,  and  pulling  all  at  once  there  will  be  an  open- 


ing  large  enough  for  us  all  to  jump  in  at  the  same  time,  and  to 
make  every  person  in  the  house  our  prisoners,  without  distinc- 
tion.    If  we  fail  in  this  we  must  put  fire  to  the  thatch  of  the 
roof,  by  which  we  will  either  destroy  them  or  become  masters  of 
their  persons.     If  their  guards  are  alarmed,  which  is  the  worst 
that  can   happen,   I   expect    that   you    will    behave   after   your 
ordinary  manner  ;  but  be  sure  to  make  as  many  prisoners  as  you 
possibly  can,  that  being  the  chief  thing  I  presently  aim  at."     The 
plan  was  successfully  carried  out,  and  the  four  Colonels  were 
taken   alive.     Among  them   was   Lieutenant-Colonel   Campbell, 
a   Highlander,  with  whom   Lochiel    had    been    previously   well 
acquainted.     They  were  hurried  away  in  a  boat  provided  and  kept 
in  readiness  by  MacNaughten,  ferried  across  to  the  other  side,  and 
then  marched,  without  a  halt,  until  Lochiel  had  them  in  a  place 
of  security  on  his  own  property.     They  were  perfectly  horrified 
on  finding  themselves  in  the  power  of  one  whom  they  had  learned 
to  look  upon  as  a  mere  savage  and  blood-thirsty  barbarian,  but 
his  considerate  and  civil  treatment  soon  induced  them  to  look 
upon  him  in  a  very  different  light.     Though  their  lodgings  were 
not  of  the  best,  they  were  otherwise  well  provided  for  and  enter- 
tained.     Their  rank  was  acknowledged,  and  the  only  real  cause 
of  complaint   they  had  was  the   loss  of  their  personal  liberty. 
They  were  confined   on  an    island  in   Locharkaig,  where  they 
secured  an  ample  supply  of  delicate  fish.     "  At  the  head  of  it  is  a 
large  forest  of  red  deer,  where  there  is,  besides,  great  abundance 
of  other  game.     Lochiel,  who  omitted  no  civility  that  he  thought 
would  add  to  the  pleasure  of  his  guests,  carried  them  to  the  head 
of  the  loch  in  a  boat,  where  he  was  met  by  some  hundreds  of  his 
men,  whom  he  had  ordered  to  be  convened  for  that  purpose. 
These  people,  stretching  themselves  in  a  line  along  the  hills,  soon 
enclosed  great  numbers  of  deer,  which,  having  driven  to  a  place 
appointed,  they  guarded  them  so  closely  within  the  circle  which 
they  formed  round  them,  that  the  gentlemen  had  the  pleasure  of 
killing  them  by  their  broadswords,  which  was  a  diversion  new  and 
uncommon  to  them."     They  spent  several  days  in  this  way  re- 
galing themselves  with  every  variety  of  venison  and  wild  fowl. 
"  They  were  much  diverted  with  the  activity  and  address  of  the 
Highlanders  in  all  their  exercises,  and  instead  of  the  barbarians 
they  were  represented  to  be,  they  found  them  a  quick  and  in- 


genious  people,  of  great  vigour  and  hardiness."  They  were  even 
more  pleased  with  Lochiel  himself.  His  politeness,  good  sense, 
modesty,  and  wit ;  his  vivacity  and  cheerfulness,  and  his  constant 
anxiety  to  entertain  them,  deeply  impressed  them.  They 
strongly  urged  upon  him  the  propriety  of  coming  to  terms  with 
the  Government,  now  that  he  was  the  only  chief  in  the  Highlands 
who  held  out,  urging  that  he  had  already  gained  glory  enough  in 
the  field  as  well  as  for  his  devotion  to  the  exiled  dynasty.  This 
was  the  very  thing  Lochiel  desired  to  bring  about ;  he,  however, 
wanted  to  be  advised  and  courted  into  it,  but  pretended  that 
nothing  was  further  from  his  intentions,  saying  that  no  wise  man 
would  trust  himself  in  the  hands  of  their  Protector,  "  whose  whole 
life  was  one  continued  scene  of  rebellion,  ambition,  hypocrisy, 
avarice,  and  cruelty."  He  charged  him  with  all  the  blood  spilt  dur- 
ing the  Civil  Wars,  with  the  murder  of  the  King,  and  numberless 
other  crimes.  He  would  have  no  dealings  with  such  a  man  ;  for 
"  it  was  still  in  his  power  to  preserve  his  conscience  and  honour 
unstained,  and  to  continue  in  that  innocence,  loyalty,  and  in- 
tegrity of  character"  which  was  the  duty  of  an  honest  man  and  a 
good  subject  He,  however,  in  time  began  to  give  way,  especi- 
ally to  the  reasoning  of  his  old  friend  Colonel  Campbell,  and 
ultimately  acknowledged  that  it  might  be  for  his  interest  and 
that  of  his  people  to  submit,  "  provided  they  could  procure 
such  articles  as  would  suit  with  their  honour  and  the  ad- 
vantage of  their  country ;  but  that  for  his  own  part,  before 
he  would  consent  to  the  disarming  of  himself  and  his  people, 
and  to  involve  them  in  the  horrid  guilt  of  perjury,  by 
abjuring  the  King,  his  master,  and  taking  oaths  to  the 
Usurper,  that  he  was  resolved  to  live  as  an  outlaw,  a  fugitive, 
and  a  vagabond,  without  regard  to  the  consequences."  To  this 
Colonel  Campbell  replied  that,  if  Lochiel  expressed  an  inclination 
to  submit,  no  oath  would  be  required  from  himself  or  from  his 
followers  ;  that  he  should  virtually  get  terms  of  his  own  making ; 
and  that  he  himself  would  undertake  to  see  the  conditions  per- 
formed, concluding  his  appeal  with  the  remark,  that  the  most 
powerful  of  European  monarchs  "do  not  think  it  below  their 
dignity  to  court  our  friendship,  and  yet  the  chief  of  a  Highland 
clan  thinks  it  a  stain  upon  his  honour  to  embrace  the  peace  and 
friendship  that  is  offered  upon  terms  of  his  own  making." 


Lochiel  at  last  promised  to  consult  his  friends,  and  submit  a 
copy  of  his  proposals  next  day.  This  he  did,  and  appointed 
Colonel  Campbell  to  carry  them  to  General  Monk,  when  they  were 
finally  adjusted.  Colonel  Campbell  in  due  time  returned  with  a 
letter  from  Monk,  dated  "  Dalkeith,  igth  May  1665,"  in  which 
the  General  says, "  I  have  this  day  agreed  upon  such  articles  as  I 
shall  grant  for  the  coming  in  of  yourself  and  party,  upon  the 
powers  you  gave  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Duncan  Campbell  to 
treat  for  you  ...  In  case  you  shall  declare  your  approba- 
tion of  these  articles  within  fourteen  days  of  the  date  hereof,  I 
am  content  they  shall  stand  good,  and  be  performed  to  you, 
otherwise  not."  Scarcely  any  alteration  was  made  on  the  articles 
submitted  by  Lochiel.  The  complete  details  of  this  remark- 
able treaty  cannot  now  be  given,  the  document  itself  having  been 
burnt,  with  many  other  valuable  records,  in  Lochiel's  house — 
accidentally  burnt — but  the  most  important  conditions  contained 
in  it  may  be  gathered  from  General  Monk's  letters  to  the  Chief 
himself.  They  were  as  follows  : — 

1st.  Lochiel,  for  himself  and  in  name  of  his  whole  clan  was  to  submit  and  to  live 
in  peace  on  condition  that  his  Excellency  demanded  no  oaths  or  other  assurances  but 
Lochiel's  word  of  honour. 

2nd.  That  the  Chief  and  all  his  friends  and  followers  of  the  Clan  Cameron  should 
be  allowed  to  carry  and  use  their  arms  the  same  as  before  the  war  broke  out,  they  be- 
having themselves  peacefully,  subject  to  these  two  conditions— ist,  That  Lochiel's 
train,  when  he  travelled  out  of  the  Highlands,  should  not  exceed  twelve  or  fourteen 
armed  men,  besides  his  body  servants,  without  a  permit  from  the  General,  or  from  his 
successor  in  that  office  ;  and  2nd,  That  the  gentlemen  of  the  clan  should  not  travel 
anywhere  out  of  their  own  country  with  more  than  a  certain  number  of  armed  men,  to 
which  they  were  limited,  and  they  were  not  to  go  from  home,  armed  in  company, 
above  a  restricted  number. 

3rd.  Lochiel  and  his  clan  were  to  lay  down  their  arms,  in  the  name  of  Charles  II., 
to  the  Governor  of  Inverlochy,  and  take  them  up  again  immediately  in  name  of  the 
States,  without  any  reference  to  Cromwell. 

4th.  Lochiel  bound  himself  to  pay  the  public  burdens,  suppress  tumults,  thefts 
and  depredations,  from  and  after  the  date  of  the  treaty. 

It  was  agreed  that  he  should  receive  compensation  for  the  wood 
destroyed  and  used  by  the  Governor  of  Inverlochy  from  the  date 
of  the  agreement.  He  was  also  granted  a  free  and  full  indemnity 
for  all  riots,  depredations,  crimes,  and  everything  of  the  like  nature, 
committed  by  him  or  by  his  men  during  the  late  wars,  and  pre- 
ceding the  treaty.  It  was  also  agreed  that  reparation  should  be 
made  to  such  of  his  clan  and  following  as  had  suffered  anything 


at  the  hands  of  the  soldiers  in  garrison  ;  and  he  and  his  tenants 
were  discharged  of  all  the  cess,  tithes,  and  public  burdens  which 
they  had  left  unpaid  since  the  war  began,  but  they  were  to  pay 
these,  in  all  time  coming.  Another  article,  the  eleventh,  was 
in  regard  to  the  dispute  which  had  so  long  subsisted  between 
Lochiel  and  Mackintosh.  It  provided  "that  the  said  General 
Monk  shall  keep  the  Laird  of  Lochiel  free  from  any  by- 
gone duties  to  William  Macintosh  of  Torecastle,  out  of  the 
lands  pertaining  to  him  in  Lochaber  (not  exceeding  the  sum 
of  five  hundred  pounds  sterling),  the  said  Laird  of  Lochiel 
submitting  to  the  determination  of  General  Monk,  the  Marquiss 
of  Argyll,  and  Colonel  William  Bryan,  or  any  two  of  them,  what 
satisfaction  he  shall  give  to  Mackintosh  for  the  aforesaid  lands  in 
time  coming."  There  were,  besides,  several  other  articles,  all  in 
favour  of  Lochiel. 

The  next  step  was  to  carry  out  this  important  and 
highly  honourable  treaty  within  the  specified  date,  and  Lochiel 
immediately  set  his  prisoners  free,  at  the  same  time  asking 
them  the  favour  of  accompanying  him  to  Inverlochy  that  they 
might  see  and  testify  to  his  ready  and  free  compliance  with  at 
least  one  of  the  principal  clauses  of  the  treaty,  in  laying  down  his 
arms.  This,  in  the  most  agreeable  manner,  they  consented  to  do. 
Lochiel,  having  convened  all  the  members  of  his  clan  that  lived 
within  a  reasonable  distance  of  the  garrison,  placed  himself  at 
their  head,  and  marched  to  Inverlochy,  accompanied  by  his  late 
prisoners.  His  men  were  dressed  in  their  usual  warlike  array ; 
told  ofif  in  companies  under  command  of  the  chieftains  or  cap- 
tains of  their  respective  tribes  whose  place  it  was  to  lead  them 
in  war,  all  armed,  as  if  marching  to  battle,  with  pipes  play- 
ing, and  colours  flying.  The  Governor  marched  out  all  his 
troops  to  the  plain  in  front  of  the  garrison  to  meet  them,  where 
they  were  placed  in  proper  order.  The  Camerons  drew  up  in  two 
lines  in  front  of  the  garrison  troops.  The  Governor  and  Lochiel 
saluted  one  another;  the  manner  of  the  ceremony  was  agreed  upon; 
the  articles  of  the  treaty  were  read,  amid  loud  huzzas,  with  every 
appearance  of  satisfaction  and  demonstrations  of  joy  on  both 
sides.  Lochiel  and  his  men  formally  laid  down  their  arms  in 
name  of  the  King,  and  immediately  took  them  up  in  name  of 
the  States ;  a  magnificent  entertainment  was  provided  for  the  Chief 
and  his  principal  officers,  while  his  men  were  supplied  with  an 


excellent  dinner  on  the  plain  where  they  stood.  He  would 
not  allow  his  followers  to  mix  with  the  English  for  fear  that  they 
might  quarrel  and  produce  fresh  disturbance.  One  of  his  officers, 
however,  had  a  dispute  over  the  wine  with  a  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Allan,  which  was  afterwards  amicably  settled  by  the  intervention 
of  the  Governor.  With  this  single  exception  the  whole  proceed- 
ings passed  off  in  the  most  satisfactory  manner.  Lochiel  wrote 
the  same  day  to  General  Monk  intimating  his  compliance  so  far 
with  the  conditions  of  the  treaty.  The  General  sent  for  him  to 
Dalkeith,  whither  he  started  next  morning.  On  his  arrival  Monk 
expressed  his  great  pleasure  at  what  had  been  done,  and  gave 
him  a  letter  to  that  effect,  dated  Dalkeith,  5th  June  1655. 
Thus  a  treaty  was  arranged  and  carried  out  between  the  powerful 
Government  of  Oliver  Cromwell  and  a  Highland  chief  upon 
terms  so  highly  honourable  to  the  latter  as  to  be  scarcely  credible 
in  the  present  day. 

Almost  immediately  after  these  proceedings  had  been  con- 
cluded, no  end  of  prosecutions  were  raised  against  the  Camerons 
for  offences  committed  even  so  far  back  as  the  wars  of  Montrose. 
But  General  Monk  continued  Lochiel's  friend,  and  he  wrote  to 
the  Judges  desiring  them  not  to  move  in  any  actions  raised  for 
crimes  committed  prior  to  his  capitulation.  It  was  not  long, 
however,  before  an  action  was  raised  against  him  before  the 
Sheriff  of  Inverness,  when  Monk  procured  an  order  from  the 
Privy  Council  "  discharging  that  judge  to  sustain  process  for  any 
crime  committed  preceding  the  first  of  June  1655;"  and  after  this 
the  Camerons  were  allowed  for  many  years  to  live  at  peace. 
Lochiel  received  many  favours  from  the  Government.  Among 
other  privileges  he  secured  the  management  of  the  public  re- 
venues of  his  district*  About  this  time  he  turned  young 

*  "  1st,  Lochiel  (after  he  had  closed  his  capitulation  with  the  usurpers)  entered  into 
so  strict  a  league  and  friendship  with  them,  that  for  his  cause  they  divided  Lochaber 
and  the  places  adjacent  from  the  Shires  of  Inverness  and  Perth,  and  made  the  said 
Lochiel  both  Sheriff,  Commissary,  Commissioner,  and  Justice  of  the  Peace  of  these 
places,  who  thereby  not  only  enriched  himself,  but  also  did  the  usurpers  several  good 
offices,  by  helping  to  reduce  the  Highlanders  under  their  obedience  :  2nd,  He  was 
assisted  in  all  lawsuits  against  Mackintosh  by  the  usurpers.  So  as  Mackintosh  and 
his  whole  kin  and  friends  were  forced  to  deliver  their  arms  to  the  garrison  at  Inver- 
ness, but  Lochiel  and  the  whole  name  of  Clan  Cameron  were  tolerated  to  bear  arms 
in  any  part  within  the  kingdom,  except  only  within  the  garrisons." — The  True  Infor- 
mation of  the  Respective  Deportments  of  the  Lairds  of  Makintoshe,  and  of  Evan 
Cameron  of  LofJizictd,  in  Reference  to  the  Late  Unnatiirall  Warrs, 


MacMartin  of  Letterfinlay  out  of  his  property,  and  forced  him 
to  leave  the  country.  Old  MacMartin  and  his  people  sided  with 
the  Camerons.  Monk  intervened  ;  Lochiel  arranged  with  the 
heir  of  Letterfinlay,  whom  he  ultimately  restored  to  his  rights  ; 
and  the  General  was  so  satisfied  with  his  conduct  that  he  con- 
tinued a  friendly  correspondence  with  him  until  the  Restoration. 

Lochiel  clearly  had  no  great  faith  in  the  Presbyterian  clergy  of 
his  day,  for,  though  he  was  anxious  to  have  a  minister  placed  among 
his  people  that  he  "  might  be  of  service  in  reclaiming  them," 
yet  "the  turbulent  tempers  of  the  clergymen  of  these  times, 
joined  with  their  stupidity  and  ignorance,  their  avarice,  pride, 
and  cruelty,"  gave  him  so  bad  an  opinion  of  them  that  he  was 
afraid  to  admit  any  of  them  into  his  country.  Ultimately,  how- 
ever, he  agreed  to  admit  the  clergy  into  Lochaber,  the  Council 
providing  him  with  eighty  pounds  yearly  for  each  of  two 

Lochiel,  now  able  to  live  at  home  in  peace,  married  a  young 
lady  to  whom  he  had  been  for  some  time  engaged,  Mary, 
daughter  of  Sir  Donald  Macdonald,  eighth  Baron,  and  first 
Baronet  of  Sleat  The  wedding  is  said  to  have  been  memorable 
for  its  magnificence,  and  on  his  return  to  Lochaber  he  was  enter- 
tained and  "  complimented  by  his  Clan  with  a  sum  equal  at  least 
to  all  the  charges  of  that  expensive  wedding."  His  biographer 
records  an  incident,  which  occurred  on  the  occasion,  of  so  interest- 
ing a  nature  that  we  shall  reproduce  it  in  his  own  words  : — 
"  At  this  meeting  he  was  agreeably  entertained  by  a  Highland 
bard,  who  sung  or  recited  his  verses  after  the  manner  of  the 
ancients,  and  who  inherited  no  small  portion  of  their  spirit  and 
simplicity.  He  laboured  under  the  common  misfortune  of  the 
brotherhood  of  Parnassus,  and  came  all  the  way  from  Braemar, 
or  thereabout,  to  petition  for  three  cows  that  had  been  taken  from 
him  in  the  late  wars.  He  artfully  introduced  himself  by  a  pane- 
gyric on  the  Chief ;  and  while  he  magnified  his  power,  he  in- 
geniously complimented  his  Clan,  whose  friendship  and  protection 
he  begged.  He  made  frequent  mention  of  those  qualities 
that  were  most  favourable  for  his  purpose,  with  cunning 
enough;  for  as  pity,  generosity,  and  compassion  are  virtues 
inseparable  from  great  souls,  so  they  answered  his  aim  in  open- 
ing the  hearts  of  those  whom  he  petitioned.  The  poem  is 
written  in  a  strong,  nervous,  and  masculine  style,  abounding  with 


thoughts  and  images  drawn  from  such  simple  objects  as  he  had 
either  seen  or  occasionally  heard  of ;  but  expressed  in  a  manner 
peculiar  to  the  emphasis  and  genius  of  the  Gaelic,  for  he  under- 
stood no  other  language.  Here  is  no  ostentation  of  learning,  no 
allusions  to  ancient  fable  or  mythology,  no  far-fetched  similes, 
nor  dazzling  metaphors  brought  from  imaginary  or  unknown 
objects.  These  are  the  affected  ornaments  of  modern  poetry, 
and  are  more  properly  the  issue  of  art  and  study,  than  of  nature 
and  genius.  But  the  beauty  of  this  consists  in  that  agreeable 
simplicity,  in  that  glow  of  imagination  and  noble  flame  of  fancy, 
which  give  life  and  energy  to  such  compositions."  Our  author 
gives  an  English  translation  of  the  poem,  which,  he  says,  no  more 
resembles  the  original  "  than  the  naked  and  disfigured  carcase  of 
a  murdered  hero  does  a  living  one  in  full  vigour  and  spirit ;  for 
the  Gaelic  has  all  the  advantages  of  an  original  language.  It  is 
concise,  copious,  and  pathetic  ;  and  as  one  word  of  it  expresses 
more  than  three  of  ours,  so  it  is  well-known  how  impossible  it  is 
to  preserve  the  full  force  and  energy  of  a  thought  or  image  in 
a  tedious  circumlocution."  We  regret  being  unable,  for  want 
of  space,  to  give  the  English  version.  It  by  no  means  lacks 
"  vigour  and  energy,"  and  we  shall  print  it  in  "  The  History  of  the 
Camerons,"  when  publishing  it  in  a  separate  form.  The  English 
extends  to  no  less  than  seventy-six  lines  of  vigorous  verse,  and 
if  the  Gaelic  original  was  so  far  superior  to  it  as  our  authority 
would  have  us  believe  it  must  have  been  a  very  highly  successful 
effort  indeed. 

Macaulay, — who  can  never  be  fairly  charged  with  undue 
praise  to  his  Highland  countrymen — in  his  History  of  England, 
refers  to  this  poem,  and  the  occasion  of  it,  in  the  following  terms. 
Of  Lochiel,  whom  he  describes  as  the  "  Ulysses  of  the  High- 
lands," and  of  it  he  says — "  As  a  patron  of  literature,  he  ranks 
with  the  magnificent  Dorset.  If  Dorset,  out  of  his  own  purse, 
allowed  Dryden  a  pension  equal  to  the  profits  of  the  Laureateship, 
Lochiel  is  said  to  have  bestowed  on  a  celebrated  bard,  who  had 
been  plundered  by  marauders,  and  who  implored  alms  in  a  pathetic 
Gaelic  ode,  three  cows  and  the  almost  incredible  sum  of  fifteen 
pounds  sterling."  We  shall  next  follow  the  famous  chief  through, 
perhaps,  the  most  interesting  period  of  his  career,  from  the 
Restoration  to  the  Revolution. 

(To  be  continued.) 



"  Will  you  play  upon  this  pipe  ? 
Give  it  breath  with  your  mouth,  and  it  will  discourse 
Most  eloquent  music." 

HAMLET — Act  iii.,  Scene  2. 

IT  is  not  proposed  to  give  in  this  article  a  description  of  the  con- 
struction of  the  bagpipe,  but  merely  a  short  sketch  of  its  history, 
gleaned  from  a  variety  of  sources,  the  principal  among  these 
being  Logan's  invaluable  work.  Dion  Chrysostom,  a  Greek 
writer,  informs  us  that  the  Emperor  Nero  played  upon  the  flute, 
with  a  leather  bladder  under  his  arm.  This,  undoubtedly,  was  a 
primitive  form  of  bagpipe,  and  it  is  said  that  its  music  afforded 
the  Emperor  great  pleasure.  It  was  called  tibia  utricularius  by 
the  Romans.  Nero  had  the  figure  of  a  man  playing  upon  this 
instrument  impressed  upon  several  of  his  coins,  a  few  of  which 
are  still  in  existence.  There  is  also  preserved  in  the  Palace  of 
Santa  Croce  at  Rome,  a  fine  Greek  marble,  upon  which  is  repre- 
sented, in  basso  relievo,  a  man  playing  upon  something  strongly 
resembling  a  bagpipe.  The  Roman  Catholic  Church  has  gathered 
round  itself  some  strange  traditions,  but  perhaps  the  most  curi- 
ous of  all  is,  that  the  shepherds  who  first  received  the  news  of 
Christ's  birth,  signified  their  joy  by  playing  a  salute  upon  the 
bagpipe,  and  Albrecht  Durer,  the  great  engraver,  has  worked  out 
this  idea  in  a  woodcut  of  the  "  Nativity."  In  the  library  of 
King's  College,  Old  Aberdeen,  there  is  an  old  Dutch  missal,  the 
illuminator  of  which  has  actually  ventured  to  pourtray  one  of 
the  appearing  angels  playing  upon  that  instrument. 

The  introduction  of  the  bagpipe  into  Scotland  is  a  point 
which  has  given  rise  to  much  discussion.  In  a  book  entitled  the 
"  National  Music  of  Ireland,"  by  Michael  Conran,  it  is  said  that 
the  Romans  took  it  from  the  Greeks,  and  afterwards  introduced 
it  into  Scotland,  where,  from  its  warlike  sound,  it  was  quickly 
adopted  by  the  people,  who  used  it  as  an  incentive  to  battle ;  and 
it  soon  became  the  national  instrument  of  Caledonia. 

In  the  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  of  Scotland 
for  1879-80,  we  are  told  that  in  1362  forty  shillings  was  paid  to 


the  King's  pipers,  and  mention  is  also  made  in  that  work  of  a  set 
of  bagpipes  belonging  to  Mr  Robert  Glen,  bearing  date  1409. 
James  I.  of  Scotland  writes  in  his  "  Peblis  to  the  Play"  as 
follows  : — 

"The  bagpype  blew  and  they  outhrew 

Out  of  the  townis  untald, 
Lord,  sic  ane  schout  was  thame  among 
Quhen  their  were  owre  the  wald." 

And  again,  in  the  same  poem  : — 

"  With  that  Will  Swane  come  sueitand  out, 

Ane  meikle  miller  man, 
Gif  I  sail  dance  have  done,  lat  se 
Blaw  up  the  bag-pyp  than." 

In  1 598,  the  then  minister  of  Logic  wrote,  in  a  poem  on  the  fate 
of  the  Spanish  Armada  : — 

"  Cans  michtelie  the  weirlie  nottes  breike, 
On  Heiland  pipes,  Scottes  and  Hybernicke." 

After  the  Reformation,  the  Scottish  Reformers  held  the  bag- 
pipe to  be  the  devil's  own  musical  instrument,  and  in  consequence 
pipers  were  severely  persecuted,  especially  from  1570  to  1624. 
In  the  Highlands,  however,  where  scarcely  any  other  music  was 
known,  the  bagpipe  was  esteemed  highly,  and  the  tail  of  no  chief 
was  complete  without  the  piper  and  the  piper's  servant,  the 
former  of  whom  was  higher  in  rank  than  any  of  the  other  re- 
tainers, and  was  entitled  to  the  name  of  a  gentleman.  Logan 
gives  a  number  of  very  good  anecdotes  of  pipers,  one  or  two  of 
which  we  may  be  permitted  to  give.  At  a  dinner  given  by  a  Mr 
Thomas  Grant  at  Cork,  several  years  ago,  MacDonell,  the  famous 
North  of  Ireland  piper,  was  sent  for  to  entertain  the  company.  Al- 
though MacDonell  was  quite  entitled  to  a  place  at  the  dinner-table, 
the  master  of  the  house  had  a  table  and  chair  placed  for  him  on  the 
landing,  outside  the  room.  A  bottle  of  claret  and  a  glass  were  put 
on  the  table,  and  a  servant  stood  behind  the  chair.  MacDonell 
arrived,  looked  at  the  refreshment  set  apart  for  him,  rilled  up  a 
glass  of  claret,  stepped  to  the  door  of  the  room  where  the  company 
were  assembled,  said,  "Mr  Grant,  your  health  and  company!" 
and  drank  it  off.  He  then  threw  half-a-crown  upon  the  little 
table,  saying  to  the  servant,  "  There,  my  lad,  is  two  shillings  for 
my  bottle  of  wine,  and  sixpence  for  yourself,"  and  he  immediately 


ran  down  stairs,  mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  off,  followed  by  his 

At  one  time  a  Captain  of  the  42nd  Highlanders  had  re- 
ceived instructions  from  headquarters  to  provide  a  drummer  for 
his  company,  in  addition  to  the  customary  piper.  In  obedience 
to  this  order  a  drummer  was  soon  procured,  and  he  took  his 
place  beside  the  rival  musician.  Here,  however,  came  the  tug- 
of-war,  for  each  wanted  to  be  on  the  right  hand  of  the  other, 
and  a  heated  dispute  arose  between  them.  Ultimately,  to  avoid 
a  hand-to-hand  fight,  the  Captain  interfered,  and,  after  hearing 
both  parties,  decided  the  knotty  point  in  favour  of  the  drummer. 
This  decision  injured  the  feelings  of  the  piper  so  much  that  he 
exclaimed,  with  unfeigned  disgust,  "  The  devil,  sir,  and  shall  a 
little  rascal  that  beats  upon  a  sheepskin  take  the  right  hand  of 
me,  who  am  a  musician  ?" 

At  the  battle  of  Vimiera,  while  the  /ist  were  gallantly 
charging  the  enemy,  one  of  their  pipers  was  disabled  by  a  bullet 
in  the  leg.  Unable  to  advance  any  further,  he  sat  down  upon 
the  ground,  and  arranging  his  pipes,  shouted  out  as  the  final 
columns  swept  past  him,  "  Weel,  lads,  I'm  sorry  I  can  gae  nae 
further  wi"  ye,  but  de'il  hae  ma  saul  gin  ye  sail  want  music,'  and 
immediately  struck  up  a  lively  pibroch,  thinking  more  of  his 
comrades'  glorious  charge  than  of  his  own  wound. 

After  the  suppression  of  the  Rising  in  1745,  a  great  number 
of  pipers  belonging  to  the  Prince's  army  were  taken  prisoners, 
and  at  their  trial  they  invariably  urged  in  defence  that  they  had 
not  borne  arms  against  the  House  of  Hanover.  But  the  Govern- 
ment acted  in  no  spirit  of  mercy  at  that  time  ;  the  bagpipe  was 
declared  an  instrument  of  war !  and  the  poor  pipers  in  many 
cases  paid  a  heavy  penalty  for  their  loyalty  to  a  fallen  House. 

The  bagpipe  still  continues,  and  we  hope  will  long  continue, 
to  be  the  national  musical  instrument  of  Scotland  ;  and  at 
all  our  Highland  gatherings  at  home  and  abroad,  its  music 
occupies  the  most  prominent  place.  The  power  which  pipe- 
music  has  over  the  minds  of  Highlanders  in  every  part  of  the 
world  is  well  known,  and  a  piper  is  very  often  engaged  in  autumn 
to  play  in  the  harvest  field  for  the  purpose  of  cheering  and  en- 
couraging the  reapers  in  their  work.  Every  Highland  regiment 
has  its  company  of  pipers,  and  in  time  of  war  their  thrilling 


music  has  almost  invariably  struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the 
foe,  who  knew  full  well  that  in  a  few  moments  the  red  line  of 
kilted  heroes,  with  waving  feathers  and  tartans,  and  gleaming 
bayonets,  would  spread  carnage  and  dismay  among  their  ranks. 
Amid  the  din  of  the  battle,  high  above  the  roar  of  artillery,  the 
rattle  of  musketry,  and  the  shouts  of  the  combatants,  is  still 
heard  the  triumphant  sound  of  the  bagpipe,  leading  the  Highland 
regiments  to  victory  or  a  glorious  death,  like  the  exultant  scream 
of  the  mountain  eagle,  as  he  swoops  down  with  unerring  aim 
upon  his  quarry.  It  was  the  bagpipe  that  cheered  the  hearts  of 
the  beleaguered  British  in  the  Residency  of  Lucknow,  as  the 
gallant  Havelock  and  his  brave  Highlanders  marched  through  a 
storm  of  shot  to  the  relief  of  their  countrymen  ;  and  it  was  the 
bagpipe  that  led  the  Highlanders  over  the  parapet  at  Tel-el- 
Kebir,  to  put  to  flight  the  swarthy  legions  of  Egypt. 
Long  may  it  exist  to  lead  Highlanders  to  victory ! 

H.  R.  M. 


WIDOW  JOHN  MUNRO,  Strathy,  go  years  of  age. 

I  am  over  ninety  years  of  age.  I  was  born  in  Rhihalvaig,  a  small  township  on 
the  east  side  of  Lochnaver.  The  families  in  the  place  were  those  of  my  grandfather, 
William  Mackay,  and  of  Roderick  Macleod,  and  Robert  Mackay.  There  were  no 
middlemen  above  Achness.  All  the  townships  elected  men  to  go  with  their  rents 
to  Golspie  ;  and  the  last  mentioned  crofter  lost  a  son,  Donald  Mackay,  while  on  his 
way  to  Dunrobin  with  the  rents  of  the  village.  He  perished  in  a  wreath  of  snow  at 
the  back  of  Ben-Clebrig.  He  refused  to  delay  going  till  the  storm  would  abate,  lest 
he  might  be  too  late  in  arriving  with  the  rents  of  the  township. 

We  were  removed  to  make  room  for  Marshall,  and  my  father  got  a  croft  in 
Badanchavag,  above  Mudale,  where  we  lived  for  some  years  till  we  were  evicted  the 
second  time  to  make  room  for  Sellar.  I  viewed  from  the  side  of  Ben-Hee,  the 
smoke  of  the  houses  burning  at  Grumb-mhor  and  Grumb-bheag.  The  distance  would 
be  about  ten  miles.  These  townships  were  evicted  before  the  heights,  where  we  lived, 
were  cleared.  In  this  last  place  we  had  not  much  arable  land,  but  kept  a  large  stock 
as  our  hill  pasture  was  extensive. 

The  rent  we  paid  was  ,£5  sterling,  and  we  found  no  difficulty  in  paying  it.  I 
remember  that  on  one  particular  occasion,  the  expenditure  we  had  lo  meet  between 
groceries,  rent,  etc.,  amounted  exactly  to  ,£20.  My  father,  having  gone  to  the  hill 
with  a  cattle-dealer,  returned  in  the  evening  and  told  my  mother  that  since  he  had 


left  he  got  by  selling  only  horses,  and  a  cow,  what  would  meet  this  expenditure,  "  and 
one  pound  for  snuff  to  the  bargain."  MRS  JOHN  MUNRO. 

Witnesses,      (  ADAM  GUNN,  Student,  Strathy. 
20th  Aug.  1883.  |  JOHN  MACKAY,  Strathy. 

ROBERT  MACKAY,  Strathy,  regarding  Rhinnirie. 

I  was  about  seven  years  of  age  when  the  township  was  burnt.  When  Sellar's 
men  arrived,  my  father  and  mother  happened  to  be  in  Caithness-shire,  laying  down 
the  crops  in  Latheron,  which  was  to  be  their  future  home.  An  old  woman,  my  aunt, 
remained  with  me  and  my  sister  at  Strathnaver.  We  began  early  in  the  day  to  re- 
move our  effects  to  the  hill-side,  in  anticipation  of  their  visit ;  but,  before  we  had 
finished,  they  were  upon  us,  and  set  fire,  first,  to  the  byre  which  was  attached  to  the 
dwelling-house.  This  made  us  redouble  our  efforts,  as  the  flames  were  making  rapid 
progress.  I  remember  we  encountered  serious  difficulty  when  we  came  to  remove  the 
meal-chest.  To  ask  the  assistance  of  Sellar's  men  would  be  absurd  ;  but  we  succeeded 
at  last  by  removing  the  meal  in  small  quantities  to  the  hill-side  on  blankets.  We  then 
made  a  ring  of  the  furniture,  and  took  our  station  inside,  from  which  we  viewed  the 
flames.  Here  we  slept  all  night,  wrapped  in  woollen  blankets,  of  which  we  had 
plenty;  and  I  remember  very  vividly  the  volumes  of  flame  issuing  from  our  dwelling- 
house,  and  the  crackling  sounds  when  the  flames  seized  upon  the  fir  couples  and 
timber  supporting  the  roof  of  turf.  At  the  same  time,  also  the  three  remaining  houses 
in  the  township  were  fired. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  ROBERT  MACKAY. 

Witnesses,        I  ADAM  GUNN,  Student,  Strathy. 
20th  Aug.  1883.  |  ROBERT  MACKAY,  Strathy. 

GEORGE  MACKAY,  80  years  of  age,  crofter,  Airdneskich,  Farr. 
I  was  born  at  Ridsary  on  Strathnaver,  and  was  about  16  years  of  age  when  that 
part  of  the  Strath  where  my  father  lived  was  depopulated,  and  our  habitations  burnt  to 
the  ground.     I  saw  these  four  townships  all  in  flames  on  the  same  day  : — 

Ceann-na-coille,  with  7  houses 

Syre,  with  13  houses. 

Kidsary,  with  2  houses  Langall,  with  8  houses. 

I  saw  in  all  thirty  houses  burning  at  the  same  time. 

When  this  was  taking  place,  I  was  leading  two  horses  up  the  Strath,  to  carry  from 
Kidsary  some  of  our  furniture,  which  was  left  by  my  father  near  the  place,  when  we 
were  evicted  from  our  home  a  few  days  previous  to  this.  As  the  houses  were  all 
covered  with  dry  thatch,  dwelling  places  and  steadings,  the  crackling  noise  as  well  as 
the  fire  and  smoke  were  awful.  I  noticed  one  house  at  Langall,  having  a  good  stack 
of  peats  beside  it,  which  the  burning  party,  on  coming  round,  put  to  the  same  fate  as 
the  houses,  and  if  any  other  thing  remained  in  or  near  the  premises  it  was  at  once 
consigned  to  the  flames. 

It  may  be  mentioned  that  the  inhabitants  left  these  houses  a  day  or  two  before 
they  were,  set  on  fire,  being  ordered  off  the  ground  by  Sellar.  It  was  heartrending  to 
hear  the  cries  of  the  women  and  children  when  leaving  their  happy  homes,  and  turn- 
ing their  faces  they  knew  not  whither.  The  most  of  our  cattle  died  the  first  winter, 
as  we  had  no  provision  for  them.  We  got  no  compensation  for  our  burnt  houses,  nor 
any  aid  to  build  new  ones,  or  trench  land. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  GEORGE  MACKAY. 

Witnesses        I  ALEXANDER  GRAHAM. 

3oth  Aug.  1883.    I  MURDO  MACKAY,  Student. 



WILLIAM  MACKAY  (Ban),  80  years  of  age,  army  pensioner  and  crofter,  Achina,  Farr. 

I  am  a  native  of  Rossal  on  Strathnaver,  and  now  living  at  Achina.  One  morn- 
ing in  May,  when  I  was  about  twelve  years  of  age,  I  went  up  to  Achcaoilnaborgin  to 
see  Sellar's  party  putting  the  houses  in  that  township  on  fire,  as  I,  like  a  child, 
thought  it  grand  fun  to  see  the  houses  burning.  The  burning  party  was  under  the 
leadership  of  one  Branders.  When  I  reached  the  place  the  houses  were  ablaze,  and 
I  waited  till  they  were  all  burnt  to  the  ground,  six  in  number.  Then  I  accompanied 
the  burners  to  Achinlochy,  where  six  more  houses  were  reduced  to  ashes. 

In  one  of  these  houses  I  saw  an  old  man,  Donald  Mackay  (Mac William),  who 
was  over  100  years  of  age,  lying  in  bed.  Branders  and  his  men,  on  coming  to  this 
house,  glanced  at  the  old  man  in  bed,  and  then  set  fire  to  the  house  in  two  or  three 
places,  and  the  poor  man,  who  could  not  escape,  was  left  by  them  to  the  tender  mer- 
cies of  the  flames.  The  cries  of  the  sufferer  attracted  the  attention  of  his  friends, 
who,  at  their  own  peril,  ran  in  and  rescued  him  from  a  painful  death.  It  can  be  said 
with  certainty  that  the  terror  and  the  effect  of  the  fire  on  his  person  tended  to  hasten 
the  man's  death. 

I  may  state  that  I  have  travelled  a  large  portion  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  globe, 
lived  among  heathens  and  barbarians,  where  I  saw  many  cruel  scenes,  but  never  wit- 
nessed such  revolting  cruelty  as  I  did  on  Strathnaver,  except  one  case  in  the  rebellion 
of  Canada. 

I  knew  Donald  Macleod,  the  author  of  "  The  Gloomy  Memoirs  of  Sutherland," 
to  be  honest  and  truthful,  and  what  I  read  in  his  book  was  nothing  but  the  simple  truth. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  WILLIAM  MACKAY. 

Witnesses,       I  WILLIAM  CAMPBELL. 
3oth  Aug.  1883.   I  MURDO  MACKAY. 

ANGUS  MACKAY,  89  years  of  age,  crofter,  Leadnagiullan,  Farr. 

I  spent  twenty-three  years  on  Strathnaver,  in  my  birthplace  Ceann-na-coille,  and  I 
am  confident  they  were  the  happiest  days  I  ever  spent.  We  were  very  happy  and 
comfortable  on  the  Strath. 

There  were  seven  houses  in  Ceann-na-coille,  which  I,  with  a  sad  heart,  saw  burnt 
to  the  ground.  I  saw  Rossal,  with  upwards  of  twenty  houses,  also  burnt.  Sellar's 
orders  to  the  people  were  to  have  their  furniture,  and  whatever  else  they  wished  to 
bring  with  them,  removed  from  these  townships  before  a  certain  day.  My  friends, 
and  several  of  the  townspeople  endeavoured  to  obey  this  cruel  summons,  and  carried 
their  effects  down  to  the  river's  side.  Here  they  formed  a  kind  of  raft,  whereon  was 
placed  all  their  furniture,  farm  implements,  clothes,  etc.,  in  fact  all  their  worldly 
possessions,  except  their  cattle.  Then  they  took  shelter,  and  anxiously  awaited  the 
rising  of  the  river  to  enable  them  to  float  the  raft  down  the  stream  towards  their  new 

Soon,  however,  the  furious  burners  came,  and  in  spite  of  the  poor  people's  en- 
treaties and  promises,  the  raft  was  easily  set  on  fire,  and  before  the  party  left  the 
ground  it  was  all  in  ashes  along  the  banks  of  the  river. 

Nor  did  the  ruthless  work  of  Sellar's  party  end  here.  They  now  turned  their 
course  to  the  township  of  Baclinleathaid,  and  there  commenced  the  burning  again.  In 
a  certain  hut  there,  there  was  an  old  woman  who,  perhaps,  had  none  of  her  friends 
alive,  or  at  least  at  hand,  to  be  of  any  help  to  her  in  the  hour  of  need.  The  party 
came  to  the  hut  of  this  friendless  woman,  set  fire  to  the  house,  and  instantly  marched 
off,  leaving  the  poor  decrepit  woman,  who  was  within  the  house,  to  burn.  It  is  true 


the  woman's  body  was  taken  out  by  some  neighbours  who,  too  late,  knew  what  was 
taking  place,  but  death  relieved  her  from  pain  ere  they  carried  her  across  the  thres- 
hold of  her  burning  house. 

I  was  well  acquainted  with  Donald  Macleod,  who  wrote  "  The  Gloomy  Memoirs 
of  Sutherland,"  and  always  found  him  to  be  a  truthful  man.  I  heard  some  parts  of 
his  book  read,  and  can  emphatically  say  from  my  own  experience,  which  now  extends 
over  a  period  of  eighty-nine  years,  that  it  states  the  truth.  Macleod  only  wrote  what 
hundreds  could  testify  to  ten  years  ago,  but  now  almost  all  the  people  who  knew  much 
about  the  Strathnaver  cruelties  are  dead,  and  the  young  generation,  though  they  have 
heard  of  these  things  from  the  lips  of  their  fathers,  cannot  testify  to  them  as  eye-wit- 
nesses could.  People  now-a-days  cannot  imagine  the  awful  cruelties  perpetrated  on 
Strathnaver  by  Sellar  and  his  minions.  • 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  ANGUS  MACKAY. 

Witnesses,       (  ANN  MACKAY. 
2gth  Aug.  1883.  \  MURDO  MACKAY. 

HUGH  MACDONALD,  83  years  of  age,  fisherman  and  merchant >  Armadale,  Farr. 

I  was  born  in  Dal-Langall,  near  Strathy,  but  went  when  a  young  boy  to  Achness, 
on  Strathnaver,  to  live  with  an  aunt  of  mine.  I  remained  in  Achness  till  some  time 
in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1810.  I  was  then  about  ten  years  of  age.  I  then  came 
down  to  the  foot  of  the  Strath,  where  I  stayed  some  time. 

I  am  not  aware  of  seeing  any  of  the  houses  on  Strathnaver  actually  burning, 
though  the  people  who  were  pouring  down  the  Strath  from  time  to  time  always  told 
of  the  awful  scenes  enacted  up.  That  the  houses  were  burnt  I  have  not  the  least 
doubt ;  but  I  cannot  speak  as  an  eye-witness.  I  remember  one  morning,  when  on 
my  way  to  school,  seeing  a  very  thick  smoke  blown  by  the  wind7 down  the  Strath, 
which  I  was  told  arose  from  the  burning  houses  up  that  way.  Next  day  I  heard  that 
some  boats  which  had  been  to  sea  fishing  that  evening  lost  their  course  while  making 
for  the  Inver-Naver  bay,  owing  to  the  denseness  of  the  smoke.  I  know  that  hundreds 
of  families  were  turned  off  Strathnaver  by  Sellar  and  his  gang,  and  that  their  land 
was  formed  into  a  sheep  farm  for  Sellar.  By  these  means  he  got  a  farm  over  forty 
miles  long. 

The  people  were  very  happy  on  the  Strath,  and  very  obedient  to  their  superiors — 
in  fact,  "  ower  simple  ;"  that  was  how  they  were  turned  away  so  easily.  I  am  sure 
the  present  generation  would  have  fought  and  died  sooner  than  suffer  such  cruelties. 
Old  as  I  am  myself,  I  think  I  would  be  disposed  to  fight. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  HUGH  MACDONALD. 

Witnesses,       J  WILLIAM  M'DONALD. 
29th  Aug.  1883.    I  MURDO  MACKAY. 

(  To  be  continued.) 

M.A.,  author  of  the  valuable  papers  on  "Celtic  Mythology,"  appearing  in  these 
pages,  was,  last  month,  elected  a  Fellow  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  of  Scotland. 



IN  the  earliest  condition  of  our  race  of  which  we  have  any  know- 
ledge, the  only  bond  of  union  between  men  was  blood  relationship. 
Every  man  was  to  every  other  a  blood  relation  or  an  enemy.  The 
earliest  political  organisation  was  the  tribe,  a  number  of  families 
associated  together  for  defence  and  other  purposes,  and  bound  to- 
gether by  their  belief  in  a  common  ancestor.  When,  however, 
the  tribe  ceased  to  be  a  wandering  body,  and  settled  on  some  fixed 
and  defined  area  as  its  permanent  residence,  and  still  more  when 
it  ceased  to  be  entirely  pastoral,  and  commenced  to  till  the  land, 
it  is  obvious  that  a  new  relation  of  man  to  man  was  created,  and 
the  foundation  laid  of  a  great  revolution  in  the  idea  as  to  what 
constituted  the  bond  of  social  and  political  union.  How  great  a 
revolution  has  taken  place  we  may  see  when  we  consider  how,  in 
civilised  communities,  common  residence  in  the  same  place  has 
come  to  be  regarded  as  almost  the  only  foundation  of  political 
organisation — when  we  consider,  for  instance,  the  readiness  with 
which  the  crowds  of  various  races  who  are  annually  pouring  into 
the  United  States  become  Americans.  The  tribal  or  race  idea 
has,  however,  always  died  hard,  as  we  shall  see  later  on  when  we 
come  to  consider  the  condition  of  the  Scottish  Highlands — and  in 
Eastern  and  Central  Europe,  it  is  a  question  of  moment  at  the 
present  time  whether  the  inhabitants  are  not  to  break  up  into 
new  states  and  associate  themselves  according  to  real  or  supposed 
community  of  race. 

The  relation  which  a  people  once  settled  on,  and  perman- 
ently occupying  land,  bore  to  that  land,  and  the  change  which 
the  mode  of  the  use  and  occupation  of  it  produced  in  their  re- 
lations to  each  other,  and  in  their  social  and  political  organisa- 
tion, must  always  be  questions  of  the  greatest  interest  to  the 
student  of  history.  And  there  is  nothing  that  strikes  one  more 
than  the  circumstance  that  the  further  we  trace  back  the  history 
of  the  various  families  of  the  Aryan  race,  the  stronger  becomes 
the  similarity  of  their  laws  and  customs,  the  stronger  the  evi- 
dence that  they  are  a  common  family.  Whether  in  the  Hindoo 


village  community  of  the  present  day  we  see  an  organisation  to 
which  our  remote  ancestors  were  accustomed  before  they  left 
the  cradle  of  the  race  and  the  traditions  of  which  they  carried 
with  them  in  their  wanderings,  is  a  question  which  cannot  yet  be 
answered  ;  but  it  certainly  is  very  remarkable  how,  in  all  families 
of  the  race,  communities  remarkably  similar  uniformly  developed 
themselves.  To  trace  any  of  the  land  systems  of  the  European 
nations  to  their  source,  and  to  consider  their  relations  to  each 
other,  is,  however,  a  subject  too  wide  for  this  paper,  and  what  I 
purpose  to  do  at  present  is  to  consider  the  system  of  land  tenure 
in  this  country  and  in  Ireland  at  the  time  when  we  first  have  any 
authentic  history  of  these  countries,  to  endeavour  to  describe  the 
stage  at  which  it  had  then  arrived,  and  to  glance  shortly  at  the 
survivals  of  the  system  which  we  still  have  in  our  own  country. 
This  enquiry,  limited  as  it  is,  is  especially  interesting  on  these 
grounds,  that  long  after  the  contact  of  the  Saxons  with  the 
Roman  organisation,  which  they  found  in  England,  had  pro- 
duced the  manorial  system,  and  after  the  fusion  of  the  Roman 
and  barbarian  systems  on  the  Continent  had  produced  the  feudal 
system,  Scotia,  as  Ireland  was  then  called,  and  Albyn  remained 
almost  entirely  unaffected  by  any  foreign  influence,  and  con- 
tinued to  develop  in  their  own  way,  and  that  there  remains  to  us 
a  great  body  of  the  customary  law  of  the  peoples  which  inhabited 
these  countries. 

At  the  time  of  which  I  write,  Ireland  and  Scotland  (Scotland 
or  Albyn  at  that  time  being  the  country  north  of  the  Firths  of 
Forth  and  Clyde)  were  inhabited  by  two  races — the  Picts  and 
the  Scots.  The  Picts  inhabited  all  Scotland  and  the  North  of 
Ireland,  and  the  Scots  the  rest  of  Ireland — there  being,  probably 
in  both  countries,  and  certainly  in  Ireland,  considerable  survivals 
of  earlier  races.  I  accept  the  theory  that  both  these  peoples  were 
of  kindred  race,  and  that  they  spoke  dialects  of  the  same 
language.  This  I  know  is  disputed,  but  whether  it  is  true  or  not, 
I  think  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  at  the  time  the  Irish 
were  converted  to  Christianity  the  people  of  the  two  countries 
had  much  intercourse,  and  the  same  political  and  social  organ- 
isation ;  and  I  accept  the  picture  of  that  organisation  as  given 
in  the  Brehon  Laws  as  equally  applicable  to  both. 

The  Brehon  Laws  are  singularly  interesting  and  valuable,  in 


as  much  as  they  profess  to  be  not  a  system  of  law  enacted  by  a 
legislature,  but  a  record  of  the  customary  law  of  the  people 
handed  down  from  the  remotest  antiquity.  They  are  called  the 
Brehon  Laws,  because  they  were  preserved  and  administered  by  a 
hereditary  caste  of  lawyers  called  Brehons,  who  seem  to  have 
taken  the  place  in  Christian  times  which  the  Druids  occupied  in 
heathen  times,  and  who  were  the  judges  and  arbitrators  of  the 
tribes.  What  we  know  of  these  laws  is  derived  from  a  number 
of  manuscript  tracts  preserved  in  various  libraries  in  Ireland,  and 
a  number  of  which  have  recently  been  translated  and  published. 
None  of  the  manuscripts  are  older,  I  believe,  than  the  I3th 
century,  but  as  they  all  give  the  text  of  the  laws  followed  by 
glosses,  commentaries,  and  explanations,  it  is  evident  that  the 
laws  are  older  than  the  manuscripts.  The  most  important  of  the 
tracts  which  has  been  published  is  the  Seanchus  M6r,  and  in  it 
it  is  stated  that  the  laws  which  it  contains  were  compiled  and 
written  down  in  the  time  of  St  Patrick,  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  these  tracts  represent  the  customary  law  of  the  people 
as  it  existed  at  or  about  the  time  of  the  introduction  of  Christi- 
anity. They  continued  to  be  the  law  of  Ireland  beyond  the  pale, 
until  they  were  abrogated  by  a  decision  of  the  Irish  Supreme 
Court  in  the  time  of  James  the  Sixth  of  Scotland  and  First  of 
England  and  Ireland. 

These  laws  nowhere  contain  any  description  of  a  system  of 
land  tenure,  and  what  the  system  of  land  rights  was  which 
existed  at  the  time  they  represent  is  only  to  be  gathered  from 
what  may  be  almost  called  incidental  references.  These  are  not 
at  all  times  easily  to  be  reconciled,  and  accordingly  very  opposite 
opinions  have  been  formed  as  to  the  state  of  matters  represented. 
Some  writers  contend  that  under  these  laws  the  land  continued 
the  common  property  of  the  tribe,  and  was  periodically  divided 
among  the  free  tribesmen  ;  others  maintain  that  they  exhibit  a 
state  of  things  in  which  there  existed  all  the  elements  of  the 
Feudal  System,  while  others,  and  I  think  correctly,  hold  that 
they  represent  society  as  in  a  transition  state,  the  customs  repre- 
sented in  some  of  the  tracts  being  older  than  those  represented 
in  others. 

The  political  unit,  according  to  these  laws,  was  the  tuath. 
This  word  originally,  I  believe,  meant  a  tribe,  and  afterwards  it 


came  to  mean  the  territory  possessed  and  occupied  by  a  tribe. 
Over  the  tuath  in  Ireland  was  the  Ri-tuath  or  king.  Next 
above  the  tuath  was  the  Mor-tuath  or  great  tuath,  embracing 
several  tuaths,  with  its  Ri-Mor-tuath.  Above  that  the  provincial 
king,  and  over  him  the  Ard-righ,  or  supreme  king  of  Ireland.  In 
Scotland  the  ruler  of  the  tuath  was  called  the  Toseich  or  Toiseach, 
the  next  in  rank  above  him  was  the  Mormaer  ruling  a  province, 
and  above  these  were  the  kings  of  the  northern  and  southern 
Picts,  ruling,  the  one  at  Inverness  and  the  other  at  Scone. 

It  is  in  the  internal  organisation  of  the  tuath,  however,  that, 
as  might  be  expected,  we  find  traces  of  the  actual  relation  of  the 
tribesmen  to  the  land.  And  when  we  examine  this,  we  find  the 
tribe  divided  into  a  number  of  grades  or  ranks,  the  Fer-midba,  or 
lowest  grade  of  free  tribesmen ;  the  Bo-aires  or  cow-lords,  of  whom 
there  were  several  classes,  and  whose  rank  was  derived  from  their 
wealth  in  cattle  ;  the  Aire-desa,  of  whom  also  there  were  several 
grades,  whose  rank  was  derived  from  the  possession  of  land,  up 
to  the  tanist,  or  elected  successor  to  the  king,  and  the  king  him- 
self. The  office  of  king  was  not  hereditary,  the  law  which 
regulated  it  being  that  of  tanistry.  By  this  law  or  custom  a 
successor  was  always  elected  to  the  king  in  his  lifetime,  and  was 
called  the  tanist.  To  each  of  these  there  was  apportioned  a  part 
of  the  tribe  land  as  deis  or  mensal  land,  and  this  land  always 
passed  to  their  successors  undivided.  Here,  then,  is  a  first  indica- 
tion of  separate  property  in  land  and  succession  to  it,  although  at 
first  at  least  the  title  was  official.  The  Aire-desa,  as  I  have  said, 
took  their  rank  from  the  possession  of  deis  or  property  in  land. 
They  were  of  the  same  grade  or  class  as  the  king  and  tanist, 
being  chiefs  or  flaths,  and  the  distinctions  in  rank  among  them 
consisted  in  the  number  of  ceile  or  tenants  whom  they  had  on 
their  land.  Thus  the  Aire-desa  simply,  or  lowest  grade,  had  ten 
ceiles,  five  bond  and  five  free,  while  the  Aire-forgaile,  who  ranked 
next  to  the  tanist,  had  forty  ceiles,  twenty  bond  and  twenty  free. 
The  Bo-aire  possessed  a  house  and  homestead,  and  he  seems  also 
to  have  had  a  certain  definite  portion  of  land  allotted  to  him,  for 
it  is  stated  that  when  a  Bo-aire  possessed  the  land  which  had  been 
possessed  by  his  father  and  his  grandfather,  then  he  became  an 
Aire-desa.  The  relation  which  these  Aires  bore  to  their  tenants 
seems  to  have  been  as  follows — and  it  strongly  indicates  to  what 


an  extent  the  ideas  arising  out  of  the  purely  pastoral  state  of  the 
tribe  still  existed: — In  addition  to  giving  to  his  ceiles  the  use 
of  land,  the  Aire  or  Flath  also  gave  them  a  stock  of  cattle, 
and  for  these  they  rendered  certain  services  and  homage,  and 
in  the  case  of  bond  tenants,  paid  him  in  kind  a  food-rent,  and 
the  number  of  cattle  which  he  gave  to  his  ceiles;  and  the  food- 
rent  and  services  which  he  received  from  them  in  return,  were 
regulated  according  to  the  rank  of  the  Aire.  What  the  exact 
distinction  between  the  free  ceiles  and  the  bond  ceiles  was  it  is 
very  difficult  to  learn.  It  was  probably  this,  that  the  free  ceile 
had  stock  of  his  own,  as  well  as  the  stock  which  he  received  from 
his  chief,  and  could  terminate  the  contract  with  his  chief  at  any 
time;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  bond  ceile  received  all  his 
stock  from  the  chief,  and  was  bound  at  least  for  a  certain  number 
of  years.  It  seems  clear,  however,  that  the  bond  ceile  was  a 
tribesman,  and  had  certain  tribal  rights,  and  was  in  no  sense  a 
serf  or  bound  to  the  soil.  Of  serfdom,  or  villenage,  as  it  existed 
in  England,  and  afterwards  in  the  portions  of  Scotland  which 
submitted  to  Saxon  customs,  there  appears  to  be  no  trace  in 
Celtic  law. 

In  addition  to  the  ceiles  or  tribal  tenants,  there  were  two 
other  classes  who  appear  to  have  lived  on  the  land  of  the  chiefs 
in  a  state  of  more  or  less  dependence — the  cottars  or  Bothacks, 
and  the  Fuidir.  The  former  appear  to  have  been  poor  tribesmen, 
and  the  latter  were  broken  men  and  strangers  from  other  tribes 
whom  the  chiefs  took  into  their  service  and  settled  on  their  land 
as  tenants-at-will.  The  service  required  of  them,  and  their  con- 
dition, is  thus  described  : — "  A  Fuidir  tenant  is  of  this  kind — 
however  great  the  thing  may  be  which  is  required  of  him,  he 
must  render  it,  or  return  the  stock  or  quit  the  land,  and  how- 
ever long  he  may  have  been  in  the  service  he  must  quit  the  land 
at  length."  Even  this  class,  however,  after  nine  generations,  be- 
came free,  and  entitled  to  the  rights  of  tribesmen.  In  the  case 
of  the  flaths  or  chiefs,  the  contracting  of  the  relation  of  ceileship 
was  voluntary,  but  in  the  case  of  the  Ri  or  King  it  was  not. 
Every  tribesman — even  the  flath — was  bound  to  take  stock  from 
his  king,  and  thus  to  become  bound  to  do  him  service  and  hom- 
age ;  and  the  Ri-tuath  was  bound  to  take  it  from  the  Ri-M6r- 
tuath,  and  so  upwards  ;  and  in  some  tuaths  we  are  told  that 


there  were  no  flaths  holding  ceiles  under  them,  but  that  all  took 
stock  from  the  Ri  or  King. 

The  classes  of  whom  we  have  been  treating,  the  Aires,  were 
the  privileged  classes  of  the  tribe,  the  Bo-aires  being  the  lowest  in 
rank  who  possessed  full  political  rights  ;  that  is,  who  were  entitled 
to  be  witnesses  and  compurgators,  to  be  sureties,  to  sue,  and  to 
make  contracts  ;  but  it  must  be  obvious  that  there  must  have 
been  large  numbers  of  men  who  were  members  of  the  tribe  who 
were  below  the  privileged  classes,  and  it  becomes  most  interest- 
ing to  enquire  what  relation  they  bore  to  the  land.  It  seems 
quite  clear  that  every  free  tribesman  had  a  right  to  a  share  of 
the  tribe  land.  We  read  that  the  Corns-feine  law  or  Sept  law 
"  divides  the  land  among  the  natural  tribesmen  ;"  and  again  it 
is  asked,  what  is  the  Corns-feine  law  ?  And  the  answer  is,  among 
other  things,  "  tillage  in  common  "  Again  we  read  of  the  Aire- 
echtai,  who  was  the  representative  of  a  community  of  five  or 
more  persons  possessing  among  them  the  wealth  sufficient  to 
constitute  an  Aire,  and  who  associated  themselves  together  in 
order  that  they  might  be  so  represented,  or  who  were,  perhaps, 
associated  in  this  way  for  purposes  of  taxation,  and  military  and 
other  services.  It  is  particularly  to  be  remarked,  too,  that  this  class 
were  ranked  among  the  landed  class  or  flaths,  and  that  they 
were  elected  and  held  office  for  a  time  only.  Thus,  in  one  of  the 
tracts  we  read  as  follows  : — "  The  true  knowledge  of  a  flath,  viz., 
a  flath  from  a  Deis  to  a  King.  How  many  grades  of  distinc- 
tion are  these  divided  into? — Seven.  Which  are  they? — Aire- 
desa,  Aire-echtai,"  and  so  on  ;  and  again,  "  Aire-desa,  why  so 
called  ?  Because  of  the  fact  that  it  is  according  to  his  property 
in  land  that  his  Dire  is  regulated.  Not  so  the  Bo-aire,  it  is 
according  to  his  cows  his  Dire  is  regulated."  And  again,  "Aire- 
echtai,  why  so  called  ?  Because  it  is  the  Aire  of  five  men,  he  is 
assigned  to  perform  his  function,  to  enforce  the  observance  of  the 
peace  for  a  month." 

At  the  time  we  are  treating  of,  a  very  powerful  factor  in  the 
national  development  had  been  introduced  into  Ireland,  and 
afterwards  from  Ireland  into  Scotland,  viz.,  the  Christian  Church. 
At  a  very  early  period,  and  before  the  mission  of  Saint  Columba 
to  the  Northern  Picts,  the  Celtic  Church  had  become  monastic 
in  its  organisation — that  is  to  say,  its  clergy  principally  consisted 


of  communities  of  monks  living  together,  and  owning  land 
granted  to  them  by  the  King's  Mormaers,  or  Toiseachs.  Of  such 
grants  the  examples  are  numerous,  but  it  may  be  sufficient  to 
quote  one,  which  is  all  the  more  interesting  that  its  place  is  the 
East  of  Scotland,  and  that  the  record  of  it  is  the  earliest  example 
of  written  Scottish  Gaelic  which  has  yet  been  discovered.  The 
book  in  which  it  occurs  is  itself  a  part  of  the  Service  Book  of  the 
Monastery  of  Deer,  in  Buchan,  and  contains  the  Gospel  of  Saint 
John,  and  parts  of  the  other  gospels,  in  Latin  ;  and  part  of  an 
office  for  the  visitation  of  the  sick,  in  Gaelic  ;  and,  on  the  mar- 
gins, records  of  the  various  gifts  to  the  Monastery,  commencing 
with  the  legend  of  the  foundation,  which  I  may  read. — 

Columcille  and  Drostan,  son  of  Cosgrach,  his  pupil,  came  from  I  (font),  as  God 
had  shown  to  them  unto  Abbordoboir,  and  Bcde  the  Pict  was  Mormaer  of  Buchan 
before  them,  and  it  was  he  that  gave  them  that  town  in  freedom  for  ever  from  Mor- 
maer and  Tosech.  They  came  after  that  to  the  other  town,  and  it  was  pleasing  to 
Columcille  because  it  was  full  of  God's  grace,  and  he  asked  of  the  Mormaer,  to  wit  Bede, 
that  he  should  give  it  to  him,  and  he  did  not  give  it ;  and  a  son  of  his  took  an  illness 
after  refusing  the  clerics  and  he  was  nearly  dead.  After  this  the  Mormaer  went  to 
entreat  the  clerics  that  they  should  make  prayer  for  the  son  that  health  should  come 
to  him,  and  he  gave  in  offering  to  them  from  Cloch  in  tiperat  to  Cloch  pitte  mic 
Garnait.  They  made  the  prayer,  and'  health  came  to  him.  After  that  Columcille  gave 
to  Drostan  that  town,  and  blessed  it,  and  left  as  his  word,  "  Whosoever  should  come 
against  it  let  him  not  be  many  yeared  or  victorious."  Drostan's  tears  (deara)  came  in 
parting  with  Columcille.  Said  Columcille  let  Dear  be  its  name  henceforward. 

There  are  records  of  similar  grants  down  to  the  time  of  King 
David  I.,  to  whom  the  book  was  produced  in  evidence  of  the 
rights  of  the  monks,  and  who  confirmed  these  rights. 

The  picture,  then,  which  we  have  of  the  condition  of  a  tuath, 
or  tribe  territory,  at  the  time  which  we  are  considering,  seems  to 
be  this  :  The  land  was  divided  into  (first)  the  Mensal  lands  of 
the  kings,  and,  in  some  cases,  of  the  inferior  chiefs,  who  had 
established  septs  ;  (second)  into  land  possessed  as  property  by 
the  Flaths,  and  occupied  partly  by  themselves,  as  demesne  lands 
cultivated  by  Bothacks  and  Fuidirs,  and  partly  by  their  Ceiles, 
whether  bond  or  free  ;  (third)  the  land  granted  to  the  church 
and  occupied  by  the  monastic  community,  and  tilled  partly  by 
them,  and  partly  by  their  Ceiles,  Bothacks,  and  Fuidirs ;  (foiirth) 
the  common  tribe  land,  to  which  every  free  tribesman  had  a 
right ;  and  (fifth)  the  waste  land  of  the  tribe,  over  which  all  the 
members  of  the  tribe  had  a  common  right  of  pasturage,  the  num- 
ber of  cattle  or  other  stock  which  they  were  entitled  to  graze  being 


apparently  regulated  by  their  rank  in  the  tribe.  The  common  tribe 
land  was  probably  divided  periodically.  As  population  increased 
new  portions  of  the  waste  and  unoccupied  land  would  naturally 
be  appropriated  to  the  common  occupation,  and,  as  I  take  it,  this 
land  would  be  mainly  occupied  by  communities  of  families  living 
together  in  a  sort  of  co-partnery,  dividing  the  arable  land  among 
them  at  stated  intervals,  and  regulating  the  division,  perhaps, 
according  to  the  varying  number  of  families  ;  and  having  an 
elective  head  man  to  represent  them  in  the  assemblies  of  the 
tribe,  to  make  contracts  for  them,  and  to  be  witness,  surety, 
suitor,  and  defendant  for  them  in  law-suits — points  to  which 
apparently  very  great  importance  were  attached. 

The  tie  which  bound  the  inhabitants  of  these  territories 
together  was  certainly  first  tribal — the  belief  that  they  were  all 
of  one  kindred — but  second,  there  were  .  certain  tributes  and 
services  which  each  tribesman  seems  to  have  owed,  either  in 
virtue  of  his  membership  of  the  tribe,  or  of  his  consequent 
possession  of  a  part  of  the  tribe  land.  These  services  were 
mainly  four — First,  a  certain  tribute  in  kind,  which,  in  Ireland 
was  called  bestighi,  or  house  tax,  in  Scotland  cain  or  can. 
Second,  the  right  of  the  chief  or  lord  to  entertainment  for 
himself  and  his  followers  in  the  house  of  his  tenant  for  so  many 
nights  in  the  year.  This,  in  Ireland,  was  called  coshering,  and 
in  Scotland  conventh,  or  cuddicht.  There  are  numerous  rules 
in  the  Brehon  laws  intended  to  prevent  the  abuse  of  this  right, 
and  prescribing  the  number  of  followers  for  which  each  rank  was 
entititled  to  demand  entertainment,  and  the  kind  of  entertain- 
ment they  were  entitled  to  receive.  Thus,  of  one  rank  it  is 
provided  that  his  feeding  is  to  be  "  new  milk  and  groats,  and  of 
corn  meal  and  butter  on  Sunday.  He  is  entitled  to  seasoned 
fowl,  dulesc  (that  is  dulse),  onions,  and  salt."  Of  another  that 
his  company  is  seven,  and  that  he  "  gets  butter,  with  condiments, 
and  bacon  and  ale,  and  new  milk,  for  he  is  entitled  to  them  on 
the  second,  on  third,  on  fifth,  on  ninth,  on  tenth,  on  Sunday."  The 
third  and  fourth  services  were  attendance  on  the  king  on  internal 
and  external  expeditions,  and  assistance  at  building  his  dun  or 
fort.  When  there  were  intermediate  chiefs  they  appear  to  have 
been  responsible  to  the  king  for  the  services  of  all  those  living 
under  them. 

(To  be  continued.) 




MATERIAL  for  reconstructing  the  Olympus  of  the  Gaels  is  not  at 
all  so  scanty  as  we  have  found  it  to  be  in  the  case  of  the  Welsh. 
There  is,  it  is  true,  no  general  description  of  the  Irish  Olympus, 
but  references  to  particular  deities  are  not  uncommon.  The 
earliest  reference  to  any  Irish  gods  occurs  in  one  of  the  oldest 
monuments  we  possess  of  the  Gaelic  language  ;  a  manuscript  of 
the  St  Gall  Monastery  contains  incantations  to  the  powers  Dian- 
cecht  and  Goibniu.  This  manuscript  Zeuss  sets  down  as  of  the 
eighth  century,  and  it  is,  therefore,  eleven  hundred  years  old. 
Cormac's  glossary,  originally  composed  in  the  ninth  century, 
mentions  as  deities  Art,  Ana,  Buanann,  Brigit,  Neit,  and  Manan- 
nan.  Keating  quotes  from  the  Book  of  Invasions  a  poem  that 
makes  the  Dagda  "  king  of  heaven,"  and  he  further  enumerates 
Badb,  Macha,  and  Morrighan  as  the  three  goddesses  of  the 
Tuatha-de-Danann.  The  Tuatha-de-Danann  themselves  appear 
often  in  the  tales  as  the  fairy  host,  the  Side  that  dwell  in  the 
Land  of  Promise  ;  they  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  mortals  long 
after  they  are  represented  as  having  been  expelled  from  Ireland, 
thus,  if  not  actually  mentioned  as  having  been  the  pagan  gods  of 
the  Gael,  yet,  despite  the  rampant  Euhemerism  of  Irish  tales  and 
histories,  implicitly  considered  as  such.  And  again,  by  adopting 
the  same  method  as  in  the  case  of  the  Welsh  myths,  we  shall 
make  the  Irish  myths  and  histories,  with  their  imposing  array  of 
invasions  and  genealogies,  deliver  up  the  deities  they  have  con- 
signed to  the  ranks  of  kings  and  heroes. 

We  must,  however,  first  briefly  indicate  the  leading  points 
of  early  Irish  history,  as  set  down  in  the  sober  pages  of  their  own 
annalists.  Forty  days  before  the  flood  the  Lady  Caesair,  grand- 
daughter of  Noah,  with  fifty  girls  and  three  men,  came  to  Ireland. 
This  is  reckoned  as  the  first "  invasion"  or  "  taking"  of  Ireland. 
Of  course  she  and  her  company  all  perished  when  the  flood  came 
— all,  with  one  doubtful  exception.  For  some  legends,  with  more 
patriotism  than  piety,  represent  Fionntan,  the  husband  of  Caesair, 
as  actually  surviving  the  flood.  The  way  in  which  he  accom- 


plished  this  feat  is  unlike  that  of  the  ancestor  of  the  Macleans, 
who  weathered  the  flood  in  an  ark  of  his  own.  Fionntan,  when 
the  flood  began,  was  cast  into  a  deep  sleep,  which  continued  for 
a  year,  and  when  he  woke  he  found  himself  in  his  own  house  at 
Dun-Tulcha,  in  Kerry  somewhere  (for  O'Curry  has  not  been  able 
exactly  to  localise  this  important  event).  He  lived  here  con- 
temporaneously with  the  various  dynasties  that  ruled  in  Ireland 
down  to  the  time  of  Dermot  in  the  sixth  century  of  our  era.  He 
then  appears  for  the  last  time,  "  with  eighteen  companies  of  his 
descendants,"  in  order  to  settle  a  boundary  dispute,  since  he  was 
the  oldest  man  in  the  world,  and  must  know  all  the  facts.  This 
~story  is  not  believed  in  by  the  more  pious  of  the  historians,  for 
it  too  flagrantly  contradicts  the  Scriptures.  It,  therefore,  falls 
under  O'Curry's  category  of  "wild  stories ;"  these  are  stories  which 
contain  some  historic  truth,  but  are  so  overloaded  with  the  fictions 
of  the  imagination  as  to  be  nearly  valueless.  The  Irish  historians 
have  as  much  horror  of  a  blank  in  their  history,  as  nature  was 
once  supposed  to  have  of  a  vacuum.  The  Lady  Caesair  fills  the 
blank  before  the  flood  ;  Partholan  and  his  colony  fill  the  first 
blank  after  the  flood.  He  came  from  Migdonia,  the  middle  of 
Greece,  "  twenty-two  years  before  the  birth  of  Abraham,"  and 
was  the  ninth  in  descent  from  Noah,  all  the  intermediate  names 
being  duly  given.  He  was  not  in  the  island  ten  years  when  the 
Fomorians,  or  sea-rovers,  disturbed  him.  These  Fomorians  were 
a  constant  source  of  trouble  to  all  succeeding  colonists,  and  some- 
times they  actually  became  masters  of  the  country.  Some  three 
hundred  years  after  their  arrival,  the  colony  of  Partholan  was  cut 
off  by  a  plague.  Plagues,  and  eruptions  of  lakes  and  springs,  fill 
up  the  gaps  in  the  annals,  when  genealogies  and  battles  are  not 
forthcoming.  For  thirty  years  after  the  destruction  of  Partho- 
lan's  colony,  Ireland  was  waste.  Then  came  Nemed  and  his 
sons,  with  their  company,  from  "  Scythia,"  in  the  year  before 
Christ  2350.  They  were  not  long  in  the  island  when  the  Fomo- 
rians again  appeared,  and  began  to  harass  the  Nemedians.  Both 
parties  were  extremely  skilled  in  Druidism,  and  they  opposed 
each  other  in  a  fierce  contest  of  spells  as  well  as  blows.  The 
Fomorians  were  finally  routed.  Nemed  was  the  1 2th  in  descent 
from  Noah.  He  had  four  sons — Starn,  Jarbonnel,  Fergus,  and 
Aininn.  Some  two  hundred  and  sixteen  years  after  coming  to 


Ireland,  the  Nemedians  were  overthrown  by  the  Fomorians  and 
the  plague  together,  and  only  thirty  escaped  under  the  leadership 
of  the  three  cousins,  grandsons  of  Nemed,  Simeon  Breac,  son  of 
Starn ;  Beothach,  son  of  Jarbonnel ;  and  Britan  Mael,  son  of  Fergus. 
Simeon  Breac  and  his  party  went  to  Greece,  and  after  eleven 
generations  returned  as  the  Firbolgs.  Beothach,  with  his  clan, 
went  to  the  northern  parts  of  Europe,  where  they  made  them- 
selves perfect  in  the  arts  of  Divination,  Druidism,  and  Philo- 
sophy, and  returned  eleven  generations  later  as  the  Tuatha-de- 
Danann.  Britan  Mael,  with  his  family,  went  to  Mona,  and  from 
there  poured  their  descendants  into  the  island,  which  is  now 
called  Britain,  after  their  leader,  Britan  Mael.  The  Firbolgs, 
the  descendants  of  Starn,  son  of  Nemed,  being  oppressed  in 
Greece,  much  as  the  Israelites  were  in  Egypt,  returned  to  Ireland, 
and  took  possession  of  it.  "  They  were  called  the  Firbolgs,"  we 
are  told,  "  from  the  bags  of  leather  they  used  to  have  in  Greece  for 
carrying  soil  to  put  on  the  bare  rocks,  that  they  might  make 
flowery  plains  under  blossom  of  them."  The  Firbolgs  held  Ire- 
land for  thirty-six  years,  and  then  they  were  invaded  by  their 
1 2th  cousins,  the  Tuatha-de-Danann,  the  descendants  of  Jarbon- 
nel, son  of  Nemid.  Next  to  the  Milesian  colony  yet  to  come, 
the  Tuatha-de-Danann  are  the  most  important  by  far  of  the 
colonists,  for  in  them  we  shall  by-and-bye  discover  the  Irish  gods. 
What  the  annalists  tell  of  them  is  briefly  this.  They  came  from 
the  north  of  Europe,  bringing  with  them  "  four  precious  jewels  ;" 
the  first  was  the  Lia  Fail,  the  Stone  of  Virtue  or  Fate,  for  where- 
ever  it  was,  there  a  person  of  the  race  of  Scots  must  reign  ; 
the  sword  of  Luga  Lamfada  ;  the  spear  of  the  same  ;  and  the 
cauldron  of  the  Dagda,  from  which  "  a  company  never  went  away 
unsatisfied."  The  Tuatha  landed  in  Ireland  on  the  first  of  May, 
either  1900  or  1500  years  before  Christ,  for  the  chronologies 
differ  by  only  a  few  hundred  years.  They  burned  their  ships  as 
a  sign  of  "  no  retreat,"  and  for  three  days  concealed  themselves 
in  a  mist  of  sorcery.  They  then  demanded  the  Firbolgs  to  yield, 
which,  however,  they  would  not  do,  and  the  great  battle  of  Moy- 
tura  South  was  fought.  The  Firbolgs  were  routed  with  immense 
slaughter.  Nuada,  leader  of  the  Tuatha-De"  in  the  battle,  lost 
his  hand  in  the  fight,  but  Credne  Cerd,  the  artificer,  made  a  silver 
one  for  him,  and  Diancecht,  the  physician,  fitted  it  on,  while 


Miach,  his  son,  infused  feeling  and  motion  into  every  joint  and 
vein  of  it.  For  thirty  years  the  Tuatha  held  undisputed  posses- 
sion of  Erin,  but  the  Fomorians,  who  were  continually  hovering 
about  the  coast,  now  made  a  determined  effort  to  conquer  them. 
The  battle  of  Moytura  North  was  fought  between  them.  In 
it  Nuada  of  the  Silver  Hand  fell,  and  so  did  Balor  of  the  Evil 
Eye,  leader  of  the  Fomorians.  He  was  slain  by  his  grandson 
Luga  of  the  Long  Arms,  who  was  practically  leader  of  the  Tuatha, 
and  who  succeeded  to  the  kingship  on  the  death  of  Nuada.  After 
a  reign  of  forty  years  Luga  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Dagda 
Mor,  the  central  figure  of  the  Tuatha-de-Danann,  and  in  the  pages 
of  our  Euhemerist  annalists,  an  inscrutable  and  misty  personage. 
O'Curry  ventures  even  to  call  him  a  demigod.  The  Dagda  was 
the  twenty-fourth  in  descent  from  Noah  ;  let  it  be  observed  that 
Nemid  was  the  twelfth  in  descent.  The  Firbolg  chiefs  also  were 
in  the  twenty-fourth  generation  from  Noah.  Among  the  leading 
personages  of  the  Tuatha  were  Manannan,  the  son  of  Alloid  or 
Lir  ;  Ogma,  son  of  Elathan,  and  brother  of  the  Dagda,  surnamed 
"  Sunface  ;"  Goibniu,  the  smith;  Luchtine,  the  carpenter;  Danann, 
mother  of  their  gods  ;  Brigit,  the  poetess  ;  Badb,  Macha,  and 
Morrigan,  "  their  three  goddesses,"  says  Keating  The  Tuatha 
held  Erin  for  nigh  two  hundred  years,  but  when  MacCuill,  Mac- 
Cecht,  and  MacGreine,  who  were  so  called  "  because  Coll,  Cecht, 
and  Grian,  the  hazel,  the  plough,  and  the  sun,  were  gods  of  wor- 
ship to  them,"  were  ruling  over  Ireland  with  their  respective 
queens  Banba,  Fodla,  and  Eire  (three  names  of  Ireland),  the  last 
colony  of  all  appeared  on  the  southern  coast.  These  were  the 
Milesians  or  Gaels  from  Spain  and  the  East.  They  were  in  no 
respect  related  to  the  previous  races,  except  that  they  were  equally 
with  them  descended  from  Noah,  Golam  Miled,  after  whom  they 
were  called  Milesians,  being  the  twenty-fourth  from  Noah  in 
direct  descent.  They  were  also  called  Gaels  or  Gaidels  from  an 
ancestor  Gadelus,  the  seventh  in  descent  from  Noah,  and  son  of 
Scota,  daughter  of  Pharaoh.  The  family  lived  for  the  most  part 
in  Egypt,  but  Golam  Miled,  who  was  also  married  to  a  second 
Scota,  daughter  of  Pharaoh,  settled  in  Spain.  The  sons  of  Miled, 
to  avenge  a  relative's  murder,  resolved  to  invade  Erin.  Under 
the  leadership  of  Heber,  Heremon,  and  Amergin,  and  accom- 
panied by  Scota,  a  vast  army  in  many  ships  invaded  Ireland. 


No  resistance  was  offered  at  first.  The  Milesians  arrived  at  Tara, 
and  there  met  the  three  kings  and  queens  of  the  Tuatha-de- 
Danann.  The  latter  complained  of  being  taken  by  surprise,  and 
asked  the  Milesians  to  embark  again  on  board  their  ships  and 
allow  them  have  a  chance  of  opposing  their  landing.  The  Mile- 
sians assented,  entered  their  ships,  and  retired  for  "  nine  waves  " 
on  the  sea.  On  facing  about  again  no  Ireland  was  to  be  seen  ! 
The  Tuatha  by  their  sorcery  had  made  the  island  as  small  as  a  pig's 
back,  and  the  Milesians  could  therefore  not  see  it.  In  addition  to  this 
they  raised  a  violent  storm  on  the  sea,  with  clouds  and  darkness 
that  could  be  felt.  Many  Milesian  ships  were  lost,  and  the 
danger  was  brought  to  an  end  only  when  Amergin,  who  was  also 
a  Druid,  pronounced  a  Druidic  prayer,  or  oration,  evidently 
addressed  to  the  Tuatha  De",  and  the  storm  ceased.  They  then 
landed  peaceably;  but  they  did  not  get  the  island  without  a  few 
battles  of  a  very  hazy  sort,  indeed.  It  probably  at  first  was 
intended  to  be  shown  that  the  Tuatha  allowed  them  to  land,  and 
themselves  retired  to  the  Land  of  Promise — the  country  of  the 
Side — where  they  still  took  an  interest  in  mortal  affairs,  and  often 
afterwards  appeared  in  Irish  history  and  tales.  The  Milesians,  or 
Gadelians  or  Gaels,  are  a  purely  mortal  race  ;  they  were,  in  fact, 
the  dominant  race  of  Ireland  in  historic  times.  Their  history  and 
full  genealogies  from  some  thirteen  hundred  years  before  Christ 
till  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  are  gravely  told  in  the 
Annals  of  the  Four  Masters  and  Keating's  Ireland  ;  every  king 
has  his  pedigree  given,  and  many  are  the  details  that  are  recorded 
of  their  doings  in  war  and  in  peace,  in  society,  and  in  the  chase, 
in  law,  and  in  the  care  and  seizure  of  land  and  of  cattle. 
Mythic  persons  constantly  flit  across  the  page  ;  the  demigods 
become  mere  mortal  chiefs,  and  the  "  last  reflections "  of  the 
sun-god  appear  in  the  features  of  Cuchulainn  and  Finn. 

There  are  many  interpretations  put  upon  the  history  that  we 
have  just  summarily  given.  Naturally  enough,  ethnological 
theories  form  the  greater  part  of  such  explanations.  The  leading 
invasion's  of  the  Firbolgs,  Fomorians,  Tuatha-de-Danann  and 
Milesians,  are  made  use  of  to  refute  or  support  some  favourite 
theory  about  the  various  races  that  go  to  compose  the  Irish  nation. 
Two  hundred  years  ago  an  Irish  genealogist,  of  the  name  of 
Dubaltach  MacFirbisigh,  advanced  the  theory,  doubtless  sup- 


ported  by  tradition,  that  "  every  one  who  is  white-skinned,  brown- 
haired,  bountiful  in  the  bestowal  on  the  bards  of  jewels,  wealth, 
and  rings,  not  afraid  of  battle  or  combat,  is  of  the  Clanna-Miled 
(the  Milesians)  ;  every  one  who  is  fair-haired,  big,  vindictive, 
skilled  in  music,  druidry,  and  magic,  all  these  are  of  the  Tuatha- 
de-Danann  ;  while  the  black-haired,  loud-tongued,  mischievous, 
tale-bearing,  inhospitable  churls,  the  disturbers  of  assemblies,  who 
love  not  music  and  entertainment,  these  are  of  the  Feru-bolg  and 
the  other  conquered  peoples."  Skene,  in  modern  times,  gives  this 
theory  of  MacFirbisigh  in  our  modern  terms  :  the  Firbolgs  be- 
long to  the  Iberian  or  Neolithic  and  pre-Celtic  tribes ;  the  Celts 
themselves  are  divided  into  Gaels  and  Britons  ;  the  Gaelic  branch 
is  again  subdivided  into  (i)  a  fair-skinned,  large-limbed,  and  red- 
haired  race — the  Picts  of  Caledonia  and  the  Tuatha-de-Danann 
of  Ireland  ;  and  (2),  a  fair-skinned,  brown-haired  race,  "  of  a  less 
Germanic  type,"  represented  in  Ireland  by  the  Milesians,  and  in 
Scotland  by  the  band  of  invading  Scots.  We  have  already  pre- 
sented the  best  modern  scientific  views  on  the  ethnology  of  these 
islands  ;  there  would  appear  to  have  been  three  races — (i),  A 
primitive  small,  dark,  long-headed  race,  of  the  Basque  type  in 
language  and  Iberian  in  physique ;  (2),  a  fair,  tall,  rough-featured, 
round-headed,  and  rough-limbed  race,  also  pre-Celtic,  which  we 
called  the  Finnish  ;  and  (3),  the  Celts,  fair,  straight-featured, 
long-headed  and  tall,  and  belonging  to  the  Aryan  family.  We 
might  equate  the  Firbolgs  with  the  dark  Iberian  race ;  the 
Tuatha-de-Danann  with  the  Finnish  race  ;  and  the  Milesians 
with  the  Celts.  The  legendary  and  traditional  account  can 
easily  be  fitted  into  the  present  scientific  view  of  the  subject.  But, 
after  all,  the  truth  of  such  a  theory  must  be  gravely  doubted ; 
even  its  agreement  with  proper  scientific  methods  in  such  cases 
must  be  questioned.  We  may  grant  that  the  strong  contrast 
between  a  small  dark  race  and  a  tall  fair  race  might  give  rise  to 
a  myth  like  that  of  the  Firbolgs  and  Tuatha-de-Dananns.  But 
in  Wales,  where  the  contrast  is  even  stronger,  no  such  myth 
exists.  Again,  the  Milesians  were  really  fair-haired  and  not 
brown-haired  ;  the  heroes  of  Ulster  are  all  fair  or  yellow-haired, 
and  so  are  the  Feni.  It  is  best,  therefore,  to  adopt  a  purely 
mythological  explanation  of  the  matter.  Despite  its  pseudo- 
historical  character,  the  whole  history  of  the  invasions  of  the 



Firbolg,  De-Dananns,  and  Fomorians  appears  to  be  a  Gaelic 
counterpart  of  what  we  see  in  Greek  mythology,  the  war  of  the 
rough  and  untamed  powers  of  earth,  sea,  and  fire,  against  the 
orderly  cosmos  of  the  Olympians  ;  the  war,  in  short,  of  the  giants 
and  Titans  against  Zeus  and  his  brothers.  The  Firbolgs  may  be, 
therefore,  looked  upon  as  the  earth-powers  ;  too  much  stress  need 
not  be  laid  on  the  fact  that  they  and  their  brethren,  the  Fir- 
Domnans,  were  wont  to  dig  the  soil,  make  pits,  and  carry  earth 
in  bags  to  make  flowery  plains  of  bare  rocks  ;  but  it  should  be 
noticed  that  they  always  meet  the  Tuatha-de-Danann  as  natives 
of  the  soil  repelling  invaders.  The  gods  of  the  soil  often  belong 
to  a  pre-Aryan  people,  while  the  greater  gods,  the  Olympians 
and  the  Tuatha-de-Danann,  are  intrusive,  the  divinities  of  the 
new-comers  into  the  land,  the  patrons  of  warriors  and  sea-faring 
men.  Behind  these  last  there  often  stand  deities  of  older  birth, 
those  who  had  been  worshipped  in  ancient  days  by  the  simple 
and  settled  folk  of  the  land.  Such  were  Pan  or  Hermes  of  Arcadia, 
Dionysus  of  Thrace,  and  Demeter  and  Dione.  The  Firbolgs 
may,  therefore,  be  looked  on  as  either  the  homely  gods  of  pre- 
ceding tribes  of  the  non-Aryan  races,  or  as  answering  to  the 
giants  and  Titans  of  kindred  Aryan  races.  "  The  King  of  the 
Feru-Bolg,"  says  Mr  Fitzgerald,  "  Eothaile — whom  we  shall  find 
reason  to  suspect  to  be  a  fire-giant — fled  from  the  field  when  the 
day  was  lost,  '  in  search  of  water  to  allay  his  burning  thirst,'  and 
by  the  water  of  the  sea  he  fell  on  Traigh-Eothaile,  '  Eothaile's 
Strand,'  in  Sligo.  His  great  cairn,  still  standing,  on  this  strand 
was  one  of  the  wonders  of  Ireland,  and  though  not  ap- 
parently elevated,  the  zvater  could  never  cover  it"  If  we  turn 
to  the  Fomorians,  we  shall  find  quite  as  easy  an  explanation. 
The  meaning  of  the  word  is  "  Sea-rover  ;"  it  has  always  been 
derived  from  the  words  "fo,"  under,  and  "muir,"  sea,  and  the 
meaning  usually  attached  to  the  combination  has  been  "  those 
that  rove  on  the  sea."  The  Fomorians  are,  therefore,  sea-powers: 
the  rough,  chaotic  power  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  They  meet  the 
Tuatha-de-Dannan  in  the  extreme  West  of  Ireland,  on  the  last 
day  of  summer,  that  is,  November  eve  :  the  fierce  ocean  powers 
meet  the  orderly  heaven  and  air  gods  on  the  Atlantic  borders 
when  winter  is  coming  on,  and  the  latter  do  not  allow  the  former 
to  overwhelm  the  country.  Balor  of  the  Evil  Eye,  whose  glance 


can  turn  his  opponents  into  stone,  and  who,  in  some  forms  of  the 
legend,  is  represented  as  having  only  one  eye,  is  very  suggestive 
of  Polyphemus,  the  giant  son  of  the  Grecian  ocean  god.  To  this 
we  may  compare  the  Gaelic  tale  of  the  Muireartach,  where 
the  Atlantic  Sea  is  represented  as  a  "toothy  carlin,"  with 
an  eye  in  the  middle  of  her  forehead.  The  Tuatha- de-Dan  - 
anns  will,  therefore,  be  simply  the  gods  that  beneficially 
direct  the  powers  of  sky,  air,  sea,  and  earth  ;  they  will  cor- 
respond exactly  to  Zeus,  Poseidon,  Pluto,  and  the  rest  of  the 
Grecian  god-world,  who  benignly  rule  over  the  heavens,  the  sea, 
and  the  shades.  The  Milesians  will  accordingly  be  merely  the 
main  body  of  the  Gaelic  people,  whose  gods  the  Tuatha-de- 
Danann  are.  Why  there  is  jio  more  open  acknowledgment  of 
the  Tuatha-de-Danann  as  the  pagan  gods  of  the  Gael  may  easily 
be  accounted  for.  The  accounts  we  have  are  long  posterior  to 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  ;  and  it  was  a  principle  of  the 
early  Christian  Church  to  assimilate  to  itself,  following  the  true 
Roman  fashion,  all  native  religions.  The  native  gods  were  made 
saints  (especially  the  female  divinities,  such  as  Brigit),  fairies, 
demons,  and  kings.  Christianity  was  about  five  hundred  years 
established  before  we  have  any  native  record  of  events  ;  the 
further  back  we  go  the  nearer  do  the  Tuatha-De  come  to  be 
gods.  Even  in  the  8th  century  an  Irish  monk  could  still  invoke 
Goibniu  and  Diancecht,  the  Tuatha  gods  answering  to  Vulcan 
and  Arsculapius,  for  relief  from,  and  protection  against,  pain. 
(To  be  continued.) 

THE  GLASGOW  LOCHABER  HIGHLANDERS.— The  fifteenth  annual 
meeting  of  the  Natives  of  Lochaber,  and  their  friends,  was  held  in  the  Queen's 
Rooms,  Glasgow,  on  Friday,  I4th  December,  Mr  Charles  Eraser- Mackintosh,  M.P. 
(who  delivered  a  very  interesting  address  on  Lochaber,  its  history  and  people),  in  the 
chair.  On  the  platform  were  the  Rev.  L.  Maclachlan,  of  St  Columba  ;  Rev.  William 
Thomson,  Greenock  ;  Donald  Macphee,  Procurator- Fiscal,  Glasgow,  and  President 
of  the  Association  ;  Hugh  Austin,  Vice-President ;  Alex.  Mackenzie,  Editor  of  the 
Celtic  Magazine ;  Alex.  Kennedy  and  A.  C.  Macintyre,  Joint  Secretaries  ;  A.  W. 
Macleod  and  Hugh  Macleod,  representing  the  Skye  Association;  Henry  Whyte, 
Charles  M.  Ramsay,  of  the  Citizen,  and  Peter  Stewart,  representing  the  Inverness- 
shire  Association ;  and  several  others.  Mr  Mackenzie  and  Mr  Macphee  delivered 
short  addresses,  the  former  speaking  both  in  Gaelic  and  English. 




OF  RENT  AND  TAXATION. — i.  In  the  introduction  to  his  Manual 
of  Political  Economy,  Mr  Fawcett  remarks  : — "  Political  economy, 
if  kept  within  its  proper  limits,  does  not  provide  a  code  of  social 
ethics  which  will  enable  us  to  decide  what  is  right  or  wrong,  and 
what  is  just  or  unjust."  It  is,  perhaps,  as  difficult  to  define  the 
limits  of  political  economy  as  it  might  be  to  write  a  code  of  social 
ethics,  and  as  the  principles  of  the  former  science  do  not  com- 
mand universal  assent,  it  may  be  safely  asserted  that  the  politics 
of  the  country  are  likely  to  be  shaped  in  future  more  for  the 
public  benefit,  if  governed  without  such  aids,  by  a  mere  sense  of 
what  is  right  or  wrong,  and  what  is  just  or  unjust.  If  such  claims 
of  exactness  and  accuracy  were  not  put  forward  in  support  of  a 
science  which  has  been  thrown  into  confusion  by  unsettled 
theories,  it  might  appear  an  ill-natured  remark  to  make,  that  we 
should  not  regret  the  absence  of  a  code  of  ethics  if  it  supplied  a 
good  system  of  logic.  The  introduction  of  a  false  theory  into  the 
reasoning  of  political  economy  is  like  a  repeating  error  in  a 
mathematical  computation  ;  it  vitiates  every  conclusion.  The 
Ricardian  theory  of  rent,  of  which  Mr  Fawcett  is  a  very  stout 
advocate,  is  one  of  these  confusing  hypotheses,  but  as  I  have  dis- 
cussed it  at  some  length  in  a  former  article,  I  shall  now  merely 
point  out  the  remarkable  way  in  which  Mr  Fawcett  applies  it. 
He  says — 

"  From  Ricardo's  theory  of  rent  there  can  be  adduced  the  very  important  pro- 
position, that  rent  is  not  an  element  of  the  cost  of  obtaining  agricultural  produce.  A 
no  less  eminent  writer  than  the  late  Mr  Buckle  has  assured  his  readers  that  the 
proposition  just  stated  can  only  be  grasped  by  a  comprehensive  thinker  ;  we,  however, 
believe  that  it  may  be  made  very  intelligible  by  a  simple  exposition.  If  rent  is  not  an 
element  of  cost  of  production,  food  would  be  no  cheaper  if  all  land  were  arbitrarily 
made  rent  full." 

It  is  not  necessary  to  quote  the  argument  at  greater  length,  as  the 
last  sentence  embodies  the  whole  substance  of  it.  The  reader  will 
remember  that  Mr  Buckle  referred  to  the  passage  in  the  "Wealth 
of  Nations,"  where  it  is  stated  that  rent  "  enters  into  price"  or 


forms  a  component  part  of  it,  and  he  (Mr  Buckle)  mentioned  that 
the  question  was  the  corner  stone  of  political  economy.  We 
could  hardly  charge  Mr  Fawcett  with  a  wilful  misrepresentation 
of  eminent  authors,  and  must  suppose  that  a  zealous  adherence 
to  this  theory  led  him  into  an  unconscious  error.  As  rent  is  a 
surplus  over  the  "  cost  of  production,"  it  is  a  self-evident  fact  that 
it  cannot  form  a  part  of  the  cost.  If  I  heap  a  bushel  of  corn,  and 
draw  the  roller  over  it,  the  surplus  cannot  be  contained  in  the 
measure.  The  surplus  constitutes  the  rent  that  the  producer  can 
afford  to  pay,  and  if  this  is  the  important  conclusion  that  may  be 
drawn  from  the  theory,  it  only  prov«s  that  land  affords  a  rent, 
and  shows  how  well  its  advocates  can  argue  in  a  circle.  This  is 
putting  the  case  as  it  stands  between  the  landlord  and  the  farmer, 
with  regard  to  whom  the  question  does  not  assume  all  its  im- 
portance. It  must  be  observed  that  price  and  "  cost  of  produc- 
tion" are  not  synonimous  terms,  and  do  not  represent  the  same 
class  of  individuals,  as  the  producer  and  consumer  are  not,  in 
political  economy,  the  same  person.  It  is  the  consumer  who 
pays  the  price  which  includes  cost  of  production  and  also  rent, 
and  what  the  school  to  which  Mr  Fawcett  belongs  really  wants 
to  prove  is  that  rent  does  not  form  a  component  part  of  price, 
because,  as  these  economists  say,  if  all  land  were  arbitrarily 
made  rent-free,  it  would  not  make  the  price  of  produce  any 
lower,  and  there  they  are  satisfied  to  leave  the  question.  But 
what  Mr  Buckle  actually  did  say  is  as  follows : — 

"  I  may  mention  the  theory  of  rent,  which  was  only  discovered  half  a  century 
ago,  and  which  is  connected  with  so  many  subtle  arguments  that  it  is  not  yet  generally 
adopted,  and  even  some  of  its  advocates  have  shown  themselves  unequal  to  defend 
their  own  cause." 

2.  This  theory  is  not  so  well  known  to  the  ears  of  general 
readers  as  the  Malthusian  theory  of  population.  These  theories 
favour  the  materialistic  views  of  economists  who  regard  the  phen- 
omena of  nature  and  of  human  life  as  resulting  from  mere  physical 
causes,  and  it  would  seem  to  be  repugnant  to  the  science,  and 
perhaps  to  their  own  notions,  to  rise  to  the  contemplation  of  pre- 
established  laws  of  design,  as  manifested  in  the  adaptation  of 
external  nature  to  the  wants  of  man,  on  the  one  hand,  and  on 
the  other  they  overlook  those  intellectual  and  moral  attributes 
which  are  so  liable  to  be  affected  for  good  or  evil  by  political 


institutions.  But  whilst  the  Malthusian  theory  of  population  has 
been  so  eagerly  seized  upon,  and  applied  in  a  way  which  that 
celebrated  and  humane  author  little  thought  of,  his  theory  of 
rent  has  been  considered  so  little  scientific  that  it  has  been 
relegated  to  ethics,  of  which  political  economy  takes  no  account! 
Mr  Malthus  says  : — 

"  It  seems  rather  extraordinary  that  the  very  great  benefit  which  society  derives 
from  that  surplus  produce  of  the  land  which,  in  the  progress  of  society,  falls  mainly  to 
the  landlord  in  the  shape  of  rent,  should  not  yet  be  fully  understood  and  acknowledged. 
I  have  called  this  surplus  a  bountiful  gift  of  Providence,  and  am  most  decidedly  of 
opinion  that  it  fully  deserves  the  appellation." 

3.  It  is  clear  from  the  reasoning  of  Aristotle  in  his  chapter 
on  distributive  justice,  referred  to  in  a  former  article,  that  he 
regarded  the  rent  of  land  as  common  property,  and  refers  to  it 
as  a  mean  proportion. — 

"Now,  it  is  clear,"  he  says,  "that  disjunctive  proportion  implies  four  terms; 
but  continuous  proportion  is  in  four  terms  also  ;  for  it  will  use  one  term  in  place  of 
two  and  mention  it  twice  ;  for  instance,  as  A  to  B  so  is  B  to  C  ;  B  has,  therefore, 
been  mentioned  twice.  So  that  if  B  be  put  down  twice,  the  terms  of  the  proportion 
are  four." 

Political  economy  might  be  more  accurately  termed  the 
Science  of  Social  and  Economic  Ratios,  for  society  is  naturally 
constituted  by  gradations  of  ranks  and  positions.  The  reward  of 
every  man  must  clearly  be  in  some  proportion  to  worth,  and 
Adam  Smith  made  labour,  or  human  effort,  the  foundation  and 
only  real  standard  of  value.  Now,  with  regard  to  rent,  it  is 
obvious  that  the  misconception  of  the  economists  arises  from  not 
recognising  the  truth  that  the  world  of  man,  and  its  government, 
must  conform  to  the  pre-established  law  which  awards  nothing  to 
the  idler  in  respect  of  the  soil,  for  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that 
benificent  nature  could  have  made  an  exception,  without  the  privi- 
lege becoming  a  burden  upon  society  in  some  form  or  other. 
This  surplus,  or  residuum,  arises  from  trade  and  commerce,  for 
which  man  was  designed,  and  of  which  Price  is  the  collective  expres- 
sion, or  Mercury,  and  it  has  always  been  regarded  in  every  age 
of  the  world  as  the  revenue  of  the  State,  and  appropriated  for  the 
support  of  the  Church  and  civil  administration.  From  the  above 
reasoning,  it  appears  that  rent  is  a  mean  proportion,  which  is  in 
ratio  with  cost  of  production,  and  capable  of  bearing  the  same 
ratio  with  Price,  or  cost  of  living  to  the  whole  of  society.  When 


it  accrues  to  the  Sovereign  (whose  throne  is  the  seat  of  justice 
and  mercy)  it  is  a  mean  of  justice  which  is  capable  of  adjusting 
the  extremes  according  to  the  law  of  geometrical  proportion. 
But  when  appropriated  by  a  privileged  class  it  is  clear  that  it 
enters  into  price,  from  the  fact  that  the  indirect  taxation,  which 
has  been  substituted  for  it,  enters  into  the  cost  of  living,  and  from 
this  it  appears  that  it  is  a  mean  proportion,  and  homologous  with 
taxation.  Then  if  all  taxation  were  commuted  into  a  rent  charge? 
it  would  become  a  mean  of  justice,  and  society^as  a  whole,  would 
enjoy  this  "  gift  of  Providence." 

4.  I  feel  very  confident  in  making  the  assertion  that,  in 
respect  of  the  first  principles  of  the  science,  where  Adam  Smith's 
expositions  have  been  traversed,  it  will  eventually  be  found  that 
he  was  correct  in  his  deductions,  and  that  such  hypotheses  as 
have  been  added  since  his  time,  and  are  not  already  exploded, 
will  receive  their  quietus  at  the  hands  of  posterity,  if  not  in  our 
own  time.  It  is  true  he  did  not  completely  eliminate  rent  as  a 
labour  residuum,  nor  point  it  out  exclusively  as  the  revenue  of 
the  Sovereign,  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  he  came  so  remark- 
ably near  it  as  to  leave  very  little  excuse  for  his  successors  in 
departing  so  widely  from  his  doctrine.  He  considered  the  ratio 
of  rent  to  the  cost  of  production  to  range  between  one-fourth 
and  one-fifth  of  the  gross  rental,  and  as  late  as  1775  (the  date  of 
the  publication  of  the  "  Wealth  of  the  Nations")  he  stated  the 
question  as  it  then  stood  with  reference  to  taxation,  as  follows : — 

"  In  the  present  state  of  the  greater  part  of  the  civilised  monarchies  of  Europe, 
the  rents  of  all  the  lands  in  the  country,  managed  as  they  perhaps  would  be  if  they 
belonged  to  one  proprietor,  would  scarce,  perhaps,  amount  to  the  ordinary  revenue 
which  they  levy  upon  people  even  in  peaceable  times.  The  ordinary  revenue  of 
Great  Britain,  for  example,  including  not  only  what  is  necessary  for  defraying  the 
current  expense  of  the  year,  but  for  paying  the  interest  of  the  public  debts,  and  for 
sinking  a  part  of  the  capital  of  those  debts,  amounts  to  upwards  of  ten  millions  a-year. 
But  the  land-tax,  at  four  shillings  in  the  pound,  falls  short  of  two  millions  a-year. 

Both  ground  rents  and  ordinary  rent  of  land  are  a  species  of  revenue 

which  the  owner,  in  many  cases,  enjoys  without  any  care  or  attention  of  his  own. 
Though  a  part  of  this  revenue  should  be  taken  from  him  in  order  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  the  State,  no  discouragement  will  thereby  be  given  to  any  sort  of  industry. 
The  annual  produce  of  the  land  and  labour  of  the  society,  the  real  wealth  and  revenue 
of  the  great  body  of  the  people,  might  be  the  same  after  such  a  tax  as  before.  Ground 
rents  and  the  ordinary  rent  of  land  are,  therefore,  perhaps,  the  species  of  revenue 
which  can  best  bear  to  have  a  peculiar  tax  imposed  upon  them." 

Keeping  in  view  that  the  author  of  the  above  placed  all  ex- 


change  value  in  labour,  and  made  it  the  foundation  of  all  created 
wealth,  the  phenomenon  of  rent  ought  to  have  appeared  to  him  in  a 
stronger  light,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  case  is  stated  with 
too  much  indecision.   The  important  scientific  inquiry,  in  its  practi- 
cal bearing,  is,  manifestly,  to  estimate,  or  ascertain,  whether  in 
every  civilised    and    industrial   nation,  land  yields  a  sufficient 
revenue  for  all  the  ordinary  pacific  purposes  of  State,  in  excess 
of  the  wages  of  labour  and  profits  of  capital,  originally  bestowed 
upon  the  ameliorations.      The  valuation  upon  which  the  two 
millions  were  assessed  was  made  in  1692,  and  it  has  been  gene- 
rally supposed  (as  we  may  readily  believe),  that  it  was   much 
below  the  real  value  at  that  period.     In  1775,  after  the  lapse  of 
83  years  of  great  commercial  activity,  and  a  large  increase  of 
population,  it  is,  perhaps,  not  too  much  to  estimate  the  lands  of 
the  United  Kingdom  to  have  trebled  that  valuation.     This  would 
give  a  revenue  of  six  millions.      Now,  the  interest  on  the  public 
debt  in  1775  was  nearly  four  and  a-half  millions,  and  we  cannot 
suppose  that  a  natural  law  would  provide  for  a  war  fund.      De- 
ducting this  from  the  total  revenue  there  would  be  left  only  five 
and   a-half  millions  as  the  ordinary  expenses  of  Government, 
on  a  peace  footing,  which  would  be  more  than  covered  by  a  land- 
tax,  or  rent,  at  the  supposed  increase  in  the  value  of  land.     If  we 
deduct  the  interest  of  the  public  debt  from  our  present  heavy 
expenditure,  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  State  would  probably 
be  covered  by  ground- rents  and  the  ordinary,  or  natural,  rent  of 
land.      But  as  nations  are  armed  to  the  teeth,  we  are  hardly  in  a 
position,  perhaps,  to  judge  what  the  ordinary  expenses  on  a  peace 
footing  would  be.      It  may  be  fairly  concluded,  however,  that  in 
every  civilised  and  industrial  nation  this  "  gift  of  Providence"  is 
sufficient  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  State,  for  the  civil  and 
moral  government  of  society. 

5.  In  support  of  the  views  of  Adam  Smith,  I  quote  another 
eminent  economist  of  great  weight  and  authority.  Dr  Chalmers 
wrote,  just  fifty  years  ago,  as  follows : — 

"  The  commutation  of  taxes  into  a  territorial  impost,  will  be  the  work  of  a  later 
age ;  though  we  should  rejoice,  even  now,  did  we  witness  a  commencement,  however 
humble,  an  approximation  however  slow,  to  this  great  political  and  economical 
reform. " 

In   reference  to  a  question  of  such   deep   import,   where   vast 


interests  are  involved,  confiscation  is  not  an  appropriate  word  to 
be  bandied  about  during  a  period  of  public  excitement,  and  our 
notions  on  the  subject  are  liable  to  be  further  confused  by  the 
expression:  "  The  nationalisation  of  the  land."  We  could  hardly 
imagine  the  land  to  be  denationalised  except  by  conquest, 
or  by  the  introduction  of  another  race  of  inhabitants  ;  and 
what  those  reformers  really  mean,  as  a  practicable*  measure, 
is  the  nationalisation  of  rent,  which  is  a  much  more  intel- 
ligible expression,  besides  which,  there  is  the  great  advantage 
of  having  a  constitutional  precedent  to  go  upon,  as  well  as  the 
opinions  of  philosophers  and  economists,  who  were  certainly  not 
second  to  men  of  the  present  day  in  either  of  these  departments 
of  human  knowledge,  and  who  did  not  discuss  politics  minus  a 
code  of  ethics,  or  a  sense  of  right  and  wrong,  of  justice  and  in- 

Although  the  corrupt  and  servile  Parliaments  of  last  century 
practically  voted  themselves  free  of  the  land  tax,  and  threw  the 
taxation  of  the  country  upon  the  commercial  and  industrial 
classes,  it  is  still  an  inalienable  right  of  society  to  reimpose  it. 
On  the  passing  of  the  Commutation  Act,  Mr  Pitt  entered  a 
caveat  to  the  effect  that  the  Act  was  not  to  preclude  that  or  any 
other  Parliament  from  reimposing  it ;  and  after  so  long  enjoy- 
ment of  an  ever  increasing  increment  it  is  evidently  absurd  to 
regard  an  equitable  adjustment  of  taxation  as  confiscation.  What 
may  truly  be  regarded  as  unjust  is  to  confiscate  part  of  the  hard- 
won  earnings  of  the  working  classes.  For  instance,  a  crofter  from 
Tiree  goes  to  town  to  sell  the  produce  of  his  labour,  and,  among 
other  things,  buys,  say  I  Ib.  tea,  2s.  6d.;  I  Ib.  coffee,  is.  6d.;  I 
Ib.  tobacco,  43.;  and  a  bottle  of  whisky,  33.  6d.;  in  all  iis.  6d. 
Out  of  this  portion  of  his  wages  the  Government  confiscates  no 
less  than  53.  pd.,  just  the  one-half;  so  that  the  Duke  of  Argyll 
may  appropriate  the  sea-weed,  and  permit  it  to  be  worked  on  the 
"  truck  system." 

Unjustly,  however,  as  the  burden  of  taxation  falls  on  the 
working  classes,  it  is,  perhaps,  not  so  much  in  that  respect  that 
the  country  suffers,  as  by  the  restraints  that  are  imposed  upon 
agricultural  industry  and  individual  freedom,  resulting  in  the  dis- 
location of  society  by  driving  the  rural  population  into  towns,  to 
overstock  the  labour  market,  and  swell  the  pauper  roll  Recent 


legislation,  and  the  discussions  which  proceeded  upon  it,  have 
clearl^shown  that  all  attempts  to  adjust  equities  between  land- 
lord and  tenant  can  only  result  in  a  flood  of  litigation,  and  post- 
pone a  more  radical  reform.  The  natural  position  of  the 
agriculturist  and  house-owner  is  to  own  the  lands  which  they 
occupy,  irrespective  of  the  size  of  holdings.  This  is  to  be  a 
freeman,  which  is  an  essential  condition  to  every  progressive 
and  harmonious  society.  It  is  an  essential  of  liberty  that  a  man 
should  be  as  free  to  remain  in  his  locality  as  to  leave  it.  If 
under  the  necessity  to  place  himself  in  the  bondage  of  a  lease  to 
another  man  he  is  no  longer  a  freeman.  The  nature  of  the  land, 
as  well  as  the  principle  of  liberty,  does  not  sanction  the  unnatural 
relationship.  The  private  appropriation  of  the  gift  of  Providence 
to  society,  and  using  this  privilege  as  an  instrument  of  power  and 
oppression,  is  an  evident  transgression  of  a  moral-physical  law, 
which  receives  not  the  sanction  of  nature  or  of  human  nature. 



WE  observe  with  sincere  pleasure  that,  through  the  liberality  of  friends  of  the  Celtic 
Chair,  a  considerable  sum  has  been  provided  for  distribution  a?  prizes  at  the  close  of 
the  first  session.  Professor  Blackie  has  himself  contributed  £2$,  with  promise  of 
other  £2$  ;  the  Inverness,  Ross,  and  Nairn  Club,  £10  ;  and  the  Edinburgh  Suther- 
land Association,  .£5.  55.  A  fund  has  also  been  set  on  foot  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  travelling  scholarships  in  connection  with  the  Chair,  to  which  the  fol- 
lowing sums  have  already  been  devoted,  viz:—  £12.  I2S.  from  the  Heather  Club, 
Edinburgh  ;  .£10  from  Mr  Shepherd,  Burntisland  ;  ^100  from  a  Highland  land- 
owner ;  and  ^25  from  Mr  Ralph  Carr  Ellison  of  Dunstanhill,  Newcastle.  Nothing 
could  be  better  calculated  to  give  a  healthy  stimulus  to  the  work  of  the  Celtic  classes 
than  such  incitements  as  these  rewards  afford,  and  we  earnestly  hope  that  the 
better-to-do  friends  of  the  Gael,  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  will  follow  the  good 
example  shown  in  this  very  encouraging  beginning.  An  admirable  medium  through 
which  such  aid  might  be  applied,  would  be  the  movement  now  a-foot  under  the  guid- 
ance of  the  Council  of  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness,  for  the  collection  of  a  fund  in 
recognition  of  the  unprecedented  labours  of  Professor  Blackie,  in  establishing  the 
Chair.  The  proposed  Testimonial  will,  in  the  main,  in  terms  of  the  Professor's  own 
desire,  assume  the  form  of  rewards  and  incitements  to  the  students  of  the  Gaelic 
language  and  literature  in  connection  with  the  Celtic  Chair. 

An  association  with  objects  quite  kindred  with  the  bursary  and  scholarship 
scheme  of  the  Celtic  Chair,  and  one  the  importance  of  whose  good  work  in  this  field 
cannot  be  over  estimated,  is  the  Ladies'  Highland  Bursary  Association,  which  held  its 


annual  meeting  in  Edinburgh  in  the  month  of  November,  under  the  presidency  of 
Principal  Tulloch.  The  general  object  of  the  Association  is  to  give  tangible  en- 
couragement to  Gaelic  students  prosecuting  their  studies  with  the  v;ew  of  entering  the 
ministry  of  the  Church  of  Scotland.  The  Rev.  Mr  Mackenzie,  of  Kingussie,  the  inde- 
fatigable Secretary  of  the  Association,  presented  the  Report,  which  testified  to  a  very 
large  amount  of  successful  work.  It  gives  us  pleasure  to  note  that  the  capital  «of  the 
scheme  seems  quite  appropriately  to  be  centred  in  the  Capital  of  the  Highlands. 
Out  of  sixteen  bursars  to  be  provided  for,  no  fewer  than  thirteen  are  attending  Rain- 
ing's  School,  Inverness.  It  were  well  that  in  other  populous  centres  in  the  Highlands 
there  should  be  similar  auxiliaries  in  the  work  of  preparing  students  for  the  more 
systematic  studies  of  the  Celtic  Chair. 

Much  as  the  gradual  decay  of  the  Gaelic  language  is  to  be  observed  on  every 
hand,  there  is  no  agency  to  which  even  the  present  hopeful  condition  of  things,  and 
the  great  interest  taken  in  the  cause  of  that  language  and  its  literature,  are  more  largely 
attributable  than  to  the  labours  of  the  late  venerated  Dr  Norman  Macleod  of  St 
Columba's,  Glasgow.  It  was,  therefore,  most  appropriate  that  the  centenary  of  his 
birth  should  not  be  allowed  to  pass  without  some  demonstration.  Accordingly  there 
was  held  in  the  City  Hall,  Glasgow,  on  the  4th  of  December,  a  gathering  of  some 
2000  of  the  friends  and  admirers  of  "  Caraide  nan  Gaidheal,"  presided  over  by  the 
energetic  and  genial  minister  of  St  Columba,  Mr  Maclachlan.  Among  those  who 
took  part  in  the  meeting  were  Dr  Macleod's  youngest  son,  the  Editor  of  Good  Words  ; 
his  nephews,  Dr  Norman  Macleod,  of  Edinburgh,  and  Dr  John  Macleod,  of 
Govan ;  Professor  Blackie,  Sheriff  Nicolson,  the  Rev.  Mr  Blair,  and  others.  In  our 
day  of  cheap  postage,  easy  communication,  and  literary  activity,  it  is  not  easy  to 
realise  even  the  mechanical  difficulties  of  conducting  single-handed,  as  Dr  Macleod 
did,  such  an  enterprise  as  the  "  Teachdaire  Gaidhealach,"  which  made  its  visits 
regularly  month  after  month  among  our  hills  and  glens,  carrying  its  budget  of  sweet 
and  racy  anecdote,  ancient  history  and  lore,  and  its  eagerly-looked-for  items  of  con- 
temporary intelligence. 

No  less  pleasant  are  the  reminiscences  still  fresh  among  us  of  the  period,  some 
dozen  years  later,  when  "  Cuairtear  nan  Gleann,"  under  more  encouraging  physical 
circumstances,  but  in  greatly  more  troublous  times,  made  its  welcome  visits.  To 
these  two  agencies  are  particularly  due  any  measure  of  romance  attaching  to  Gaelic 
literature  in  Scotland,  as  well  as  the  wonderful  state  of  preservation  in  which  we  have 
the  language  still  among  us,  notwithstanding  the  cold  and  repressive  attitude  of 
School  Boards  and  teachers. 

To  Dr  Macleod  also  we  credit  the  fact  that,  notwithstanding  the  paucity  of 
the  remains  of  ancient  Gaelic  in  Scotland  as  compared  with  Ireland,  the  modern 
literature  of  the  Scottish  dialect  is  largely  in  excess  in  point  of  quantity,  and  we 
venture  also  to  say  much  superior  in  literary  and  classical  excellence,  to  the  productions 
of  the  present  day  Celts  of  the  sister  island.  All  honour,  then,  to  the  memory  of 
Dr  Norman  Macleod,  of  St  Columba.  The  bright  halo  of  the  good  man,  and  the 
healthy  influence  of  his  handiwork,  have  passed  down  from  generation  to  generation 
of  the  sons  of  the  Gael,  and  even  yet  in  a  foreign  land  how  many  a  hearth  is  cheered 


with   a   rehearsal   of  what  the   fathers  have    told   of  the    times  and  tales  of  the 
"  Teachclaire,"  and  "  Cuairtear." 

"  The  page  may  be  lost,  and  the  pen  long  forsaken, 

And  weeds  may  grow  wild  o'er  the  brave  heart  and  hand  ; 
But  ye  are  still  left  when  all  else  hath  been  taken, 
Like  streams  in  the  desert  sweet  tales  of  our  land." 

By  THOMAS  HUNTER.  Perth  :  Henderson,  Robertson,  &  Hunter.  1883. 

NEXT  to  Mr  Hunter's  "pleasure  in  the  pathless  woods"  will  be  the  delight  of  every 
reader  of  this  charming  book.  It  consists,  as  he  tells  us  in  his  preface,  of  sketches  which 
originally  appeared  in  the  Perthshire  Constitutional,  of  which  Mr  Hunter  is  the  ac- 
complished editor  and  part  proprietor.  In  an  introductory  chapter,  the  author  dis- 
courses pleasantly  on  the  impressive  effects  produced  by  the  appearance  of  a  woody 
landscape,  and  the  important  part  which  the  trees  of  the  forests  play  in  the  economy 
of  Nature.  After  placing  the  poets,  sacred  and  profane,  under  tribute  in  illustrating 
his  essay,  he  sums  all  up  as  follows: — "All  our 'ideas  of  beautiful  scenery  are 
associated  with  woods.  The  landscape  that  is  destitute  of  trees  presents  a  barren  and 
uninteresting  appearance,  while  a  country  that  is  rich  in  arboreal  features  is  as  re- 
freshing to  the  eye  as  is  a  sheet  of  water  in  an  arid  land.  The  majestic  oak  with  its 
grey  rifted  trunk  and  its  dark  indented  foliage,  and  the  equally  majestic  beech  with  its 
fine  silvery  bark  and  pale  green  leaves  add  dignity  and  grace  to  the  well-kept  ancestral 
park.  The  light  graceful  birch  which  overhangs  the  mountain  stream,  imparts  to  the 
landscape  that  fairy-like  charm,  which  is  so  attractive  to  the  lover  of  the  picturesque  ; 
while  the  pine  with  its  straight  tall  stem  and  evergreen  foliage  clothes  the  landscape 
with  a  pleasing  uniformity." 

The  commercial  importance  of  tree  planting  is  strongly  presented ;  and  this  is 
a  feature  of  Mr  Hunter's  work  which  cannot  be  too  much  laid  to  heart  by  proprietors 
and  administrators  of  Highland  property.  Even  to  those  who  devote  their  attention 
to  the  rearing  of  game,  no  condition  of  country  is  more  profitable  than  that  which 
affords  the  most  cover,  while  it  is  well  known  that  its  grazing  capacity  and  the  shelter 
it  supplies  against  the  winter's  storms  is  highly  favourable  to  the  raising  of  stock.  It 
can  thus  be  found  that  successful  cultivation  and  abundant  game  are  not  at  all  so 
inimical  to  each  other  when  properly  regulated  as  might  be  supposed. 

A  second  chapter  of  a  general  character  is  devoted  by  Mr  Hunter  to  a  comparison 
of  the  past  and  present  arboreal  character  of  the  county  of  Perth.  We  are  also 
furnished  with  an  interesting  table,  showing  the  acreage  under  trees  in  all  the  counties 
of  Scotland.  Taking  the  Highland  counties  we  find  that  Inverness  tops  the  list  with 
162,201  acres  ;  Perthshire  comes  next  with  94,563  ;  Ross  and  Cromarty,  43,201  ; 
Argyle,  42,741  ;  Sutherland,  12,260;  Nairn,  13,241;  Bute,  3,454;  and  Caithness, 
210  acres,  respectively.  The  woods  of  Perthshire  Mr  Hunter  estimates  at  ^"35  per 
acre,  showing  a  total  value  for  the  county  of  nearly  three  and  a  half  millions  sterling. 
Proceeding  to  details,  he  devotes  his  next  chapter  to  a  description  of  Athole, 
with  its  gigantic  forests  and  its  stately  trees.  He  goes  in  a  similar  manner  over  all 
the  important  districts  of  the  county,  leaving  scarce  a  tree  unvisited.  His  pages  teem 
with  entertaining  gossip,  about  not  merely  the  trees  and  woods,  but  the  people  and 


their  history  as  gathered  by  him  in  the  course  of  his  enthusiastic  rambles.  Visiting 
Glenlyon,  for  example,  he  makes  a  discovery  which  may  well  surprise  the  natives  of 
that  respectable  neighbourhood.  It  is  no  less  a  fact  than  that  Pontius  Pilate  of 
evil  memory  was  actually  born  in  the  parish.  Let  Mr  Hunter  state  his  grounds  for, 
this  astounding  assertion  in  his  own  words.  He  says,  page  430  :- — 

"  The  story  told  concerning  it  being  the  birthplace  of  the  Roman  Governor  of 
Judea  in  the  days  of  our  Saviour  is  very  circumstantial,  and  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  it  may  not  be  absolutely  true.  We  are  told  that  a  short  time  previous  to 
the  birth  of  Christ,  Caesar  Augustus  sent  an  embassy  to  Scotland,  as  well  as  other 
countries,  with  the  view  of  endeavouring  —what  has  been  so  often  tried  since — to  effect  a 
universal  peace.  The  Roman  ambassadors  are  said  to  have  met  Metellanus,  the 
Scottish  King,  in  this  region,  one  of  the  ambassadors  being  the  father  of  Pontius 
Pilate.  As  the  story  goes,  a  son  was  born  to  the  ambassador  at  Fortingall  while  he 
was  sojourning  there  on  his  laudable  mission,  and  it  is  asserted  that  the  son  was  the 
veritable  Governor  of  Judea  whose  name  is  handed  down  to  us  in  Holy  Writ.  It  is, 
at  all  events,  certain  that  such  a  mission  was  sent  to  Scotland  by  Caesar  Augustus 
about  the  time  of  the  birth  of  Pontius  Pilate,  and  that  Metallanus  received  the  ambas- 
sadors at  Fortingall,  where  he  was  hunting  and  holding  Court.  The  ambassadors 
brought  rich  presents  with  them,  and  the  Scottish  King,  who  was  desirous  of  friendly 
relations  with  the  Masters  of  the  World,  sent  valuable  gifts  to  the  Emperor  in  return, 
and  was  successful  in  obtaining  '  an  amitie  with  the  Romans,  which  continued  betwixt 
them  and  his  kingdome  for  a  long  time  after.'  The  tradition  may,  therefore,  be  per- 
fectly true.  The  remains  of  the  Roman  Camp  are  pointed  out  by  the  natives,  with  no 
small  pride,  although  it  requires  some  examination  to  trace  its  outline — 

'  No  towers  are  seen 

On  the  wild  heath,  but  those  that  fancy  builds, 
And,  save  a  fosse  that  tracks  the  moor  with  green, 
It  nought  remains  to  tell  of  what  may  there  have  been. 

And  yet  grave  authors,  with  no  small  waste 
Of  their  grave  time,  have  dignified  the  spot 
By  theories  to  prove  the  fortress  placed 
By  Roman  hands  to  curb  the  invading  Scot.' 

The  camp  is  traditionally  said  to  have  been  formed  by  Agricola,  who  fought  a  battle 
with  the  Caledonians  in  the  neighbourhood.  Many  interesting  Roman  remains  have 
been  found  from  time  to  time  in  and  about  the  site  of  the  camp.  Of  these  may  be 
mentioned  a  Roman  standard,  the  shaft  of  which  encloses  a  five-fluted  spear,  and 
which  is  preserved  at  Troup  House.  In  the  praetorium  of  the  camp  was  found  a  vase 
of  curious  mixed  metal,  and  in  shape  resembling  a  coffee-pot.  This  was  found  about 
1733,  and  is  preserved  in  Taymouth  Castle.  Of  late  years  a  number  of  urns  and  flint 
arrow-heads  have  been  picked  up  in  and  around  the  camp.  The  camp  is  situated 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  west  of  the  village,  the  outline  of  the  camp  being  about  one 
and  a-half  acre.  The  ramparts  are  almost  entirely  levelled  with  the  ground,  but  can 
still  be  traced.  The  praetorium  is  remarkably  complete,  as  also  the  marks  of  a  deep 
fosse,  which  is  supposed  to  have  surrounded  Agricola's  headquarters.  The  ditch  or 
outer  trench  is  now  in  many  places  filled  in,  so  that  its  course  is  not  so  easily 

Space  prevents  our  quoting  further  from  this  delightful  book.  It  will  amply 
repay  perusal  by  the  general  reader,  while  it  will  prove  an  invaluable  and 
reliable  guide  to  the  local  historian,  and  pre-eminently  so  to  the  connoisseur  in 
arboriculture  and  estate  management. 

Books  reviewed,  or  noticed  in  our  "  Literary  Notes,"  or  indeed  any  book,  will 
be  supplied,  to  order,  from  the  Celtic  Magazine  Office  at  the  published  prices,  and 
sent  by  Parcels  or  Book  Post  to  any  address. 




SIR, — I  am  glad  to  see  from  the  Celtic  for  November,  just  to  hand,  that  you  have 
resolved  to  publish  a  new  edition  of  Dean  Munro's  "Description  of  the  Western 
Islands  of  Scotland."  As  you  are  aware,  I  am  engaged  in  compiling  a  History  of  the 
Clan  Munro,  or  Rothaich,  and  have  been  successful  in  collecting  a  considerable 
amount  of  matter  relative  to  the  Clan  and  individual  members  of  it.  The  following 
are  all  the  "  Notes,"  respecting  Dean  Munro,  I  have  as  yet  succeeded  in  unearthing  ; 
and  I  submit  them  to  the  readers  of  the  Celtic,  in  the  hope  that  those  of  them  who 
may  be  in  possession  of  any  further  information  concerning  the  Dean,  or,  indeed,  any 
member  of  the  Clan  Munro,  will  communicate  with  me,  and  thereby  render  valu- 
able assistance  : — 

Donald  Munro  was  the  eldest  son  of  Alexander  Munro  of  Kiltearn,  by  his  wife, 
Janet,  daughter  ofFarquhar  Maclean  of  Dochgarroch.  Alexander  was  fourth  son  of 
Hugh  Munro  I.  of  Coul,  in  the  palish  of  Alness,  who  was  second  son  of  George 
Munro,  tenth  Baron  of  Fowlis,  by  his  second  marriage  with  Christian,  daughter  of 
John  Macculloch  of  Plaids,  who  was  Bailie  of  the  "  Girth,"  or  Sanctuary  "  of  Sanct 
Duthouis  of  Tayne"  in  1458. 

Donald  Munro,  like  his  uncle  John  (from  whom  the  present  family  of  Teaninich 
in  the  parish  of  Alness  is  descended)  became  a  churchman.  His  place  of  education 
is  not  recorded,  but  as  he  was  a  Master  of  Arts,  it  must  have  been  at  one  of  the  three 
Universities  then  existing  in  Scotland,  probably  at  King's  College,  Aberdeen,  where 
most  of  the  northern  students  then  generally  resorted. 

His  earliest  ecclesiastical  preferment,  hitherto  ascertained,  was  the  Archdeaconry 
of  the  Isles,  to  which  he  was  nominated  in,  or  shortly  after,  1549.  The  Arch- 
deacon in  1544  was  Roderick  Maclean,  in  whose  favour  Bishop  Farquhar  of  the  Isles 
then  resigned  his  See  ;  and  in  1548,  Queen  Mary  presented  "  Master  Archibald 
Munro,  Chaplain,  to  the  Archdeaconry,  when  it  should  become  vacant  by  the  de- 
mission of  the  venerable  clerk,  Master  Roderick  M'Clane  :"  the  latter,  however,  was 
not  confirmed  as  Bishop  of  the  Isles  by  Pope  Julius  III.  till  the  5th  of  March  1550, 
and  he  died  in  1553- 

Dean  Munro  visited  most  of  the  Western  Isles  in  1549,  and  wrote  an  interesting 
account  of  them  in  the  Scottish  dialect,  which  was  first  printed  from  his  own  MS.  at 
Edinburgh  in  1744,  I2mo.,  pp.  67,  with  the  title,  "A  Description  of  the  Western 
Isles  of  Scotland,  or  Hybrides,  in  1549,  with  Genealogies  of  the  Chieff  Clans  of  the 
Isles  ;  by  Mr  Donald  Munro,  High  Dean  of  the  Isles."  Only  fifty  copies  of  the  work 
were  printed,  and,  as  it  had  become  scarce,  editions  of  it  were  reprinted  in  1805  and 
1818.  These  are  now  quite  out  of  print,  and  it  is  a  work  well  deserving  of  being 
re-edited,  with  more  care  than  has  hitherto  been  shown.  Buchanan,  who  was  a  con- 
temporary of  his,  as  also,  it  is  said,  a  correspondent  and  acquaintance,  mentions  the 
Archdeacon  of  the  Isles  with  praise,  as  "Donaldus  Monrous,  homo  doctus  et  piusqui 
eas  Ebrides  omnes  et  ipse  peragnavit  et  oculis  per  lustravit  " ;  that  is,  Donald 
Munro,  a  pious  and  diligent  person  (or  learned  man),  who  travelled  in  person  over  all 
those  islands,  and  viewed  them  exactly." 


In  1563,  a  charter  by  Alexander  Bain  of  Tulloch,  in  the  parish  of  Dingwall,  is 
witnessed  by  "  Donald  Munro,  Archdeacon  of  the  Isles." 

In  "The  Register  of  Ministers  and  thair  Stipendis,  sen  the  Yeir  of  God  1567," 
preserved  in  the  General  Register  House,  at  Edinburgh,  and  which  was  printed  as  a 
contribution  to  the  Maitland  Club  at  Glasgow,  by  Mr  A.  Macdonald,  in  Edinburgh, 
in  1830,  under  the  "  Ministers  in  Ros,"  is  found  "  Mr  Donald  Monro,  Commissionar 
to  plant  Kirkis  in  Ros,  and  to  assist  the  Bischope  of  Caitnes  in  semlable  planting 
(similar  labours),  to  begyn  at  Lambmes  (ist  August)  1563  .  .  .  iiijc  merkis  "  ; 
and  in  the  "  Register  of  Ministers  and  Readers  in  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,"  from  the 
MS.  "Booke  of  the  Assignatione  of  Stipendis"  for  the  year  1574,  and  printed  in 
1844,  in  volume  I.  of  the  "  Wodrow  Society,"  ably  edited  by  the  late  David  Laing, 
under  the  "Diocie  of  Ros,"  occurs,  as  Commissioner  of  Ross,  "Master  Donald  Monro, 
minister,"  but  his  stipend  is  not  specified.  At  the  same  time  he  was  minister  at  Al- 
ness,  Kiltearn,  and  Limlair,  with  a  stipend  of  £66.  135.  4d.  Scots,  or  £$.  I  is.  sterling, 
and  the  kirk  lands. 

The  date  of  his  appointment  as  parson  of  Kiltearn  was  apparently  between  1560 
and  1563 — that  church,  as  well  as  those  of  Alness  and  Limlair,  being  Prebends  of 
the  Cathedral  of  Ross — his  total  stipend  being  then  £2!.  155.  8d. 

In  "  The  Booke  of  the  Universall  Kirk  of  Scotland,"  printed  in  1839  by  the  Mait- 
land Club,  occur  the  following  notices  of  the  Commissioner  of  Ross,  on  pages  34,  40 
51,  63,  175,  257,  and  282  respectively  : — 

"June  26,  1563. — Commission  was  given  to  Mr  Donald  Monro  to  plant  kirks 
within  the  bounds  of  Rosse  ;  to  endure  only  for  a  year." 

On  the  27th  December  following,  the  General  Assembly  found  that  "it  was  com- 
plained that  he  (Donald  Munro)  was  not  so  apt  to  teach  as  his  charge  required,"  and 
certain  clergymen  were  "  ordained  to  take  a  tryall  of  his  gift,  and  to  report  to  the 

"  June  3Oth,  1564. — Mr  Donald  Munro  his  commission  to  plant  kirks  within  Rosse 
was  continued  for  a  year. " 

On  the  28th  of  June  of  the  following  year,  complaints  were  given  in  by  Mr  Munro 
against  the  Ross-shire  ministers  for  non-residence  at  their  kirks. 

The  General  Assembly,  on  the  5th  of  July  1570,  ordered  assistance  to  be  given 
him  as  Commissioner  of  Ross,  because  he  "  was  not  prompt  in  the  Scottish  tongue" — 
the  Gaelic  language. 

On  the  6th  of  March  1573,  "the  Assemblie,  for  certain  causes  moving  them, 
continued,"  among  other  ministers,  "  Mr  Donald  Munro  in  the  office  of  Commission- 
arie  to  plant  kirks  till  the  next  General  Assemblie  "  ;  and  his  appointment  as  Com- 
missioner of  Ross  was  renewed  for  the  last  time  at  Edinburgh,  on  the  6th  of  August 
I573)  "till  the  next  Assemblie." 

A  successor  was  appointed  on  the  6th  of  March  1575  ;  and  it  is  probable  that  he 
died  about  the  same  time,  and  certainly  before  the  year  1589,  when  his  successor, 
Robert  Munro,  third  son  of  John  Munro  II.  of  Balconie,  grandson  of  Hugh  Munro  I. 
of  Coul,  was  parson  of  Kiltearn. 

Tradition  states  that  Donald  Munro  lived  at  Castle  Craig  (the  ruins  of  which  still 
remain),  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Cromarty  Firth,  which  he  crossed  by  boat,  and 
preached  on  Sabbaths  in  one  of  his  churches — Kiltearn,  Alness,  or  Limlair.  He  was 
evidently  a  man  of  some  eminence  in  his  time,  and  inclined  to  literary  pursuits,  and 
topographical  as  well  as  genealogical  research.  At  first  he  was  doubtless  a  priest  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  but  on  the  dawn  of  the  Reformation  he  followed  the 


example  of  his  relative  and  chief,  Robert  Munro,  XV.  Baron  of  Fowlis,  and  became 
a  Protestant,  when  he  must  have  been  a  man  of  middle  age.  It  is  much  to  be 
regretted  that  a  fuller  account  of  his  career  is  not  now  available,  or  known  to  exist. 

The  Rev.  Dr  John  Kennedy  of  Dingwall,  in  his  "Fathers  of  Ross- shire,"  page  4, 
has  the  following  reference  to  Commissioner  Munro  : — "  It  was  in  1563  the  first  ray 
of  Reformation  light  broke  through  the  darkness  of  Ross-shire.  By  the  General 
Assembly  of  that  year,  Mr  Donald  Munro  was  appointed  '  Commissioner  of  Ross. ' 
The  Lord  came  with  him  to  his  work,  and  before  seven  years  had  passed,  the  cause 
of  truth  had  made  such  progress  in  Easter  Ross,  where  he  chiefly  laboured  (?),  as  to 
attract  the  notice  of  '  Good  Regent  Murray  ;'  who  presented  to  the  people  of  Tain  a 
pulpit  for  their  church,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  their  zeal." — I  am,  yours,  &c., 

Milnton  Cottage,  ALEX.  ROSS. 

Alness,  November  1883. 



SIR, — As  I  find  that  the  conclusion  of  my  argument  respecting  the  above  Stone 
has  been  omitted  in  the  letter  you  were  good  enough  to  publish  in  your  last  number, 
may  I  request  the  favour  that  you  will  next  month  find  a  corner  for  what  follows : — 

The  ground  I  took  up  in  my  former  letter  was  that  there  is  no  evidence  that  the 
"  Clachnahagaig"  of  James  VI. 's  Charter  was  the  same  as  the  Clachnahalaig  Stone 
mentioned  on  the  plans  and  in  title-deeds  ;  but  I  intended  further  to  show  ttiat,  even 
as  to  the  position  of  the  latter  stone  itself,  there  is  much  room  for  difference  of  opinion; 
and  at  the  end  of  my  letter,  as  it  appeared,  I  adverted  to  the  evidence  adduced  by  Mr 
Fraser- Mackintosh  in  reference  to  the  erection  of  the  present  stone  on  the  Canal  Bank. 

I  intended,  however,  and  now  wish,  to  cite  important  evidence  in  favour  of  my 
latter  contention.  In  Decree  of  Special  and  General  Service  of  Isabella  Rose  or 
Innes  and  others,  dated  7th  June,  recorded  in  Chancery  8th  June,  and  in  Register  of 
Sasines  1 2th  July  1869,  the  Dunain  Salmon  Fishings  are  described  as  "on  the  water  of 
Ness  and  Lake  of  Ness  or  Loch  Ness,  from  the  March  Stone  called  Clachnahalig, 
at  and  in  the  said  Loch."  (The  italics  are  mine.)  This  is  from  the  title  of  the  vendors 
of  the  Estate  of  Dunain,  from  whom  Sir  John  Ramsden  acquired  it,  which,  therefore, 
regulated  his  rights.  In  conveying  the  fishings,  however,  which  he  sold  to  Mr 
Fountaine  Walker,  Sir  John  inserted  the  following  description  of  the  site  of  Clach- 
nahalig, which,  I  believe,  I  am  fully  justified  in  saying  is  not  to  be  found  anywhere 
in  his  own  titles.  He  assumed  to  give  "the  sole  and  exclusive  right  of  fishing  for 
salmon  and  all  other  fish  in  the  River  Ness,  ex  adverse  of  that  part  of  the  northern 
bank  thereof  formerly  part  of  the  said  lands  and  Estate  of  Dunain,  but  now  the 
property  of  the  Caledonian  Canal  Commissioners,  extending  from  the  Stone  called 
Clachnahalig,  situated  at  the  point  where,  prior  to  the  formation  of  said  Canal,  the 
lands  of  Dunain  marched  with  the  lands  of  Bught,  up  the  river  to  a  point  now  indi- 
cated by  a  march  stone  recently  erected  by  me  directly  opposite  the  centre  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Laggan  Burn." 

As  the  above  facts  are,  I  conceive,  most  important  as  traversing  Mr  Fraser- 
Mackintosh's  assertion  that  the  site  of  Clachnahalig  has  been  unnecessarily  questioned, 
my  reply  to  that  assertion  cannot  be  complete  without  their  publication. — I  am,  &c., 





No.  C.  FEBRUARY  1884.  VOL.  IX. 

By  the  EDITOR. 



LOCHIEL  and  his  clan  lived  in  peace  during  1659,  though  con- 
siderable commotion  was  going  on  at  headquarters.  When  his 
good  friend,  General  Monk,  resolved  upon  supporting  the  Scot- 
tish Parliament  against  the  English  Generals,  Lochiel  determined 
to  join  him,  and  accompanied  him  in  his  famous  expedition  to 
Engi  nd,  which  resulted  in  the  Restoration  of  Charles  II.  in 
1660.  f  His  reputation  had  preceded  Lochiel  in  the  south,  and  he 
was  treated  with  the  greatest  civility  and  consideration,  wherever 
he  went,  by  the  English  people,  who  came  in  crowds  to  meet  the 
Scottish  Army,  expecting  deliverance  at  their  hands,  praying  for 
their  success,  and  petitioning  for  a  free  Parliament  in  England. 
Lochiel,  who  was  the  guest  of  Monk  during  the  celebrated  march 
to  London,  was  carefully  provided  for  in  suitable  quarters  on  his 
arrival.  The  General  had  him  along  with  himself  on  all  occa- 
sions where  there  was  opportunity  of  doing  him  honour,  and 
when  the  King  made  his  triumphant  entry  to  the  city,  "the 



General  desired  Lochiel  to  keep  all  the  way  as  near  to  him  as 
he  possibly  could  ;  and  when  his  Majesty  alighted,  it  was  his  own 
fault  but  he  held  the  King's  stirrup,  as  he  had  an  inviting 
opportunity.  The  effect  of  his  modesty,  or  rather  bushfulness, 
he  had  some  reason  to  repent  of,  for  another,  who  had  more 
assurance,  got  before  him  and  performed  that  office,  for  which  he 
was  royally  rewarded."  He  was,  however,  afterwards  introduced 
to  kiss  the  King's  hands  ;  when  he  was  received  very  graciously, 
the  General  having  previously  made  known  who  he  was,  and  the 
nature  of  his  merit  and  services  to  the  Crown.  He  was  also 
introduced  to  the  Dukes  of  York  and  Gloucester.  General 
Middleton  had  already  made  the  former  fully  acquainted  with 
Lochiel's  position  and  past  history,  especially  as  to  the  incident 
of  biting  out  the  Englishman's  throat  at  Achadalew,  which  had 
become  a  leading  subject  of  conversation  in  Court  circles.  The 
Duke  of  York  especially  received  him  most  graciously,  with  marks 
of  esteem  and  favour,  and  on  several  occasions  he  took  pleasure  in 
chaffing  him  about  the  famous  mouthful,  and  other  incidents 
of  his  early  life. 

The  garrison  at  Inverlochy  was  ordered  South,  when  by  an 
order  of  General  Monk  to  Colonel  Hill,  then  governor,  the 
houses  and  all  the  material  which  could  not  be  shipped  was 
granted  to  Lochiel ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  key  of  the 
fortress  itself  was  given  up  to  him.  The  order  is  dated,  i8th  of 
June  1660,  at  Cockpitt,  where  General  Monk  then  resided.  But 
while  Lochiel  was  thus  in  favour  at  Court,  he  was  not  yet 
destined  to  be  free  from  trouble  in  his  own  country,  though,  for 
a  time  at  least,  his  quarrels  were  not  of  a  sanguinary  nature. 

The  Marquis  of  Argyll  having  been  brought  to  trial  before 
the  Scottish  Parliament,  condemned  and  executed,  in  1661, 
turned  out  most  unfortunately  for  the  Camerons.  Lochiel's 
uncle,  Donald  Cameron,  who  had  been  his  tutor  during  his 
minority,  and  two  others  of  his  relations,  having  advanced  to 
Argyll,  between  1650  and  1660,  the  sum  of  16,345  merks,  ob- 
tained a  mortgage  from  him  of  a  certain  property  which  had 
been  forfeited  by  the  Marquis  of  Huntly  and  granted  to  Argyll, 
and  as  an  additional  security,  he  gave  them  a  warranty  over  the 
estates  of  Suinart  and  Ardnamurchan,  then  Argyll's  property. 
Having  been  duly  infefted  in  these  lands,  his  relatives  made  them 


over  to  Lochiel.  On  the  death  of  Argyll,  Huntly  had  the  estates 
regranted  to  him  free  of  all  the  debts,  and  Lochiel  was  thus  left 
with  nothing  but  his  claim  upon  Suinart  and  Ardnamurchan. 
Parliament  acknowledged  this  claim,  and  recommended  that  a 
charter  of  tl ic  lands  should  be  granted  to  him  "suitable  to  the 
extent  of  the  sum"  advanced  by  his  relatives,  but  in  consequence 
of  the  crafty  and  able  tactics  of  his  great  enemy,  the  Duke 
of  Lauderdale,  he  was  unsuccessful  in  the  end,  though  Monk,  now 
Duke  of  Albemarle,  Middleton,  and  the  Crown  were  all  in  his 
favour.  "  The  King,  being  perpetually  dunned  by  the  continued 
application  of  the  greatest  men  of  his  Court,  at  last  ordered 
Lauderdale  to  present  the  signature  or  grant  of  these  lands  to  be 
superscribed  by  his  Majesty,  according  to  the  usual  form  ;  and 
this  being  part  of  his  office,  as  principal  Secretary  of  State,  he 
was  obliged,  after  repeated  orders,  to  comply  at  last.  But  when 
the  grant  came  to  be  laid  before  the  King,  he  took  care  that  there 
should  not  be  as  much  ink  in  the  pen  as  would  suffice  to  write 
the  superscription,  so  that  when  his  Majesty  had  wrote  the  word 
'  Charles'  he  wanted  ink  to  add  '  Rex,'  and  though  the  King  often 
called  for  more,"  not  another  drop  could  be  procured  at  the  time, 
and  the  matter  was  left  in  that  incomplete  state,  while  Lauder- 
dale induced  several  of  Lochiel's  enemies  to  raise  actions  against 
him  for  old  scores,  thus  for  the  time  skilfully  diverting  his  atten- 
tion from  his  claims  on  the  lands  in  question. 

The  Earl  of  Callender  succeeded  in  getting  Parliament 
to  grant  him  a  claim  against  Lochiel  for  acts  committed  before 
the  Restoration,  but  our  hero  was  afterwards  acquitted,  the  Earl 
being  unable  to  substantiate  the  details  of  his  claim  before  a 
Commission  appointed  for  the  purpose. 

About  the  same  time  Mackintosh  again  began  to  press  his 
ancient  claims  to  the  lands  of  Glenlui  and  Locharkaig.  With 
the  nature  of  this  claim  the  reader  is  already  acquainted. 
On  the  advice  of  Lauderdale,  Mackintosh,  in  1661,  petitioned 
Parliament,  and  ultimately  obtained  a  decree  adjudging  the  lands 
to  him,  and  ordering  Lochiel  not  only  to  divest  himself  of  the 
property,  but  to  find  security  that  neither  he  nor  his  clan  should 
for  the  future  molest  Mackintosh  nor  his  tenants  in  the  peace- 
able possession  thereof,  under  a  penalty  of  20,000  merks.  This 
happened  in  Lochiel's  absence,  he  being  at  the  time  at  Court  in 


London,  pushing  his  claims  to  the  lands  of  Suinart  and  Ardna- 
murchan,  and  to  a  pension  of  £300  sterling  per  annum  which 
the  King  agreed  to  grant  him,  but  never  effectually  carried  out. 
The  action  of  Parliament  in  this  matter  the  Court  of  Session  held 
to  be  an  encroachment  upon  its  privileges.  The  Chancellor,  Lord 
Glencairne,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  "  Lord  President  and  Lords  of 
Session,  now  sitting  at  Edinburgh,"  dated  London,  ?th  June  1661, 
to  the  following  effect : — 

"  Since  I  came  to  this  place,  I  understand  his  Majesty  has  taken  such  notice  of 
the  Laird  of  Lochiell  his  faithful  service  done  to  him,  that  he  has  proposed  a  way 
for  composing  the  difference  betwixt  Mackintosh  and  him,  which  will  shortly  come  to 
your  hands:  *  I  shall  desire  you,  therefore,  if  Mackintosh  offer  to  take  advantage  of 
Lochiell  his  absence,  or  to  prevent  his  Majesty's  commands  by  insisting  in  action 
before  you  against  Lochiell,  now  in  his  absence,  that  you  continue  the  action  until  you 
know  his  Majesty's  further  pleasure,  which  will  be  signified  to  you  by  my  return. 
This  being  all  at  present.— I  am,  my  Lords,  &c., 

(Signed)        "GLENCAIRNE." 

The  Lords  of  Session  at  once  intimated  the  receipt  of 
this  letter  to  the  Parliament  and  Privy  Council,  with  the  result 
that  nothing  was  done  until  July  1662,  when  Mackintosh  ob- 
tained a  Decree  of  Removal  against  Lochiel  and  his  clan  from 
the  lands  in  question,  based  on  the  sentence  of  Parliament  of  the 
previous  year.  The  question  was  debated  before  the  Lords  of 
Session  by  the  ablest  men  at  the  bar,  and  reasons  given  on  both 
sides,  for  which  much  could  be  said  ;  but  legally,  Lochiel  had  the 
worst  of  it,  and  decree  went  against  him.  He  had,  however, 
great  influence  at  Court,  and  he  determined  to  use  it  in  this 
emergency.  He  at  once  petitioned  the  King,  who  gave  him  a 
private  audience,  and  listened  patiently  to  all  he  had  to  say. 
Lochiel  urged  upon  his  Majesty  to  interpose  his  authority,  and 
compel  Mackintosh  to  accept  a  sum  of  money  in  lieu  of  his 
claim  for  restitution  of  the  lands  ;  pointing  out  that,  as  the 
Camerons  were,  and  had  been,  in  possession  for  centuries, 
they  would  never  give  up  the  lands  and  their  dwellings  without 
great  bloodshed.  He  foresaw  the  consequences  of  attempting  to 
remove  them  by  force,  and  he  had  good  reasons  to  conclude  that 
this  would  be  the  last  occasion  on  which  he  himself  would  have 
the  honour  of  seeing  his  King.  "  He  had,"  he  said,  "  been  a 
great  part  of  his  youth  a  fugitive  and  outlaw  for  his  attempting 
to  serve  his  Majesty  ;  but  that  gave  him  no  great  pain,  because 


he  suffered  in  a  glorious  cause,  and  only  shared  in  the  common 
calamities  of  his  country,  but  henceforth  he  must  resolve  to  live 
among  hills  and  deserts,  a  fugitive  and  vagabond,  merely 
because  he  was  the  Chief  of  a  clan  for  whom,  though  he  was 
bound  by  the  law,  he  was  sure  he  could  not  answer  when  they 
came  to  be  dispossessed  by  the  ancient  enemy  of  his  family." 
To  this  his  Majesty  replied — "  Lochiel,  I  know  that  you 
were  a  faithful  servant  to  the  Crown,  and  that  you  have  often, 
with  great  bravery,  hazarded  your  life  and  fortune  in  that 
cause ;  fear  not  that  you  shall  be  long  an  outlaw,  whatever  shall 
happen  in  that  quarrel,  while  I  have  the  power  of  granting  a  re- 
mission ;  but  as  to  the  affairs  of  law  and  private  right,  I  will  not 
meddle  with  it,  but  shall  write  to  my  Council  to  endeavour  to 
compromise  matters,  so  as  to  prevent  public  disturbance.  In 
the  meantime,  I  think  it  your  interest  to  hinder  Mackintosh's 
attaining  to  possession  ;  and  I  assure  you  that  neither  life  nor 
estate  shall  be  in  danger  while  I  can  save  them."  Lochiel  felt 
naturally  much  encouraged  by  the  reception  he  had  received, 
and  by  the  encouragement  given  him  by  the  King.  He  informed 
the  Duke  of  Albemarle  of  what  had  passed  between  them,  and 
urged  upon  him  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  keep  Mackintosh  from 
getting  into  favour  at  Court.  His  Grace  promised  every  assist- 
ance. The  Duke  of  York,  to  whom  Lochiel  was  previously 
known,  used  his  influence  with  the  King  in  his  behalf.  His 
Royal  Highness  had  also  recommended  him  to  the  Earl  of 
Clarendon,  then  Prime  Minister,  and  to  several  others  of  the 
leading  men  at  Court,  but  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale  still  continued 
his  implacable  enemy,  and  went  the  length  of  opposing  the  King 
writing  to  his  Commissioners  in  Scotland  in  Lochiel's  favour,  as 
long  as  he  could;  but  his  Majesty  having  determined  that  his 
wishes  in  this  should  be  at  once  carried  out,  the  following  letter 
was  addressed  "  To  our  Right  Trusty  and  Right  Well-beloved 
Cousin  and  Counsellor,  the  Earl  of  Middleton,  our  Commissioner 
to  our  Parliament  in  Scotland": — 

"Right  Trusty  and  Well-beloved  Cousine  and  Counsellour,  wee 
greit  yow  well. — We  haveing  formerly  written  to  our  Privy  Councill  about  the  differ- 
ence likely  to  arise  betwixt  the  Lairds  of  Macintoish  and  Locheill,  we  are  still  of  the 
same  opinion  that  though  we  will  not  meddle  in  the  point  of  law  or  right,  which  (we 
are  informed)  is  already  determined,  yet  we  have  thought  fitt  to  recommend  to  your 


care,  to  endeavour  so  to  settle  and  agree  them  as  the  peace  of  those  parts  be  not  dis- 
turbed. Given  att  Hampton  Court,  the  3Oth  May  1662,  and  of  our  reign  the  I4th 

"  By  his  Majesty's  command.  (Signed)        "  LAUDERDAILL." 

Lochiel  returned  from  London,  and  arrived  in  Edinburgh 
about  the  same  time  as  this  letter,  when  he  found  that  a  warrant 
for  his  seizure  and  imprisonment  had  been  obtained  by  Mackin- 
tosh during  his  absence.  He  at  once  petitioned  the  Privy 
Council  for  protection.  His  request  was  granted,  but  it  was 
only  available  to  the  24th  of  June  immediately  following.  Dur- 
ing this  interval  he  married  his  second  wife,  a  daughter  of  Sir 
Lachlan  Maclean  of  Duart  ;  and  having  done  all  he  could  to  secure 
the  active  interest  of  his  friends  in  Parliament  and  in  the  Privy 
Council,  he  left  Edinburgh  before  his  order  of  protection  had 
expired,  and  in  due  time  arrived  with  his  young  lady  safely  in 
Lochaber,  to  the  great  joy  and  gratification  of  his  devoted  clans- 

Through  Lauderdale's  influence  in  the  Privy  Council,  the 
King's  letter  was  not  read  until  the  4th  of  September  following, 
and  in  the  interval  Mackintosh  petitioned  for  a  Commission  of 
Fire  and  Sword  against  Lochiel  and  his  friends.  Through  the 
influence  of  the  Commissioner  and  Chancellor,  Mackintosh,  on 
this  occasion,  failed  in  his  object;  but  in  1663  he  was  more  suc- 
cessful, and  obtained  a  warrant  charging  Lochiel  to  appear  before 
the  Council  within  fifteen  days,  upon  certification  that,  if  he  did 
not,  their  Lordships  would  issue  a  Commission  of  Fire  and  Sword 
against  him.  He  received  information  of  what  had  occurred 
through  his  friend  the  Chancellor,  but  resolved  not  to  appear, 
and  the  commission  against  him  was  issued.  Among  those 
named  and  authorised  to  execute  it  were  the  Marquis  of  Mon- 
trose,  the  Earls  of  Caithness,  Murray,  Athole,  Errol,  Marshall, 
Mar,  Dundee,  Airlie,  Aboyne,  and  several  others  of  the  leading 
men  in  the  Lowlands  as  well  as  in  the  Highlands.  Letters  of 
Concurrence  and  Intercommuning,  or  Outlawry  were  issued 
against  Lochiel,  and  the  whole  Clan  Cameron  ;  while  all  the  men 
between  sixteen  and  sixty  years  of  age  in  the  Counties  of  In- 
verness, Ross,  Nairn,  and  Perth,  were  ordered  to  convene  in 
arms,  and  put  the  law  in  execution  against  "these  rebels  and 
outlaws,"  whenever  Mackintosh  should  consider  it  fit  to  call 


them  together  for  that  purpose.  On  his  return  to  Dunachton, 
Mackintosh  wrote  to  each  of  those  named  in  the  Commission,  and 
afterwards  visited  them  in  person,  urging  upon  them  the  neces- 
sity of  preparing  to  carry  out  the  Council's  commands,  but  not 
one  of  them  would  move.  On  the  contrary,  they  strongly  opposed 
the  action  which  he  proposed,  and  urged  upon  him  to  accept  the 
money  payment  which  Lochiel  was  willing  to  give  in  satisfaction 
of  his  claim.  Mackintosh  then  resolved  to  punish  the  Came- 
rons  by  his  own  clan,  with  any  of  the  neighbours  which  he  could 
induce  to  join  him.  In  this  he  was  also  unsuccessful,  and  Lochiel, 
in  the  meantime,  to  show  his  determination  and  ability  to  fight, 
sent  several  parties  to  the  enemy's  country,  with  instructions  to 
carry  away  the  cattle  of  such  of  the  Mackintoshes  as  were  still 
willing  to  follow  their  Chief  on  the  proposed  expedition  to  Loch- 
aber.  Mackintosh  showed  fight,  and  at  once  sent  a  party  of  his 
men  on  a  similar  expedition  to  Lochaber.  Ultimately  he 
arranged  with  his  followers  by  granting  them  several  demands 
which  he  had  previously  refused  them,  and  so  induced  them 
to  agree  to  follow  him — going  the  length,  in  the  case  of  the 
Macphersons,  of  granting  "  a  renunciation  of  any  title  or  pretence 
he  had  to  the  Chiefship,  and  a  premium  of  £100  sterling"  for  their 
services  on  this  occasion. 

Lochiel  was  able  to  keep  himself  fully  informed  of  his 
enemy's  proceedings,  and  being  so  far  in  favour  with  the  princi- 
pal Lords  of  Parliament  and  of  the  Privy  Council,  he  succeeded 
in  procuring  an  order,  signed  by  the  Duke  of  Rothes,  then — 
January  1665 — the  King's  Commissioner  to  Parliament,command- 
ing  Mackintosh  to  appear  in  Edinburgh  within  a  certain  number 
of  days,  and  directing  him  not  to  put  his  Commission  of  Fire 
and  Sword  in  force  until  the  pleasure  of  the  Privy  Council  was 
made  further  known  to  him.  Mackintosh  reluctantly  obeyed, 
but  complained  bitterly  of  the  action  taken  against  him.  To  this 
he  received  no  reply  but  a  peremptory  command  to  remain  in 
the  city  until  Lochiel,  who  had  also  been  sent  for,  should  arrive. 
On  the  appointed  day  a  meeting  of  the  Privy  Council  was  held, 
at  which  the  Commissioner,  Chancellor,  all  the  principal  Officers 
of  State,  and  others  in  authority,  were  present.  Both  Lochiel 
and  Mackintosh  put  in  an  appearance,  and  the  King's  letter 
was  read  in  their  hearing.  The  Chancellor  stated  that  his 


Majesty's  zeal  for  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  his  people,  and 
the  particular  commands  which  he  had  in  consequence  laid  upon 
his  Parliament  and  Council  to  endeavour  to  bring  about  a  recon- 
ciliation between  the  parties  by  way  of  compromise,  could  not 
but  have  its  due  influence,  and  dispose  them  "  to  agree  to  such 
measures  as  should  be  agreeable  to  justice  and  the  wisdom 
of  his  Majesty's  Council."  In  answer  to  the  questions  put  to 
them,  both  answered  that  they  were  willing  to  submit  the  dispute 
between  them  to  the  arbitration  of  the  Privy  Council.  A  few 
days  later  they  were  again  called  before  the  Council,  when  it 
was  intimated  to  them  that  the  Council  had  satisfied  themselves 
as  to  the  value  of  the  lands  in  question,  and  the  nature  of  all  the 
questions  in  dispute.  After  a  long  argument  the  Chancellor  re- 
commended that  they  should,  by  the  aid  of  friends,  agree  upon  a 
price  to  be  paid  by  Lochiel,  stating  at  the  same  time  that, 
failing  this,  the  Council  would  proceed  to  settle  the  question. 
Lochiel  and  Mackintosh,  with  the  aid  of  powerful  friends  and 
lawyers  on  either  side,  tried  to  come  to  an  agreement,  but  they 
still  differed  so  much  that  there  was  not  the  least  probability  of 
any  terms  being  agreed  upon.  Within  eight  days  they  were 
again  called  before  the  Council,  when  it  was  declared,  through 
the  Chancellor,  as  their  unanimous  decision,  that  a  sum  of 
72,000  merks  paid  by  Lochiel  to  Mackintosh  would  be  a  just 
amount  between  the  demands  of  the  one  and  the  offers 
of  the  other,  and  the  Council  decreed  accordingly.  Mack- 
intosh would  scarcely  listen  to  this  proposal,  and  he  resolved 
to  remove  privately  out  of  the  city,  without  coming  to  any 
arrangement.  His  intentions  were,  however,  discovered,  and  just 
as  he  was  leaving  he  was  arrested  by  order  of  the  Council,  and 
detained  captive  until  he  found  security  that  he  and  his  clan 
and  followers  should  keep  the  peace.  He  finally  offered  volun- 
tarily to  delay  the  execution  of  his  Commission  against  Lochiel 
for  a  year  longer,  on  condition  that  the  Council  would  agree  to 
dispense  with  his  finding  caution  for  any  but  his  own  tenants. 
Lochiel  and  the  Council  agreed,  and  Mackintosh  was  allowed  to 
return  home.  He,  however,  no  sooner  reached  his  destination 
than  he  called  all  the  leaders  of  his  clan  to  an  entertainment, 
with  their  friends  and  followers,  at  his  own  house,  and  by  granting 
such  demands  as  they  had  been  for  some  time  making  upon  him, 


induced  them  to  subscribe  a  bond,  obliging  them  to  follow  him 
in  an  expedition  to  Lochaber  whenever  he  might  call  upon  them 
to  do  so. 

Lochiel,  who  was  kept  fully  informed  of  what  Mackintosh 
was  doing,  wrote  to  his  friend,  the  Earl  of  Moray,  then  Sheriff  of 
Inverness-shire,  asking  his  lordship  to  hold  his  usual  Circuit 
Courts  in  Badenoch,  Strathspey,  and  neighbouring  districts — 
where  the  Macphersons,  and  others,  who  usually  followed  Mack- 
intosh, resided — and  as  his  vassals  were  bound  to  attend  the  Earl 
on  such  occasions,  they  would  not  be  able  to  follow  Mackintosh. 
This  plan  was  at  once  adopted  by  Moray,  after  which  he  marched 
to  Inverness,  to  settle  some  disputes  there  between  the  Town 
and  the  Macdonalds. 

At  this  time  attempts  were  made  among  certain  of  his  own 
friends  to  dissuade  Mackintosh  from  proceeding  to  extremities, 
but  he  would  listen  to  nothing  but  the  carrying  out  of  his  own 
views  ;  and  he  finally  marched,  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  1 500 
men  to  Lochaber,  reaching  the  plain  of  Clunes,  on  the  west  side 
of  the  River  Arkaig,  where  he  encamped. 

In  connection  with  this  expedition,  we  are  informed  that, 
"  Lochiel,  having  heard  that  Mackintosh  was  on  his  march,  thought 
it  full  time  to  provide  for  his  defence,  and  in  a  few  days  he  got  to- 
gether his  whole  clan  ;  who,  having  been  prepared  beforehand,  and 
willing  for  the  service,  were  sooner  with  him  than  he  expected. 
He  was  likewise  joined  by  a  small  party  of  the  Maclans  of 
Glencoe,  and  another  of  the  Macgregors,  who  offered  their 
services  as  volunteers  ;  and  found,  upon  the  muster,  that  he  had 
got  900  armed  with  guns,  broadswords,  and  targes,  and  300  more 
who  had  bows  in  place  of  guns  ;  and  it  is  remarkable  that  these 
were  the  last  considerable  company  of  bowmen  that  appeared  in 
the  Highlands.  With  these  he  marched  straight  to  Achnacarry, 
and  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the  River  Arkaig,"  immediately 
opposite  the  Mackintoshes,  thus  securing  the  only  ford  on  the  river. 
Here  they  remained  facing  each  other  for  two  days,  after  which 
Mackintosh  moved  his  men  two  miles  further  west  along  the  side 
of  Loch- Arkaig.  Lochiel,  after  throwing  up  an  embankment  at  the 
ford,  left  it  in  charge  of  fifty  doughty  fellows,  moved  his  main 
body  westward,  and  took  up  his  position  opposite  the  Mackin- 
toshes. Here  he  called  a  Council  of  War,  and  informed  his 


friends  of  his  determination  to  settle  the  long-standing  feud  now, 
once  and  for  all,  by  the  sword.  He  expressed  his  full  confidence 
in  his  men,  and  told  them  that  as  he  had  the  King's  promise  of  a 
remission,  he  had  no  apprehensions  as  to  the  result;  concluding 
by  telling  them  "  that  if  any  of  them  wanted  inclination  to  engage, 
and  had  not  put  on  a  fixed  resolution  to  die  or  conquer,  he  begged 
of  them  to  retire,  and  he  would  afford  them  such  opportunities 
as  would  save  their  honour."  Such  a  cowardly  action  was 
spurned  by  every  one  present,  and  Lochiel  determined  to  exe- 
cute his  plans  that  very  night.  In  the  meantime,  John  Camp- 
bell, younger  of  Glenurchy,  afterwards  First  Earl  of  Breadalbane, 
who  had  been  sent  by  the  Earl  of  Argyll,  arrived,  and  presented 
himself  to  Mackintosh  with  proposals  of  peace.  A  prelim- 
inary conference  was  arranged.  The  first  day's  deliberations 
produced  no  result.  At  a  second  meeting  certain  proposals 
were  made  to  which  the  friends  of  both  parties  agreed,  but 
Mackintosh  rejected  them,  declaring  that  he  would  rather  hazard 
his  whole  fortune  than  consent  to  such  terms.  His  leading 
followers  rebelled,  refused  to  fight  under  existing  conditions, 
but  Mackintosh  continued  unbending.  Next  morning,  however, 
his  friends  found  him  more  willing  to  listen  to  reason.  They 
offered  to  make  up  the  difference  in  .money  themselves,  and 
finally  succeeded  in  inducing  him  to  consent  to  the  absolute 
sale  of  the  lands  to  Lochiel  on  the  terms  previously  offered,  and 
now  repeated  by  him,  namely,  72,500,  or  just  500  merks  more 
than  the  sum  named  as  a  fair  compromise  by  the  Privy 
Council  a  few  years  before.  Mr  Mackintosh  -  Shaw  de- 
scribes the  final  settlement  in  the  following  terms,  which  are 
quite  consistent  with  the  more  detailed  account  given  in 
"  Lochiel's  Memoirs  "  : — While  Mackintosh  was  undergoing  the 
persuasive  attempts  of  his  friends,  young  Glenurchy  had  arrived 
at  the  Clan  Chattan  camp,  and  had  shown  additional  reasons 
why  those  attempts  ought  to  succeed  in  a  force  of  300  men  which 
accompanied  him,  and  in  a  written  order  from  the  Earl  of  Argyll 
to  employ  all  the  power  of  the  latter,  if  necessary,  to  bring  the 
dispute  to  an  end.  Campbell's  arrival,  and  Mackintosh's  assent, 
seem  to  have  taken  place  at  an  opportune  moment,  as  Lochiel 
had  concocted  one  of  the  surprises  for  which  he  was  famed,  and 
in  which  he  was  generally  successful.  On  the  preceding  night 


he  had  dispatched  Cameron  of  Erracht,  with  a  body  of  picked 
men  by  boats,  to  the  northern  side  of  Loch-Arkaig,  there  to  re- 
main concealed  until  an  opportunity  should  present  itself  of 
taking  the  enemy  by  surprise.  He  himself  was,  in  the  meantime, 
to  make  his  way  with  the  main  body  by  the  head  of  the 
loch  to  the  same  place,  a  distance  of  some  eighteen  English 
miles.  He  had  not  advanced  far  on  his  march  when  he 
was  met  by  young  Glenurchy,  bringing  back  with  him  Er- 
racht and  his  party.  It  was  only  by  advancing  the  same 
cogent  reasons  which  he  had  already  urged  upon  Mackintosh 
that  Glenurchy  could  prevail  on  Lochiel  to  give  up  his  inten- 
tion of  righting,  and  to  consent  to  the  agreement  into  which 
his  opponent  was  now  willing  to  enter.  On  the  following  day 
(Monday,  i8th  September),  a  formal  contract  was  drawn  up  and 
signed,  on  the  one  hand  binding  Mackintosh  to  sell  Glenlui 
and  Locharkig  to  Lochiel,  or  any  person  he  might  nominate, 
and  on  the  other  binding  Lochiel  and  six  others  to  pay  to  Mack- 
intosh 12,500  merks  of  the  price  in  the  town  of  Perth  on  the 
1 2th  of  January  1666,  and  at  the  same  time  to  give  sufficient 
security  for  the  payment  of  the  remainder  of  the  price  at  the 
Martinmas  terms  of  1666  and  1667.  On  the  2oth,  Lochiel 
crossed  the  Arkaig,  and  met  his  late  enemy  at  the  house  of 
Clunes.  Both  were  attended  by  their  principal  friends  and 
clansmen.  They  "  saluted  each  other,"  says  the  Kinrara  MS., 
"  drank  together  in  token  of  perfect  reconciliation,  and  exchanged 
swords,  rejoicing  at  the  extinction  of  the  ancient  feud."  The  feud 
had  raged  for  three  centuries  and  a-half,  during  which  time,  says 
tradition,  with  its  usual  looseness  of  expression,  a  Mackintosh  and 
a  Cameron  had  never  even  spoken  together.* 

The  author  of  the  Memoirs  informs  us  that  "  Lochiel, 
though  much  fretted  at  the  disconcerting  of  his  measures,  was 
still  resolved  to  fight  the  enemy  the  very  next  day  [after  his 
arrival],  and  to  continue  his  march,  but  Breadalbane  [Glenurchy] 
told  him  roundly  that  he  was  equally  allied  to  them  both  ;  that 
he  came  there  to  act  the  part  of  a  mediator  ;  and  whoever  of 
them  proved  refractory,  he  would  not  only  join  with  the  other 
against  him,  but  also  would  bring  all  the  power  that  Argyll  was 
master  of,  with  his  own,  into  the  quarrel  ;  and  he  thereupon 
*  "  History  of  the  Mackintoshes  and  Clan  Chattan,"  pp.  381-382. 


showed  a  communication  he  had  from  the  Earl  of  Argyll  to  that 
purpose.  Lochiel  found  himself  under  the  necessity  of  consent- 
ing ;  and  his  firm  resolution  of  fighting  had  this  good  effect  that 
it  hastened  on  the  agreement,  and  in  a  manner  compelled  Mack- 
intosh, who  was  pushed  on  by  his  people,  to  consent  to  these 
very  proposals  that  had  been  formerly  made  by  the  Privy  Council 
and  afterwards  by  the  Earl  of  Murray,"  on  Lochiel's  behalf. 
This  agreement  was  concluded  on  the  2Oth  of  September 
1665,  about  360  years  after  the  commencement  of  the  quarrel, 
which  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  longest  duration  mentioned 
in  history,  and,  considering  the  strength  of  the  parties,  as 
bloody  as  any  that  we  have  any  record  of.  Though  Mack- 
intosh gained  nothing,  Lochiel  lost  largely  by  it  in  men 
and  property,  and  the  final  settlement  was  considered  as 
favourable  by  the  Camerons  and  their  friends  as  they  could 
possibly  expect  in  the  circumstances,  though  during  the  long 
period  of  the  dispute  they,  in  defence  of  their  claim  and 
position,  "gave  away  or  abandoned  their  original  inheritance, 
which  was  four  times  above  this  in  value,  as  their  original  char- 
ters from  the  Lords  of  the  Isles,  all  confirmed  by  King  James 
IV.,  with  the  charters  granted  by  succeeding  Princes,  erecting  the 
whole  into  a  free  Barony,  with  many  powers  and  privileges,  testify 
to  this  day ;  and  all  this,  besides  the  loss  of  the  pension  of  three 
hundred  pounds  sterling  per  annum,"  already  mentioned,  and  of 
Suinart  and  Ardnamurchan,  which  now  belonged  to  the  Earl  of 
Argyll,  with  the  rest  of  his  father's  forfeiture,  by  a  grant  from  the 

(To  be  continued.) 

TO  THE  CLAN  CAMERON.—  The  Editor  of  the  Celtic  Magazine  will  esteem 
it  a  favour  if  members  of  the  Clan  Cameron  will  communicate  with  him,  on  an  early 
day,  with  the  view  of  completing  full  and  correct  genealogies  of  the  respective  branch 
families  of  the  name,  for  his  forthcoming  "History  of  the  Camerons."  It  is  im- 
possible for  him  to  include  the  living  and  later  members  of  the  various  branches  in 
the  work  unless  he  is  supplied,  at  least,  with  particulars  as  to  the  present  generation. 
This  has  been  already  done  in  several  cases.  The  complete  work  will  contain,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  General  History  of  the  Clan,  Biographies  of  General  Sir  Allan  Cameron 
of  Erracht ;  Colonel  John  Cameron  of  Fassiefern ;  Dr  Archibald  Cameron ;  and 
other  distinguished  gentlemen  of  the  Clan,  and  will  be  published  by  subscription, 
during  the  year,  in  a  handsome  volume  of  about  five  hundred  pages,  uniform  with  the 
author's  "  History  of  the  Mackenzies,"  and  his  "  History  of  the  Macdonalds  and 
Lords  of  the  Isles.  The  Camerons  of  Glennevis,  Erracht,  Callart,  Strone,  Fassiefern, 
Clunes,  and  others,  will  be  noticed  at  length  under  separate  headings,  while  a  gene- 
alogy of  the  Lochiel  family  will  be  brought  down  to  date,  in  connection  with  the 
general  history  of  the  family. 




THE  law  of  succession  is  of  course  a  powerful  factor  in  regulating 
the  development  of  any  society.  In  the  cases  of  the  Mensal 
land  of  the  chiefs  there  were  instances  of  undivided  succession  ; 
in  the  case  of  the  Church  lands  there  were  instances  of  corporate 
and  continuous  possession.  In  the  case  of  the  families  of  the 
Flaths  or  chiefs  there  is  described  a  very  artificial  and  compli- 
cated system  of  a  family  of  seventeen  persons,  consisting  of  three 
groups  of  four  and  one  of  five,  and  representing  the  relations 
of  the  chiefs  in  four  different  degrees,  he  himself  being  the  fifth 
member  of  one  group.  These  had  certain  complicated  rights 
of  succession  among  the  groups  on  the  extinction  of  any  of 
them,  which  it  is  very  difficult  to  understand,  and  which  could 
hardly  have  been  long  in  practical  operation.  Apart  from  this,  the 
rule  seems  to  have  been  that  of  gavel-kind,  as  it  is  called  in  Eng- 
land ;  that  is  equal  distribution  among  children,  and  under  this 
custom  in  Ireland,  daughters  might  succeed  if  there  were  no  sons; 
and  there  was  a  certain  power  of  bequest. 

If  I  am  at  all  correct  in  the  picture  which  I  have  here  given, 
it  is  clear  that  there  was  a  state  of  society  in  which  the  idea  of 
individual  property  in  land,  or  of  the  exclusive  right  to  the 
possession  and  enjoyment  of  land,  had  gone  a  considerable  way, 
and  if  further  evidence  of  this  were  wanting,  numerous  instances 
could  be  given  of  regulations  for  the  letting  of  land  on  hire.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  are  many  provisions  showing  that  the  power 
of  dealing  with  land  was  limited  by  the  rights  of  the  tribe  and  of 
the  family,  and  although  in  the  Book  of  Armagh,  whose  date  is 
about  the  year  800,  there  is  a  case  of  a  sale  of  land  recorded  in 
the  following  terms  : — "  Cummin  and  Brethan  purchased  Ochter- 
n-Achid  with  its  appurtenances,  both  wood  and  field,  and  plain 
and  meadow,  together  with  its  habitation  and  its  garden  " — this 
seems  to  be  a  solitary  instance  of  a  direct  sale,  while  it  seems  to 
be  an  excellent  description  of  the  early  settlement.  While  thus 


we  have  individual  rights  limited  by  tribal  and  family  rights,  it 
must  always  be  kept  in  mind  that  there  existed  the  undoubted 
right  of  the  free  tribesman  to  a  share  of  the  common  tribe  land 
and  grazing  on  the  tribe  waste  or  common. 

In  the  case  of  Ireland,  outside  the  pale,  as  I  have  said,  the 
Brehon  Law  continued  in  force  until  the  time  of  James  the  First, 
when,  by  a  decision  of  the  Court,  it  was  abolished,  and  the  law 
of  England  imposed  on  the  country,  and,  as  a  consequence,  all 
rights  subordinate  to  those  of  chiefs  ignored.  The  state  of 
matters  which  then  existed  on  land  which  had  not  previously 
been  forfeited  and  granted  to  Englishmen  is  thus  described  by 
Sir  John  Davis,  Attorney-General  for  Ireland,  in  1606.  In 
speaking  of  M'Guire's  country,  he  says  : — "Touching  the  free  land, 
we  found  them  to  be  of  three  kinds  :  (i)  Church  lands,  or  termon 
lands  as  the  Irish  call  it ;  (2)  the  Mensal  lands  of  M'Guire  ;  and 
(3)  land  given  to  certain  septs  privileged  among  the  Irish,  viz., 
the  lands  of  the  chroniclers,  rimers,  and  gallowglasses  " — the  last 
representing,  as  I  take  it,  the  free  tribesmen. 

There  is  no  existing  evidence  that  any  such  code  of  laws  as 
the  Brehon  Laws  was  ever  committed  to  writing  in  Scotland, 
but  there  is,  I  think,  ample  evidence  that  the  picture  I  have 
attempted  to  draw  was  as  applicable  to  Celtic  Scotland  previous 
to  the  time  of  Malcolm  Canmore  as  it  was  to  Ireland.  In  the 
Book  of  Deer  we  have  mention  of  gifts  by  Toseichs,  Mormaers, 
and  chiefs  of  clans  ;  and  we  have  grants  by  these  showing  that 
they  had  each  certain  rights  in  the  land,  or  rights  to  certain 
duties  and  tributes  out  of  it.  Thus,  grants  are  given  free  of 
Mormaer  and  Toseich,  that  is  free  of  the  payments  and  services 
which  these  could  exact.  There  is  mention  also  of  Brehons  or 
Judges,  and  in  old  charters  and  other  records  we  find  numerous 
mention  of  duties  and  services,  exactly  analogous  to  those  of  the 
Brehon  Laws  existing  in  Scotland,  to  comparatively  recent  dates. 
To  adduce  proofs  of  this  would  occupy  much  too  great  a  space 
for  our  present  purpose,  but  those  who  are  interested  in  the 
subject  will  find  it  fully  discussed  in  the  third  volume  of  Skene's 
"  History  of  Celtic  Scotland,"  and  in  his  appendix  to  the  second 
volume  of  "  Fordun's  Chronicle,"  recently  published. 

The  ancient  law  of  Scotland  was  not,  as  in  Ireland,  all  at 
once  abolished  by  statute  or  by  decision  of  a  court  or  of  a  king; 


but  from  the  time  of  Malcolm  MacKenneth  it  was  subjected  to 
contact  with,  and  the  influence  from,  other  systems,  which  gradu- 
ally obliterated  all  its  distinctive  features.  This  began  with  the 
acquisition  of  Lothian  in  1018,  and  increased  with  the  accession 
of  Malcolm  Canmore  and  his  marriage  with  the  Saxon  Princess, 
Margaret.  And1  during  his  time,  and  the  times  of  his  immediate 
successors,  Saxon  language  and  Saxon  law  and  customs  spread 
over  the  country  outside  the  Highland  line.  With  the  Norman 
conquest  of  England,  Norman  and  Feudal  ideas  began  to  pene- 
trate into  Scotland,  till  in  the  time  of  David  I.  the  country 
became  a  Feudal  Monarchy  ;  and  it  was  assumed,  although  never 
formally  enacted,  that  all  the  land  in  the  country  belonged  to  the 
King,  and  that  there  could  be  no  legal  title  to  land  except  a  grant 
from  the  King,  or  from  some  person  holding  a  grant  from  him. 
Under  these  influences,  the  Mormaers  became  earls,  and  ultimately 
the  earldoms  all  became  feudalised,  although  there  long — down,  at 
least,  to  the  time  of  the  War  of  Independence — remained  a  distinc- 
tion between  the  ancient  earldoms  of  Scotland  and  the  newerfeudal 
earldoms  created  by  the  kings.  The  Toseichs  became  Thanes, 
and  a  number  of  Thanages  existed  for  a  very  considerable  time 
principally  on  the  borders  of  the  Highlands,  and  never  penetrat- 
ing far  within  the  Highland  line,  but  these  gradually  were  lost 
or  were  converted  into  Feudal  Baronies — the  only  one  where 
the  name  is  retained,  so  far  as  I  know,  being  Cawdor — the  lands 
possessed  by  Lord  Cawdor  being  still  designated  in  his  charters 
as  the  barony,  or,  perhaps  now,  the  earldom  and  thanage  of 

From  the  time  of  David  First  it  may  be  said  that  the  Feudal 
Law  was  the  law  acknowledged  by  the  supreme  power,  and  in 
the  parts  of  the  country  where  the  Saxon  language  prevailed,  it 
was  the  law  in  practice  as  well  as  in  theory,  although  vestiges  of 
the  old  Celtic  usages  lingered  long,  especially  on  the  lands  held 
by  the  Church,  and  on  the  lands  which  remained  in  the  hands  of 
the  Crown. 

In  the  district  of  the  country  where  the  Gaelic  language  pre- 
vailed, however,  older  ideas  remained,  and  had  vital  force  until 
the  power  of  the  central  government  became  supreme  after  the 
last  rebellion,  and  feudal  ideas  made  their  way  very  slowly, 
although  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  were  gradually  penetrating. 


The  vigour  with  which  the  tie  of  kindred  remained  in  force  is  in- 
stanced by  the  Clan  system  itself,  and  by  the  superiority  which 
the  tie  of  clanship  bore  to  any  tie  arising  from  mere  relationship 
arising  out  of  the  land.  Of  this  there  are  instances  without 
number :  Landed  gentlemen  who  held  their  land  on  the  same 
tenure  as  the  chiefs  themselves — that  is,  from  the  Crown  or  from 
some  intermediate  superior — followed  the  chief  rather  than  the 
feudal  superior.  Tenants  who  held  their  lands  from  alien  land- 
lords followed  the  chief  to  whom  by  blood  they  owed  allegiance. 
Of  this,  too,  there  are  numerous  and  well-known  instances.  That 
there  remained  an  idea  of  a  right  to  land  better  and  older  than 
any  feudal  title,  is  likewise  proved  by  many  well-known  instances. 
Dunmaglass  was  purchased  by  the  family  of  Cawdor  from 
William  Menzies  in  1419,  but  the  Macgillivrays  possessed  it 
then,  and  had  possessed  it  from  time  immemorial,  and  continued 
to  possess  it  until  after  1621,  when  they  acquired  first  a  wadset, 
and  afterwards  a  feudal  right.  Before  they  acquired  a  written 
title  they  held  by  "  Duchus  "  or  native  right,  but  they  were  in  law 
only  tenants  of  the  Thane  of  Cawdor.  But  while  he  held  by 
"  Duchus,"  and  when  he  was  a  feudal  vassal  of  the  Thane,  the  head 
of  the  house  of  Macgillivray  was  an  important  member  of  the  Clan 
Chattan,  and  commanded  the  clan  at  Culloden,  although  his 
feudal  superior  was  a  Whig.  Lochiel  held  Glenlui  and  Loch- 
Arkaig  for  360  years  in  spite  of  written  charters  in  favour  of 
Mackintosh  of  Mackintosh,  and  only  acquired  a  written  title  in 
1666,  and  by  a  transaction  which  was  carried  through  in  front  of 
two  hostile  armies  which  were  met  to  contest  the  right.  The 
Macdonalds  of  Keppoch  fought  the  last  clan  battle  in  the  year 
of  the  great  Revolution  in  defence  of  their  native  right  to  the 
ancient  habitation  of  the  tribe,  as  against  the  paper  right  of  the 
Mackintosh  ;  and  in  1745,  when  the  head  of  the  sept  was  in  law 
only  a  tenant  of  Mackintosh,  he  led  his  tribe  to  Culloden  in  the 
following  of  his  natural  chief,  Glengarry.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  legal  possession  of  land  tended 
more  and  more  to  become  a  powerful  factor  in  the  development 
which  was  going  on.  The  Erasers  of  Lovat  were  a  Norman 
family  who  came  to  this  country  and  acquired  land  in  quite 
historic  times,  and  yet  they  very  shortly  became  the  heads  of 
a  powerful  and  united  clan.  Whether  the  founder  of  the 


Chiefship  of  the  Mackenzies  was  a  Fitzgerald  or  native  High- 
lander, he  also,  in  comparatively  recent  times,  rose  to  power, 
and  became  the  head  of  a,  so  to  speak,  homogeneous  clan.  It  is 
evident,  however,  that  all  the  Frasers,  or  all  the  Mackenzies,  could 
not  be  blood  relations  of  the  chief,  and  that  the  tie  of  clanship 
arose,  to  some  extent  at  all  events,  out  of  the  possession  of  land  ; 
but  the  readiness  with  which  the  belief  in  community  of  race  was 
accepted  is,  perhaps,  as  strong  a  proof  as  any  of  the  strength  of 
the  tribal  idea.  The  people  could  not  think  of  the  tie  between 
Chief  and  clan  as  arising  out  of  anything  but  common  origin,  and 
when  such  common  origin  did  not  exist,  the  fiction  that  it  did 
was  accepted  as  a  belief. 

While,  therefore,  the  ancient  ideas  continued  to  have  force  in 
the  Highlands,  they  worked,  so  to  speak,  under  the  ever-deepen- 
ing shadow  of  the  feudal  system,  and  what  resulted  after  the 
break  up  of  the  great  tribal  organisations  represented  by  the 
Mormaerships,  and  afterwards  by  the  Celtic  earldoms,  and  later, 
as  it  appears  to  me,  by  the  descendants  of  Somerled,  who,  for 
several  centuries  exercised  so  singular  a  power  in  the  Western 
and  Central  Highlands — a  power  which,  as  I  think,  can  only  be 
accounted  for  on  the  supposition  that  they  were  believed  to  be 
the  representatives  of  the  ancient  order  of  things — was  the  clan 
system.  The  value  of  feudal  titles  was  very  early  seen,  and 
when  we  come  to  have  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  country  in 
later  times,  we  find  that  it  was  all,  like  the  rest  of  Scotland, 
held  under  feudal  tenure,  although,  as  I  have  said,  the  feudal 
right  of  the  stranger  was  often  disputed  by  the  ancient  possessor. 
But  while  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that  feudal  rights  became 
general,  it  is  always  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  fact  that  the 
Chiefs  or  landowners  had  obtained  feudal  titles  to  their  land  did 
not  in  any  way  affect  the  position,  or,  according  to  their  view,  the 
rights  of  those  who  occupied  under  them;  that  it  was  only  after  a 
time,  and  then  by  slow  degrees,  that  the  feudal  titles  would  be 
put  forward  as  the  foundation  of  rights  which  the  ancient  customs 
did  not  warrant,  and  especially  that  it  was  only  with  the  increase 
of  the  power  of  the  central  authority  to  enforce  its  law  that  the 
worth  of  a  clansman,  as  such,  came  into  competition  with  his 
worth  as  a  tenant  or  contributor  of  rent  to  the  Chief. 

The  Clan  system,  although  waning,  existed,  as  we  know,  till 



the  great  rebellion  of  1745-6,  and  then  it  succumbed,  notlo  the 
force  of  any  law  directly  abolishing  it,  but  to  an  Act  abolishing 
heritable  jurisdictions  and  certain  incidents  of  feudal  holding,  and 
which,  by  converting  the  Chiefs  into  mere  modern  landlords,  de- 
prived them  to  a  great  degree  of  the  interest  which  they  had 
formerly  had  in  their  clansmen,  and  deprived  the  clansmen  of  all 
value  to  them  except  as  contributors  to  their  revenue. 

We  have  recently  had  it  laid  down  that  the  clan  never  was 
an  institution  recognised  by  the  law,  and  that  there  now  exists  no 
means  of  deciding  in  what  membership  of  a  clan  consisted.  The 
clan,  however,  was  till  recently  a  very  potent  fact.  It  is  beyond 
doubt  that  it  was  a  survival  from  an  earlier  state,  and  it  becomes 
interesting  to  enquire  to  what  extent  we  can  find  in  what  existed 
before  the  final  break  up  of  the  clans  traces  of  the  much  earlier 
social  and  political  condition  represented  in  the  Brehon  Laws. 

What  I  say  on  this  subject  must,  in  the  first  place,  be  very 
short ;  and  in  the  second  place  must  be  more  or  less  speculative, 
for  the  history  of  the  social  condition  and  progress  of  the  High- 
land people  has  yet  to  be  written.  Still,  the  view  I  take  seems 
to  me  to  represent  so  very  much  what  we  might  expect  from 
what  we  know  of  the  causes  at  work,  that  it  presents  itself  to  my 
mind  with  considerable  force. 

In  the  first  place,  then,  it  appears  to  me  that  in  the  Chief  of 
a  clan  we  have  the  representative,  if  npt  always  the  successor,  of 
the  Ri-Tuath  or  Toseich,  the  head  of  a  tribe.  The  Flaths,  or 
subordinate  Chiefs  of  families  and  septs,  are  represented  by  the 
heads  of  the  smaller  septs  in  clans,  such  as  the  Clan  Chattan,  by  the 
smaller  landed  proprietors  owning  a  clan  allegiance  to  a  superior 
chief,  and  by  the  great  gentlemen  tacksmen  holding  large  tracts  of 
land  with  numerous  sub-tenants.  All  these,  I  think,  represent  the 
sept  or  family  within  the  clan  in  different  stages  of  development. 
Those  septs  which  had  been  longest  in  existence,  and  were  the 
more  numerous  and  powerful,  would  naturally  trace  descent  from 
their  immediate  founder,  and  look  on  themselves  as  a  sub-race- 
When  feudal  ideas  began  to  make  way,  the  larger  proprietors,  or 
holders  of  separate  portions  of  land,  would  naturally  seek  to  ob- 
tain feudal  rights  in  their  own  favour  ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  as 
we  have  seen  that  all  Flaths,  or  minor  chiefs,  were  more  or  less 
in  a  sense  ceiles  of  the?  Ri-Tuath  or  Toseich,  inasmuch  as  they 


were  bound  to  submit  to  the  relation  implied  in  taking  stock 
from  him,  it  would  naturally  follow  that  when  the  Toseich  ob- 
tained a  feudal  right  to  the  whole  tribe  land,  the  Flaths  would 
come  to  be  regarded  by  him  as  his  tenants,  and  would  ultimately 
come  to  regard  themselves  as  such.  That  the  giving  of  stock  by 
the  superior  to  the  inferior  survived  in  the  custom  of  Steelbow 
tenancy,  is,  I  think,  beyond  question.  In  the  more  or  less  inferior 
septs  which  we  find  attached  to  some  clans,  and  having  no  Chief  of 
their  own,  we  see,  I  think,  the  descendants  of  Fuidirs,  or  strangers 
and  broken  men  whom  the  Chiefs  had  settled  on  their  land, 
although  instead  of  employing  them  as  cultivators,  the  circum- 
stances of  the  country  rendered  it  more  convenient  for  the  Chiefs 
to  employ  them  as  cattle  lifters.  The  Macphies,  for  instance, 
dwelt  on  Lochiel's  land,  and  owned  him  as  their  Chief,  but  they 
did  not  suppose  themselves  to  be  of  his  blood  or  lineage,  and  if 
tradition  does  not  belie  them,  their  principal  employment  was  to 
be  his  thieves.  In  Donald  Bain  Lean,  in  "  Waverley,"  we  have 
a  modern  instance  of  the  Fuidir  as  employed  in  the  Highlands. 

The  most  interesting  question,  however,  is  that  as  to  where 
we  are  to  look  for  the  representatives  in  modern  times  of  the 
great  body  of  free  tribesmen  too  poor  to  be  privileged  or  to  be 
much  noticed  in  records  or  in  history,  yet  inheriting  the  right  of 
free  tribesmen  to  a  living  on  the  tribe  land.  To  me  it  seems  be- 
yond all  doubt  that  these  are  found  in  the  townships  and  club 
farms  which  were  once  so  numerous  all  over  the  Highlands,  and 
which,  in  a  modified,  and,  it  appears  to  me,  somewhat  degraded 
form,  exist  in  the  crofter  communities  of  to-day.  I  am  aware  it 
has  been  contended,  on  the  evidence  of  old  rentals,  that  this  class 
of  small  tenants  is  a  modern  development,  and  we  are  told  that 
because  they  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  rentals  of  the  larger  pro- 
prietors they  did  not  exist.  But  it  is  to  be  kept  in  mind  that  the 
large  tacksmen  were  to  a  great  extent  middlemen,  and  that  such 
communities  would  in  later  days  hold  under  them,  and  would 
not  appear  in  the  proprietor's  rental.  That  such  communities 
were  numerous  in  all  parts  of  the  Highlands  every  one  who 
travels  over  the  country  may  see.  That  they  might  exist  with- 
out appearing  in  the  proprietor's  rental  one  instance  may  be  suf- 
ficient to  show.  My  friend,  Mr  William  Mackay,  has  kindly 
shown  me  an  extract  which  he  made  from  the  records  of  the 


Baron  Bailie  Court  of  The  Chisholm  in  1657,  where  it  is  set  forth 
that  upwards  of  eighty  persons  were  fined  in  one  day  for  various 
offences.  These  persons  are  all  described  in  groups  as  tenants  in 
such  and  such  a  place,  yet  none  of  them  appear  in  the  rent  roll 
of  the  proprietor.  That  such  communities  are  ancient,  may,  I 
think,  fairly  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  on  the  lands  held  by 
Macdonald  of  Keppoch,  the  last  in  Scotland  which  submitted  to 
the  feudal  laws,  there  are  several  of  them  existing  till  this  day. 
If  any  one  should  contend  that  such  communities  are  a  result  of 
the  modern  relation  of  landlord  and  tenant,  it  is  only  necessary 
for  the  refutation  of  such  a  contention  to  read  the  account  which 
Mr  Carmichael  has  given  of  certain  townships  still  existing  in 
North  Uist,  and  which  is  embodied  in  the  third  volume  of  Skene  : 

"The  townland  of  Hosta  is  occupied  by  four,  Caolas  Paipil  by  six,  and  the 
island  of  Heisgeir  by  twelve  tenants.  Towards  the  end  of  autumn,  when  harvest  is 
over,  and  the  fruits  of  the  year  have  been  gathered  in,  the  constable  (Constabal, 
Foirfeadeach)  calls  a  meeting  of  the  tenants  of  the  townland  for  Nabachd  (preferably 
Nabuidheachd,  neighbourliness).  They  meet,  and  having  decided  upon  the  portion 
of  land  (Leob,  Clar)  to  put  under  green  crop  next  year,  they  divide  it  into  shares 
according  to  the  number  of  tenants  in  the  place,  and  the  number  of  shares  in  the  soil 
they  respectively  possess.  Thereupon  they  cast  lots  (Crannachuradh,  Cur  chrann, 
Tilgeadh  chrann,  Crannadh),  and  the  share  which  falls  to  a  tenant  he  retains  for  three 
years.  A  third  of  the  land  under  cultivation  is  thus  divided  every  year.  Accord- 
ingly, the  whole  cultivated  land  of  the  townland  undergoes  redivision  every  three 
years.  Should  a  man  get  a  bad  share  he  is  allowed  to  choose  his  share  in  the  next 
division.  The  tenants  divide  the  land  into  shares  of  uniform  size.  For  this  purpose 
they  use  a  rod  several  yards  long,  and  they  observe  as  much  accuracy  in  measuring 
their  land  as  a  draper  in  measuring  his  cloth.  In  marking  the  boundary  between 
shares,  a  turf  (Tore)  is  dug  up  and  turned  over  along  the  line  of  demarcation.  The 
'  tore'  is  then  cut  along  the  middle,  and  half  is  taken  by  the  tenant  on  one  side  and 
half  by  the  tenant  on  the  other  side,  in  ploughing  the  subsequent  furrow  ;  similar  care 
being  afterwards  exercised  in  cutting  the  corn  along  the  furrow.  The  tenant's  portion 
of  the  runrig  is  termed  Cianag,  and  his  proportion  of  the  grazing  for  every  pound  he 
pays,  Coir-sgoraidh." 

This,  obviously,  is  a  survival  of  a  very  ancient  community,  and  it 
appears  to  me  that  wherever  there  are  traces  of  land  having  been 
held  in  runrig,  we  have  traces,  of  a  portion  of  the  ancient  free 
tribeland,  with  its  grazing  rights  attached,  common  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  township,  and  perhaps  to  them  in  common 
with  the  inhabitants  of  other  townships,  held  anciently  by  the 
tribesmen  in  right  of  their  membership  of  the  tribe,  and  subject 
only  to  the  dues  and  services  which,  as  tribesmen  and  house- 
holders, they  owed  to  their  tribal  or  family  chief.  And  wherever 


there  is  such  a  holding  the  individual  property  of  any  one,  we 
have  an  instance  of  the  absorption — if  we  may  not  use  a  stronger 
word — of  tribal  rights ;  accomplished,  no  doubt,  through  the  course 
of  centuries,  and  latterly,  at  all  events,  acquiesced  in  by  the  people ; 
for  by  the  time  of  the  breaking  up  of  the  Clan  system  the  pos- 
sessors of  such  holdings  seem  in  common  with  the  larger  holders 
to  have  accepted  the  position  of  tenants,  either  under  lease  or  at 
will.  The  last  relic  of  the  tribal  right  to  land  we  have,  I  think, 
surviving,  is  the  dislike  to  leases  which  the  crofters  of  this  day 
exhibit ;  and  this  dislike  can  only,  I  think,  have  originated  in  the 
idea  that  by  accepting  a  lease  they  relinquish  an  older  and  more 
permanent  right. 


In  a  sheltering  nook,  from  the  tempest  and  rain, 
Stood  the  widow's  lone  cot,  like  a  grotto  so  clean  ; 

There  her  cow  and  her  croft  were  the  last  to  remain 
Of  all  the  rude  grandeur  her  fathers  had  seen ; 

And  the  cliff  of  the  mountain  towered  high  overhead, 

Where  fortune  her  life's  humble  portion  had  laid. 

She  sprung  from  a  line  who  were  chieftains  of  old, 
And  ranked  with  the  fierce  and  the  valiant  of  yore, 

Faced  the  barbarous  Cumyns,  the  bloody  and  bold, 
And  wielded  like  giants  the  cleaving  claymore  ; 

"Gainst  the  power  of  oppression  their  banner  was  borne, 

In  the  ranks  of  the  Bruce  crushed  the  champion  of  Lome. 

No  grasping,  luxurious,  degenerate  race, 

The  rights  of  their  clansmen  like  brothers  would  shield  ; 
They  merrily  joined  them  in  sports  of  the  chase, 

And  valued  them  not  as  the  beasts  of  the  field  ; 
Nor  their  country  a  people-less  desert  was  then, 
When  our  kings  cried  for  aid  from  the  bravest  of  men. 

She  had  seen  a  wide  region  of  hamlets  in  flames, 
And  her  kinsmen  sent  out  mid  the  mountains  to  die. 

Still,  the  tyrants,  remorseless  as  fiends  to  their  pains, 
Though  the  heavens  should  rend  and  the  desolate  cry, 

Stood  callous,  unmoved  at  the  shrieks  of  despair, 

With  adamant  hearts,  for  no  pity  was  there. 


With  the  armies  of  India  and  legions  of  Spain, 

They,  sturdy  of  limb,  ever  stood  to  the  foe  ; 
They  were  still  with  the  conquerors  again  and  again, 

Where  a  Briton  would  dare,  there  a  clansman  would  go  ; 
In  the  tumult  of  danger  they  ever  have  been, 
Gaining  laurels  of  war  for  our  Empire  and  Queen. 

For  such  they  had  reaped  the  abundant  reward 

Of  the  howl  of  the  tiger,  while  hunted  to  shame  ; 
For  such  did  their  forefathers  die  by  the  sword, 
Exalting  their  lordlings  to  honour  and  fame  ; 
The  savage,  she  thought,  gave  a  home  to  their  kind- 
Seemed  the  warmer  of  heart,  though  the  dormant  of  mind. 

For  the  exiled  her  prayers  still  fervently  rose, 

Like  the  incense  of  balm  from  her  garden  of  flowers  ; 

Her  riches  was  love  in  a  soul  of  repose, 

Not  the  wealth  that  embitters  the  while  it  empowers  ; 

And  she  thought  of  the  brave  who  had  gone  in  their  prime, 

Like  the  beauty  that's  lost  in  the  vista  of  time. 

Their  letters,  like  heirlooms,  she  read  and  re-read, 
As  her  memory  lingered  o'er  happiness  gone, 

Then  her  tears  o'er  the  doom  of  her  country  were  shed, 
Where  she  drooped  like  a  briar  in  a  desert  alone  ; 

Where  clansmen  once  lived  in  contentment  and  cheer, 

Were  the  wandering  flocks  and  the  homes  of  the  deer. 

The  great  ones  on  earth  are  not  always  the  blest  : 
The  blest  are  the  nearest  the  Heavenly  Throne  ; 

For  that  land  by  her  son  was  her  head  laid  to  rest, 
In  the  land  she  had  cherished  and  loved  as  her  own  ; 

And  that  son,  who  for  long  did  her  absence  bewail, 

For  a  home  far  away  left  the  land  of  the  Gael. 

And  the  avalanche  fell  from  the  mountain  of  snow, 
And  the  once  cosie  cottage  in  ruins  was  laid, 

And  the  owl  nightly  cries  with  his  sad  plaint  of  woe, 
And  the  croaking  dark  ravens  their  pinions  have  spread 

Where  the  notes  of  the  pibroch  was  borne  on  the  gale, 

And  the  song  of  the  maiden  gave  joy  to  the  vale. 

O  land  of  my  sires,  like  a  land  of  the  dead, 
Thou  art  silent  and  dreary,  a  wilderness  sad, 

With  the  grandeur  around  thee  that  nature  has  spread, 
Where  once  were  the  tribes  in  frugality  glad. 

To  the  festival  joys,  and  the  dance  on  the  green, 

Return,  oh  return,  and  enliven  the  scene  ! 



WHATEVER  interpretation  we  give  to  the  Feru-bolg  and  the 
Fomorians,  there  can  be  little  question  as  to  the  fact  that  the 
Tuatha-De-Danann  are  the  Gaelic  gods.  The  Irish  historians, 
as  we  saw,  represent  them  as  kings  with  subjects,  but  even  they 
find  it  difficult  to  hide  the  fact  that  some  of  these  kings  and 
queens  afterwards  appear  on  the  scene  of  history  in  a  super- 
natural fashion.  The  myths  and  tales,  however,  make  no  scruple 
to  tell  us  that  the  Tuatha-De-Danann  still  live  in  Fairyland,  and 
often  take  part  in  human  affairs.  In  a  very  ancient  tract  which 
records  a  dialogue  between  St  Patrick  and  Caoilte  Mac  Ronain, 
they  are  spoken  of  as  "sprites  or  fairies,  with  corporeal  and 
material  forms,  but  indued  with  immortality."  Their  skill  in 
magic,  shown  in  their  manipulation  of  storms,  clouds,  and  dark- 
ness, is  insisted  on  in  all  the  myths,  and  is  a  source  of  trouble  to 
the  historians  and  annalists,  who  regard  them  as  mere  mortals. 
"  They  were  called  gods,"  says  Keating,  "  from  the  wonderfulness 
of  their  deeds  of  sorcery."  To  them  is  first  applied  the  term 
Side,  which  in  modern  Gaelic  means  "  fairy,"  but  which  in  the 
case  of  the  Tuatha-De-Danann  has  a  much  wider  signification, 
for  it  implies  a  sort  of  god-like  existence  in  the  "  Land  of 
Promise."  The  Book  of  Armagh  calls  the  Side  "  deos  terrenos," 
earthly  gods,  whom,  we  are  told  in  Fiacc's  hymn,  when  Patrick 
came,  the  peoples  adored — "  tuatha  adortais  Side."  Sid  was  a 
term  applied  to  the  green  knolls  where  some  of  these  deified 
mortals  were  supposed  to  dwell :  the  word  appears  in  the  modern 
Gaelic  sith  and  sithean,  a  mound  or  rather  a  fairy  mound.  The 
Tuatha-De-Danann  were  also  called  "  Aes  Side,"  aes  being  here 
used  in  the  sense  of  "  race"  and  not  of  "  age."  We  may  remark 
that  the  Norse  gods  were  also  known  as  the  Aes  or  Aesir,  one  of 
the  many  remarkable  coincidences  in  words  and  in  actions 
between  the  Irish  gods  and  the  deities  of  Asgard. 

In  attempting  to  reconstruct  the  Gaelic  god-world  from  the  al- 
most hopeless  ruins  in  which  piety  and  time  have  laid  it,  we  must 


not  merely  remember  the  Aryan  character  of  it,  but  also  Caesar's 
brief  account  of  the  Gaulish  Olympus.  There  can  be  little  doubt 
but  that  the  Gaelic  and  Gaulish  Olympi  were  similar  in  outline, 
and  probably  also  in  details.  We  shall,  therefore,  expect  Mercury 
to  be  the  most  important  of  the  Gaelic  deities,  whi.le  Apollo, 
Mars,  Jupiter,  and  Minerva  take  rank  after  him.  These  deities 
and  others,  as  was  pointed  out,  represent  the  personified  powers  of 
nature — the  wind,  the  sun,  the  storm,  the  sky,  and  the  moon.  Not 
only  are  these  elements  personified-as  deities  and  so  worshipped,  but 
we  also  find  the  elements  in  their  impersonified  state,  as  it  were,  in- 
voked for  aid  and  for  good  faith.  The  classical  examples  of  this 
are  extremely  numerous.  One  instance  will  suffice  :  In  Virgil, 
^Eneas  and  Latinus  are  represented  as  swearing  by  the  sun,  the 
earth,  the  sea,  the  stars,  by  the  Almighty  Father  and  his  Spouse, 
by  Mars  and  Janus,  by  the  spring  and  rivers,  the  ether  and  the 
deities  of  the  sea.  The  first  instance  of  such  an  oath  in  Irish 
history  is  when  Breas,  the  Fomorian,  swore  by  "  the  sun  and  the 
moon,  by  the  sea  and  the  land,  and  by  -all  the  elements,  to  fulfil 
the  engagement"  which  Luga  imposed  on  him.  Vows  to  the 
heavens  and  the  earth,  to  day  and  night,  to  the  rain,  the  dew  and 
the  wind,  are  exceedingly  common,  appearing  even  in  historic 
times  both  in  Ireland  and  Scotland  ;  among  the  Picts  and  Scots 
in  the  4th  century,  in  Ireland  in  the  5th,  as  when  Loegaire  was 
made  to  swear  by  the  elements  that  he  would  never  again  de- 
mand the  cow-tribute,  and  with  M'Conglinne  in  the  8th  century. 
It  is  said  that  Loegaire  forgot  his  oath,  and  thus  met  with  an 
evil  end,  for  "  it  was  the  sun  and  the  wind  that  wrought  his  death, 
because  he  had  violated  their  sanctity ; "  so  say  the  Four  Mas- 
ters, good  Christians  though  they  were  !  The  divine  elements 
are  known  in  Gaelic  as  duli,  and  one  of  the  oldest  and  most 
favourite  epithets  of  the  Deity  is  "  rig  na  n-dul,"  the  King  of  the 
Elements,  to  which  may  be  compared  "  Dia  nan  dul "  of  the 
Gaelic  Psalms  :  the  word  for  Creator  in  old  Gaelic  is  Dulem,  the 
genitive  of  which  is  Duleman. 

Our  description  of  the  Gaelic  gods  will  naturally  begin  with 
the  Jupiter  of  the  Gaels.  This  honour  belongs  most  probably  to 
the  Dagda,  "  inDagda  mor,"  "the  great  good  one"  (?)  as  Mr  Fitz- 
gerald explains  his  name.  Some  interpret  the  name  as  the 
"  good  fire."  In  any  case,  dag  signifies  "  good,"  appearing  in 


modern  Gaelic  as  deagh,  but  what  da  means  is  yet  undecided. 
Though  the  Dagda  is  very  often  mentioned,  yet  little  information 
is  given  about  him.  He  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Tuatha- 
De-Danann  from  Scythia  to  Ireland,  and  he  brought  with  him  from 
"  Murias  "  a  magical  cauldron  capable  of  satisfying  the  hunger  of 
everyone.  He  is  the  most  renewed  of  all  the  Tuatha  for  his  skill 
in  Druidism.  With  Luga  he  makes  and  carries  out  all  the 
arrangements  of  the  second  battle  of  Moytura,  in  which,  how- 
ever, he  was  wounded  with  a  poisoned  weapon  by  the  amazon 
queen  Cethlenn.  The  venom  of  that  wound  caused  his  death 
1 20  years  later.  For  eighty  years  previous  to  his  death,  he  ruled 
the  Tuatha  as  king.  There  is  little  in  these  meagre  details  to 
help  us  to  a  true  notion  of  the  character  of  the  Dagda.  It  is  in 
the  epithets  attached  to  his  name,  and  the  incidental  references 
to  him,  scattered  through  many  tales,  that  we  can  hope  to  under- 
stand his  position  among  the  gods.  He  is  called  Eochaidh 
Ollathair,  that  is,  Chevalier  All-father,  and,  further,  Ruadrofhessa, 
"  the  red  one  of  all  knowledge."  The  epithet  "  Ollathair  " — All- 
father — puts  him  on  a  level  with  Jupiter,  Zeus,  and  Odin  ;  he  is 
the  father  of  gods  and  men,  king  of  heaven  and  earth.  Zeus,  we 
know,  is  the  sky-god,  the  beneficent  power  of  light  and  life,  who  re- 
gulates the  atmosphere  and  its  phenomena — notably,  the  thunder 
— for  the  good  of  men :  Odin  is,  however,  a  wind-god  more  than  a 
sky-god,  answering  rather  to  the  Roman  Mercury  and  the  Greek 
Hermes  than  to  Jove  and  Zeus.  Is  the  Dagda  a  wind- god  or  a 
light-god  or  a  fire-god  ?  Mr  Fitzgerald  classes  him  with 
Odin  as  a  sky-  and  wind-god,  and  appeals  to  the  epithet 
"  Eochaid  " — horseman  -as  confirmation  ;  for  horseman  and 
huntsman  are  nearly  allied,  and  seem  rather  to  belong  to 
the  wind  deity,  as  in  the  case  of  Odin  they  do  so  apply. 
Mr  Elton  makes  the  Dagda  a  spirit  of  heat  who  ruled  all  fires 
in  earth  and  heaven,  for  he  interprets  the  name  after  O'Donovan 
as  signifying  "the  great  good  fire."  The  view  which  we  will 
adopt  on  the  matter  differs  from  both  the  foregoing.  The 
Dagda  represents  rather  the  sky-god,  exactly  the  Roman  Jove. 
He  is  the  All-father  ;  he  is  the  Red-one — the  sky  in  certain  states 
being  so,  just  as  at  other  times  he  is  said  to  be  "greyer  than 
the  grey  mist" — who  is  all-wise  ;  he  is  the  Dag-da,  the  good- 
father  or  good-one,  the  deus  optimus  maximus,  the  benign  provi- 


dence,  who  arranges,  provides,  and  superintends  everything.  His 
cauldron  is  interpreted  by  some  as  the  canopy  of  heaven  ;  like 
the  thunder-god,  Thor,  he  possessed  a  hand-stone  which  returned 
of  itself  to  the  place  from  which  it  was  thrown,  just  as  Thor's 
hammer — the  thunder-bolt — did. 

The  most  important  deity  in  the  Gaelic  pantheon  must  have 
been  Mercury  :  which  of  the  Tuatha-De-Danann  was  he  ?     The 
honour  of  being  the  god  most  worshipped  by  the  Gael  must  fall 
to  Manannan,  the  son  of  Lir,  whose  attributes  we  have  already 
discussed.     Manannan  is  always  a  deity  ;  he  is  never  a  mortal 
hero  like  the  others.     We  represented  him  as  god  of  sea  and  wind, 
as  opposed  to  Mr  Elton's  view,  who  made  him  a  sun-god.    There 
is  little  doubt  but  Manannan  is  a  wind-god  :  he  possesses  all  the 
prominent  requisites  of  such  a  deity.     He  is  the  owner  of  the 
wonderful  steed,  Enbarr,  of  the  flowing  mane,  who  is  swift  as  the 
cold  clear  wind   of  spring  ;  his  also  is  the  sword,  Frecart,  the 
answerer,  from  whose  wound  there  was  no  recovery  ;  and    he 
possessed  the  curious  mantle  that  will  cause  people  never  to  meet 
again.     The  three  characteristic  possessions  of  Odin  are  his  sword, 
his  mantle,  and  his  horse  Sleipnir.     The  sword  is  the  lightning; 
the  mantle  is  the  air  and  clouds,  and  the  grey  horse  Sleipnir  is 
the  rushing  grey  cloud  driven  by  the  wind.     Odin  is,  as  already 
said,  mostly  a  wind-god ;   so,  too,  is  Manannan.     Both  deities, 
however,    usurped    features    belonging    to   more    departmental 
gods,  in  proportion   as  they  took  the  first  place  in  the  worship 
of  the  people.     Manannan  also  possessed  the  wonderful  canoe 
which  could    hold    any  number   of  people,  suiting   its   size   to 
them,  and  which  obeyed  the  will  of  those  it  bore,  and  swept 
over  the  ocean  as  fast  as  the  March  wind.     He,  too,  instituted 
the  "  Feast  of  Age,"  known  as  the  feast  of  Gobnenn  the  smith. 
Whoever  was  present  at  it,  and  partook  of  the  food  and  drink, 
was  free  ever  after  from  sickness,  decay,  and  old  age.     The  Land 
of  Promise  is  often  identified  with  Inis-Mhanann,  or  Isle  of  Man, 
which  was  ruled  over  by  Manannan,  but  his  connection  with  the 
land  of  promise  is  rather  more  like  that  of  Mercury  with  the  land 
of  shades  ;  he  would  appear  to  have  been  the  psychopomp — the 
conductor  of  the  shades  of  men  to  the  happy  Isles  of  the  West. 
He  was,  as  we  saw,  god  of  merchandise  and  also  god  of  arts  for 
he  is  represented  as  teaching  Diarmat  in  all  the  arts  when  he 
was  with  him  in  Fairyland.     Why  the  Celts  and  Teutons  made 


the  wind  deity  their  chief  god  is  fairly  clear.  The  atmospheric 
conditions  of  Western  and  Northern  Europe  make  the  wind  and 
storm  powers  of  comparatively  more  importance  than  they  are 
in  sunnier  lands,  where  the  gods  of  light  on  the  other  hand  are 
supreme.  Manannan  is  further  very  properly  denominated  the 
"  son  of  Lir,"  the  son  of  the  sea,  for  sure  enough  where  else  does 
the  wind  come  from  in  these  .islands  of  ours  but  from  the  sea  ? 

There  is  little  trouble  in  settling  the  identity  of  the  Gaelic 
Apollo.     This  is  Luga  Lamfada,  surnamed  the  Ildana  ;  Luga  of 
the  Long  Arms,  the  many-arted  one.     He  appears  with  a  stately 
band  of  warriors  on  white  steeds,  "  a  young  champion,  tall  and 
comely,  with  a  countenance  as  bright  and  glorious  as  the  setting 
sun."     But  more  definite  still  is  the  reference  to  his  sunlike  coun- 
tenance ;    in   another  place  the  Fomorian  champion,   Breas,  is 
made  to  say  in  reference  to  the  approach  of  Luga  from  the  west  : 
"  A  wonderful  thing  has  come  to  pass  to-day  ;  for  the  sun,  it 
seems  to  me,  has  risen  in  the  west."      "  It  would  be  better  that  it 
were  so,"  said  the  Druids.     "  The  light  you  see  is  the  brightness 
of  the  face  and  the  flashing  of  the  weapons  of  Luga  of  the  Long 
Arms,  our  deadly  enemy."     He  also  possessed  the  swiftness  and 
keenness  of  the  ocean-wind-god  Manannan,  for  we  are  told  that 
he  rode  Manannan's  mare  Enbarr  of  the  flowing  mane,  that  is, 
the  driving  wind  ;  his  coat  of  mail — the  clouds  ;  and  he  is  further 
represented    as  having   Manannan's  sword,  the  lightning  flash. 
But  this  last  is  doubtful,  for  two  of  the  precious  jewels  that  the 
Tuatha-De-Danann  took  from  the  east  are  Luga's  sword  and  his 
spear   "  Gae   Buaifneach,"    tempered   in   the  poisoned   blood    of 
adders.     These  weapons  are  merely  the  flashing  rays  of  the  sun, 
just  as  Luga's  helmet,  Cannbarr,  glittered  with  dazzling  bright- 
ness, with  two  precious  stones  set  in  it,,  one  in  front  and  one 
behind.     Whenever  he  took  off  the  helmet,  we  are  told  that  his 
"  face  shone  like  the  sun  on  a  dry  summer  day."     His  deeds  are 
also  "  sunlike"  in  their  character.     He  first  frees  the  Tuatha  from 
the  hated  tribute  which  was  imposed  on  them  after  a  temporary 
success  on  the  part  of  the  Fomorians.     We  are  told  that  he  put  a 
Druidical  spell  on  the  plundered  cattle,  and  sent  all  the  milch 
cows  home  to  their  owners,  leaving  the  dry  cows  to  cumber  his 
enemies.     The  cows  of  the  sun-god  .are  famous  in  all  mytho- 
logies ;   they   are   the   clouds   of  heaven   that   bring   rain   and 
moisture   to   men,  when   shone  upon  by  the  rays  of  the  sun. 


Luga's  greatest  feat  is  the  overthrow  of  the  Fomorians  at 
Moytura.  For  years  he  had  been  preparing  for  this  great  fight. 
He  summoned  all  the  artists  and  artificers  of  renown  and  got 
arms  in  readiness.  He  himself  lent  his  help  to  each  tradesman, 
for  he  was  a  skilled  carpenter,  mason,  smith,  harper,  druid, 
physician,  cup-bearer,  and  goldsmith,  "  one  who  embodied  in 
himself  all  these  arts  and  professions,"  as  he  described  himself  on 
one  occasion.  When  the  sons  of  Turenn  slew  his  father,  he 
made  them  procure  for  him  as  "  eric"  or  fine,  several  weapons  of 
importance  and  several  salves,  with  a  view  to  using  them  in  the 
great  struggle  against  the  stormy  ocean  powers.  Such  were  the 
apples  of  Hisberna,  which  could  cure  any  sickness  and  would 
return  to  the  owner  even  when  thrown  away ;  the  pig's  skin  whose 
touch  made  whole  ;  the  spear — "the  slaughterer" — whose  fiery 
blazing  head  was  always  kept  in  water  ;  the  steeds  and  chariot  of 
Dobar — the  steeds  which  travel  with  equal  ease  on  land  and  sea; 
the  pigs  of  Asal — "  whosoever  eats  a  part  of  them  shall  not  suffer 
from  ill  health" — even  when  killed  to-day  they  are  alive  to- 
morrow ;  and  the  hound-whelp  Failinis,  that  shines  like  the  sun 
on  summer  day — before  him  every  wild  beast  falls  to  earth 
powerless.  In  the  battle  of  Moytura,  he  killed  Balor  of  the  Evil 
Eye.  That  worthy  had  already  turned  Nuada  of  the  Silver 
Hand  into  stone,  and  many  more  De-Danann,  and  just  as  he  was 
opening  it  on  Luga,  the  latter  flung  a  "  sling  stone"  at  it,  which 
passed  through  it  and  Balor's  brain.  Now  Balor  was  his  grand- 
father, and  it  had  been  foretold  that  he  should  be  slain  by  his 
grandson.  In  view  of  this  he  kept  his  only  child,  a  daughter, 
Aethlenn,  secluded  in  a  tower,  where  man  and  the  idea  of 
"  man"  were  to  be  strictly  excluded.  But  in  vain.  She  became 
the  wife  of  Cian,  the  son  of  Diancecht,  the  physician,  and  Luga 
was  the  offspring.  We  must  note  his  connection  with  the  god  of 
healing ;  that  god  is  his  grandfather.  In  Greek  mythology, 
Aesculapius  is  the  son  of  Apollo.  The  name  Luga,  too,  is  sug- 
gestive ;  it  is  doubtless  from  the  root  luct  to  shine,  and  it  is 
interesting  to  observe  that  the  Norse  fire-god,  also  master  of 
many  arts,  though  evil  arts,  is  called  Loki.  The  epithet  Lamfada, 
long  arms,  reminds  us  of  the  far-darter  Apollo,  and  refers  to  the 
long-shooting  rays  of  the  sun — a  most  appropriate  epithet. 

(To  be  continued.) 




HUGH  MACKENZIE,  Strathy,  go  years  of  age 

I  am  nearly  90  years  of  age.  I  remember  the  clearances  on  Strathnaver  from 
beginning  to  end.  The  work  was  done  piece-meal.  My  father's  croft  was  in  Dal- 
malart,  near  Achness,  and  the  first  part  of  Strathnaver  from  which  the  people  were 
ejected  lies  on  the  east  side  of  Lochnaver,  viz. : — The  townships  of  Clebrig,  Rhihal- 
vaig,  Achool,  Achness,  Coirre-na-fearn,  Coirre-chuiran.  Alt-nan-ha,  and  Halmadary. 
The  reason  why  so  many  places  were  made  desolate,  was  to  make  room  for  a  south- 
country  farmer  of  the  name  of  Marshall. 

We  were  allowed  the  produce  of  hill  and  loch,  and  I  remember  it  was  Sellar 
personally  who  cut  to  pieces  the  creels  with  which  we  caught  the  salmon  on  the  water- 
fall of  Achness.  My  father,  who  was  on  the  lower  side  of  the  water  of  the  Malert, 
was  not  removed  at  that  time.  At  a  subsequent  period,  the  west  side  of  Lochnaver 
was  cleared,  including  the  townships  of  Grumb-mhor,  containing  about  16  crofters ; 
and  Grumbeg,  5  crofters,  and  Sellar  obtained  the  land.  My  father  wished  to  be  re- 
moved as  far  as  possible  from  the  large  farmers,  and  he  obtained  a  croft  near  the  sea- 
side. Another  succeeded  him,  and  took  possession  of  his  old  croft  at  Dalmalart,  but 
he  was  not  allowed  long  to  remain  there,  as  Sellar  was  by  no  means  satisfied.  All  the 
people  from  Malart  to  Rhifail  —about  10  miles — were  shortly  after  removed,  and  their 
houses  fired.  This  was  the  second  period  when  clearances  on  a  large  scale  took  place. 
Sellar  also  received  the  land,  and  put  it  under  sheep.  The  remaining  portion  of 
Strathnaver,  from  Rhifail  to  the  foot  of  the  Strath,  was  not  removed  so  long  as  Mr 
Dingwall  was  minister  of  Farr,  who  acted  as  a  check  upon  the  wholesale  clearances. 
When  the  Rev.  David  Mackenzie  succeeded  him,  he  was  not  opposed  to  the  work;  so 
the  people  did  not  dare  to  resent.  By  this  means  the  people  in  the  lower  part  were 
ejected,  and  Sellar  was  again  the  new  occupant.  I  may  mention  that  the  Rev.  Mr 
Mackenzie  was  allowed  50  sheep  on  Sellar's  farm  at  Skelpick  ;  that,  irrespective  of 
his  glebe,  he  got  a  park  of  5  miles  in  circumference,  cut  off  from  the  poor  crofters'  hill- 
ground,  and  a  man  having  a  salary  of  £10  to  keep  the  dykes  in  repair. 

When  Sellar  was  setting  fire  to  the  house  of  William  Chisholm,  spoon-maker, 
Badinlosgin,  he  was  told  that  Chisholm's  mother-in-law  was  inside  and  bed-ridden. 
He  told  his  men,  however,  to  proceed  with  the  work,  saying  with  an  oath — "  Let  the 
old  wilch  burn."  There  was  no  house  in  the  place  but  his  own,  and  owing  to  his 
trade,  Chisholm  could  not  afford  to  remain  long  at  home.  Eric,  his  wife  (the  old 
woman's  daughter),  happened  to  be  from  home  at  the  time  the  house  was  fired  ;  but 
she  shortly  after,  and  with  the  help  of  some  people  who  had  come  upon  the  scene, 
rescued  the  old  woman  from  the  flames.  I  knew  the  man  Chisholm  well. 


Witnesses     i  RODERICK  MACKENZIE. 

ANN  MORRISON,  79  years  of  age,  Dalacharn,  Farr. 

I  was  born  at  Direadh  Meidigh,  where  I  lived  till  I  was  seven  or  eight  years  of 
age,  and  then  was  evicted  to  Dalacharn,  where  I  now  live.  I  saw  the  following 
townships  burnt  by  Sellar's  party  : — 



Dalnadroit,  with  10  houses.  |  Skelpick,  with  12  houses. 

Dunviden,  with  6  houses. 

Thus  I  can  testify  to  seeing  28  houses  burning  on  the  same  day.  A  strong  breeze  of 
wind  sprang  up  the  night  before  these  townships  were  set  on  fire,  and  next  morning 
"when  the  burning  commenced  smoke  and  sparks  were  carried  down  the  Strath  for  a 
long  distance. 

The  houses  in  Achina  and  Dalacharn,  which  were  a  good  distance  away  from  the 
scene  of  the  fire,  were  in  imminent  danger  of  taking  fire  too ;  the  sparks  were  so 
thick.  All  the  steadings  and  dwelling  places  in  the  above  mentioned  townships  were 
reduced  to  ashes,  and  in  many  places  the  heather  caught  fire,  which  added  to  the 
awfulness  of  the  scene. 

The  houses,  too,  were  thatched  with  dry,  loose  straw,  and  this  rendered  them 
the  more  liable  to  catch  fire. 

Some  of  the  poor  people  who  came  down  from  Strathnaver  lost  the  most  of  their 
furniture  and  bed-clothes  in  their  burnt  houses,  and  were  in  a  miserable  condition 
during  the  ensuing  winter.  They  had  to  spend  the  winter  in  hastily-erected  bothies, 
without  much  clothing,  while  the  rain  and  snow  came  in  through  the  openings  in  the 
turf  walls.  As  they  had  no  hill  pasture  or  provision  for  the  winter,  the  most  of  the 
cattle  which  they  had  brought  with  them  died  of  starvation. 

I  declare  this  statement  of  mine  is  true.  ANN  MORRISON. 

Witnesses,       j  DONALD  MACKAY. 

2oth  Aug.  1883  1  MURDO  MACKAY.  • 


The  places  seen  on  fire — 
By  George  Macdonald,  Airdneskich,  were — 

Badinlosgin,  with  I  house i 

By  George  Mackay,  Airdneskich — 
Ceanncoille,  with    7  houses 
Kidsary,  with  2  houses 

Syre,  with  13  houses 

Langall,  with  8  houses 

By  Rory  Macleod,  Skerray — 
Grumb-mhor,  with  16  houses 
Achmhillidh,  with   4  houses 


By  Grace  Macdonald,  Armadale — 

Langall,  with  8  houses 

Na  Totachan,  with  2  houses 

Ealan  k  Challaidh,  with  2  houses 
Sgall,  with  6  houses 

Coille  an  Kian,  with         2  houses 


By  Wm.  Mackay  (Ban),  Achina — 

Achcaoilnaborgin,  with    6  houses 
Achinlochy,  with  6  houses 

Brought  forward 83 

By  Bell  Cooper,  Crask — 

All    the    houses    in    the    district 
between  Rossal  and  Achcaoilnaborgin, 

about  55 55 

By  Angus  Mackay,  Leaduaginllan — 

Ceanncaoil,  with      7  houses 

Rossal,  with  20  houses 

Badinleathaid  — 

By  Ann  Morrison,  Dalcharn — 
Dalnadroit,  with     10  houses 
Skelpick,  with         12  houses 
Dunviden,  with        6  houses 

By  Widow  B.  Mackay,  Kirtomy — 
Skall,  with  6  houses ' 

By  Wm.  Morrison,  Achina — 
Rossal,  with  about  20  houses 
Dalmalart,  with       2  houses 
Dalvina,  with  2  houses 

Achphris,  with          2  houses 




Carry  forward 83  Total..  225 

[Taking  the  average  number  in  each  family  at  five  persons,  which  is  far  below  the 
average  in  the  Highlands,  we  have  here  one  thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  souls 
burnt  out  of  their  homes  in  Strathnaver  alone,  in  addition  to  those  who  lived  in  the 
houses  referred  to  by  Hugh  Mackenzie  in  a  district  extending  from  Malart  to  Rhifail, 
a  distance  of  ten  miles,  thickly  populated  !] 



THE  following  documents  have  recently  been  issued  by  this  influential  and  energetic 
Association.     The  Address  to  the  Crofters  is  issued  also  in  excellent  Gaelic  : — 


Although  it  is  only  recently  that  acute  distress  and  the  disturbances  in  Skye 
attracted  public  attention  to  the  depressed  condition  of  the  Highlands,  the  system, 
which  in  so  many  instances  either  expatriated  or  drove  the  people  from  fertile  straths 
and  glens  to  barren  holdings  on  the  sea-shore,  began  upwards  of  a  century  ago. 

The  story  of  Highland  Clearances,  detailing  the  process  by  which  sheep,  grouse, 
and  deer  have  been  substituted  for  the  gallant  race  to  whose  forefathers  the  chiefs 
owed  their  chieftainship,  and  Britain  the  successful  issue  of  many  a  hard-fought 
battle,  is  a  harrowing  record  of  cruelty  and  oppression.  The  remains  of  ruined  houses, 
the  dismal  desolation  of  many  a  once-fertile  strath,  and  the  depressed  condition  of  the 
few  who  are  now  permitted  to  live  on,  but  do  not  derive  their  subsistence  from  the 
soil,  testify  too  eloquently  of  a  system  which  has  uncompromisingly  sacrificed  the 
rights  and  welfare  of  the  people  for  the  purpose  of  sport. 

The  net  result  of  the  game-preserving  mania  is,  that  vast  tracts  of  country,  fit  for 
cultivation,  or  suitable  for  grazing  sheep  and  cattle,  are  reserved  in  unproductive  idle- 
ness as  the  rearing-ground  of  game  ;  while  the  crofters,  liable  to  capricious  eviction, 
with  no  incentive  to  industry,  year  by  year  having  their  holdings  curtailed,  and 
subject  to  the  arbitrary  rule  of  landlords'  representatives,  are  living  from  hand  to 
mouth  on  insufficient  patches  of  the  worst  soil. 

Long  and  patiently  Highlanders  have  endured  a  policy  which  has  either  crushed 
out  or  pauperised  the  rural  population;  but  the  recent  destitution  and  the  growing 
discontent  are  ominous  indications  that  an  equitable  reform  of  the  Highland  Land 
Laws  cannot  with  safety  be  much  longer  delayed.  This  Association  in  contending 
for  reform,  as  laid  down  in  Article  2  of  its  Constitution,  will  proceed  strictly  on  con- 
stitutional lines,  and  disclaiming  any  political  bias,  will  endeavour  to  carry  on  its  work 
irrespective  of  party  politics.  Whatever  wrong-doing  and  injustice  may  be  attributed 
to  individuals,  it  is  the  system  which  permits  wrong-doing  and  injustice  that  shall  be 
attacked;  and  although  it  may  sometimes  be  necessary  to  cite  as  illustrations  the  doings 
of  individuals,  anything  tending  to  excite  class  prejudices  shall  be  carefully  avoided. 
On  the  support  accorded  the  Association  will  depend  the  vigour  and  extent  of  its 
operations,  and  the  Committee  earnestly  appeals  for  sympathy  and  support  not  only 
to  Scotsmen,  but  to  those  who  are  interested  in  the  welfare  of  a  loyal  people,  and  to 
all  who  are  concerned  in  preserving  the  Highlands  as  a  national  health  resort. 


The  appointment  of  a  Royal  Commission  to  inquire  into  your  grievances  is  a 
tardy,  though  hopeful,  acknowledgment  on  the  part  of  the  Government  that  the  con- 
dition of  the  Highlands  is  not  satisfactory.  But,  however  fully  you  may  justify  your 
complaints  and  prove  your  case,  the  history  of  all  great  reforms  should  teach  you  that 
the  changes  necessary  to  promote  your  welfare  will  not  be  conceded  without  earnest 
effort  and  a  well  directed  agitation  on  your  patt. 


We  would  suggest  for  your  consideration  the  following  remedial  reforms  as  the 
object  to  which  your  agitation  should  be  directed,  viz. :  — 

Such  changes  in  the  Land  Laws  as  will  secure — 

(1)  A  Durable  Tenure,  under  which  the  power  of  landlords  to  evict  the  people 

capriciously  shall  be  abolished. 

(2)  Fair  Rents,  fixed,  wnerever  necessary,  by  a  Land  Court. 

(3)  Due  Compensation  to  Tenants  for  their  improvements. 

(4)  Such  a  re-appointment  of  the  land  as  shall  admit  of  its  being  used  for  the 

production  of  food  for  man,  instead  of  allowing  it,  as  at  present,  in  so 
many  instances,  to  lie  waste  for  sporting  purposes. 

(5)  A  well-considered  scheme,  by  which  tenants  shall,  under  equitable  con- 

ditions, be  assisted  to  become  owners  of  their  holdings  and  all  waste  lands 
capable  of  improvement  shall  be  reclaimed  and  rendered  productive. 

Your  protests  and  complaints  have  hitherto  been  unheeded  by  Parliament,  be- 
cause a  privileged  body  of  landlords — hereditary  and  irresponsible — has  been  supreme 
in  the  Legislature,  and  in  the  Courts  of  Justice,  in  making  and  interpreting  the  law; 
but,  above  all,  because  you  yourselves  have  hitherto  had  no  voice  in  choosing  your 
legislators.  But  ere  long  you  will  be  enfranchised,  and  you  should  lose  no  time  in 
preparing  for  the  next  general  election,  so  that  you  may  be  able  to  return  such  men  to 
Parliament  as  will  interest  themselves  on  your  behalf. 

The  treatment  to  which  you  have  been  subjected  in  the  past  has  been  arbitrary 
and  oppressive,  because  you  have  not  been  united;  but  now  you  must  organise,  be 
earnest  of  purpose,  and  prepared  to  work,  and,  if  necessary,  make  sacrifices  on  behalf 
of  the  cause  of  Land  Law  Reform. 

We  would,  therefore,  suggest  that  your  first  duty  now  is  to  form,  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible, Associations,  through  which  you  could  speak  and  act  and  make  your  grievances 

In  forming  a  District  Association,  you  might  first  convene  a  public  meeting  to 
discuss  your  affairs,  resolve  that  an  Association  be  formed,  and  appoint  a  provisional 
secretary  and  small  committee.  Then,  the  townships  included  in  the  district  might 
each,  under  the  direction  of  the  committee,  choose  representatives,  and  these  repre- 
sentatives, at  a  convenient  time  and  place,  might  meet  to  frame  a  constitution  and 
elect  office-bearers. 

An  organization  embracing  the  whole  of  the  Highlands  should  be  aimed  at,  in 
which  each  one  has  assigned  him  his  place  and  work  ;  so  that  an  injustice  done  to  one 
may  be  deemed  an  injustice  to  all,  and  the  many  united  may  be  prepared,  at  what- 
ever sacrifice,  to  support  the  righteous  cause  of  individuals  or  communities  whose 
rights  are  assailed. 

Your  cause  has  many  influential  well-wishers.  This  Association,  for  instance, 
includes  among  its  adherents  a  goodly  number  of  Members  of  Parliament,  private 
gentlemen,  clergymen,  doctors  of  medicine,  barristers,  professors,  and  others,  who 
will  earnestly  support  your  efforts  ;  but  on  your  own  unity  and  determination  success 
will  chiefly  depend;  for,  in  the  words  of  the  old  proverb,  "  God  helps  them  that  help 

Any  assistance  or  advice  that  this  Association  can  give  shall  be  readily  rendered, 
and  it  is  earnestly  hoped  that  you  will  give  the  foregoing  suggestions  your  serious  con- 
sideration, and  take  such  action  as  may  be  necessary  without  delay. 

In  an  address,  addressed  specially 



The  Secretary  says  : — The  reform  of  the  Land  Laws  is  a  SOCIAL  QUESTION,  and 
it  is  not  only  desirable,  but  essential  to  the  success  of  the  movement,  that  differences  of 
opinion  as  to  Political  and  Church  matters  should  not  be  permitted  to  create  disunion 
in  the  ranks  of  the  Land  Law  Reformers. 

The  Highland  Land  Law  Reform  Associations  already  formed,  may  at  least  lay 
claim  to  having  aims  and  objects  at  once  definite  and  intelligible  ;  and  the  number 
and  influence  of  the  gentlemen  who  have  sc  disinterestedly  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  Crofters,  should  be  an  encouragement  and  incentive  to  those  who  are  more  im- 
mediately concerned  in  effecting  Land  Law  Reform,  to  organise  similar  associations 
in  every  Highland  parish. 

The  battle  of  Land  Law  Reform  can  only  be  won  by  earnestness  of  purpose  and 
unity  of  action  on  the  part  of  the  Crofters  and  their  friends  ;  and  this  Association  ven- 
tures to  hope  that  your  influence  will  be  exerted  in  promoting  the  social  emancipation 
of  the  people  amongst  whom  your  lot  is  cast,  and  their  education  in  the  duties  of 
citizenship,  on  the  same  lines  and  unller  the  same  name  as  this  Association. 



IN  addition  to  the  sums  already  acknowledged,  the  Editor  of 
the  Celtic  Magazine  has  received  another  draft  from  the  High- 
landers of  Invercargill,  New  Zealand,  for  £33.  is.,  to  be  dis- 
tributed at  his  discretion  among  destitute  people  in  the  North 
West  Highlands  and  Islands.  This  makes  a  total  sum  remitted 
to  him  by  our  patriotic  countrymen,  in  that  district,  of  £181.  ios.; 
for  which,  in  the  name  of  the  Highlanders  at  home,  we  heartily 
thank  them.  Our  good  friends  will  be  glad  to  learn  that  now  no  un- 
usual destitution  exists.  It  is,  therefore,  thought  best  to  apply  most 
of  the  money  on  hand  to  the  supply  of  corn  and  potato  seed  in 
the  Spring.  Sufficient  provision  has  been  already  made  for  the 
Strome  Ferry  fishermen.  The  following  is  the  letter  accompany- 
ing the  remittance,  with  a  list  of  the  subscribers  : — 


INVERCARGILL,  NEW  ZEALAND,  8th  Nov.  1883. 
ALEXANDER  MACKENZIE,  Esq.,  Dean  of  Guild,  Inverness. 

DEAR  SIR,  —We  have  now  the  pleasure  to  enclose  draft  en  London  for  the  sum  of 
,£33.  is.,  being  the  third  instalment  towards  the  fund  for  the  relief  of  our  distressed 
countrymen  in  the  North.  Enclosed  please  find  list  of  the  contributors,  and  we  shall 
thank  you  to  give  it  publicity  as  you  have  done  in  the  case  of  our  former  remittances. 
We  note  with  pleasure  (by  your  letter  of  a8th  August  that  appeared  in  the  Invernest 
Courier]  the  alacrity  displayed  by  you  in  the  distribution  of  the  funds  in  hand  ;  and 


although  the  value  dispensed  to  each  claimant  may  not  be  intrinsically  much,  still,  the 
knowledge  that  their  comparatively  prosperous  countrymen  in  this  distant  part  of  the 
world  have  not  forgotten  them,  may  make  the  gift  doubly  valuable  to  them.  As  yet 
we  have  not  heard  as  to  the  results  of  the  Royal  Commission,  and  presume  that  their 
labours  are  not  yet  finished.  Much  sympathy  is  expressed  here  by  a  number  of  the 
contributors  to  this  fund,  on  behalf  of  the  Strome  Ferry  fishermen,  who  were  wrong- 
fully imprisoned  for  conscience  sake  ;  and  we  leave  it  to  your  discretion  as  to  whether 
a  portion  of  these  funds  should  be  applied  in  their  case.— Yours  faithfully, 




Duncan  Matheson,  Waikaia  ...         ...         ...         ...         ...      £2    2    o 

D.  N.  Fitzgerald,        do 220 

Henry  Wilson,  do.         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...         ...        220 

Angus  Macdonald,  Nokomai  ...         ...         ...         ...        200 

Hugh  Mackenzie,  Ronald  Macdonald,  and  Finlay  Murchison,  Waikaia  ; 
Alex.  Mackay,  Tapanui ;  and  J.  T.  Martin,  Invercargil,  one  guinea 

each          55° 

James  Grant,  Miss  Gunn,  and  Kenneth  Maccrimon,  Waikaia ;  James 
Macdonald  and  K.  Mackinnon,  Tapanui ;  A.  Cameron,  Nokomai  ; 
Donald  Kellie,  Gore  ;  and  John  Macgibbon,  Mataura,  £i  each  ...  800 
Joseph  Davidson,  Waikaia  ;  Rev.  A.  H.  Stobo,  Invercargill ;  J.  G. 
Bremner,  N.  Simmonds,  N.  Colquhoun,  W.  T.  Macfarlane,  James 
Main,  William  Fraser,  R.  Elliott,  James  Duncan,  Neil  Gillies,  Thos. 
Logan,  and  Hugh  Mackay,  Tapanui;  Angus  Cameron,  Miss  Wallace, 
and  Job  Coulam,  Nokomai ;  Hugh  Stewart,  Gore ;  and  Dugald 

Livingstone,  Lochiel,  IDS.  each  ...         ...         900 

R.  Crawford,  D.  Maccoll,  D.  Mackenzie,  and  T.  Buchanan,  Tapanui  ; 
J.  Dean,  W.  Fyfe,  New  Zealander,  Miss  Hamer,  J.  G.  Brown,  and 
Patrick  Maher,  Waikaia,  53.  each  ...  ...  ...  2  10  o 



AN  interesting  feature  has  recently  been  introduced  into  the  Pictou  Newst  Nova 
Scotia,  its  conductors  having  added  a  Gaelic  department  to  its  columns.  The  super- 
intendence of  this  portion  has  been  intrusted  to  the  accomplished  hands  of  the  Rev. 
A.  MacLean  Sinclair,  Springville,  N.S.,  well-known  to  the  readers  of  the  Celtic 
Magazine,  Colonial  and  other  Highlanders  should  extend  to  the  Pictou  News 
the  encouragement  which  so  patriotic  and  interesting  a  step  as  this  deserves  at  their 


Another  adminicle  in  the  evidence  of  a  decided  Gaelic  revival  comes  to  us  in  the 
form  of  an  announcement  that  the  energetic  and  large-hearted  Celt  who  holds  the 
office  of  Minister  of  St  Giles'  in  Edinburgh,  is  about  to  make  the  experiment  of  having 
Gaelic  services,  conducted  by  Highland  clergymen  of  all  denominations,  as  part  of 
the  non-canonical  ordinances  of  the  Cathedral.  We  have  no  doubt  that  this  new  de- 
parture by  Dr  Cameron  Lees  will  be  beneficial  in  many  ways,  and  one  of  these  may 


be  the  promotion,  in  a  greater  degree,  of  intercommunion  between  the  Gaelic  member- 
ship of  the  various  denominations. 

There  is  no  department  of  Gaelic  worship  where  improvement  could  be 
introduced  with  greater  advantage  than  in  that  of  music.  Without  even  approaching 
the  subject  of  organs  in  public  worship,  there  can  be  no  question  that  there  is  room 
for  vast  improvement  in  our  Gaelic  praise.  Our  beautiful  musical  language  is  often 
twisted  and  tortured  to  suit  ill-adapted  and  ill-sung  Lowland  and  foreign  tunes.  We 
would  direct  the  attention  of  Dr  Cameron  Lees  and  his  Highland  musical  friends  to 
the  question,  in  the  hope  that  some  improvement  may  in  this  respect  result  from  his 
new  departure.  It  is  scarcely  a  matter  for  congratulation  that  our  native  country  can- 
not at  present  be  charged  with  being  a  region 

"  Where  men  display,  to  congregations  wide, 
Devotion's  every  grace  except  the  heart." 

Another  intimation  of  the  extension  of  the  area  of  Gaelic  activity  comes  from 
Chicago.  A  Gaelic  congregation  is  about  to  be  established  in  the  "  Empire  City" 
under  the  pastorate  of  the  Rev.  Dr  Campbell,  of  Collingwood,  Ontario.  We  trust 
that  under  such  able  and  experienced  superintendence,  the  Gaelic  congregation  of 
Chicago  will  be  a  large  and  prosperous  one. 

The  Scottish  Review  for  December  last  contains  a  very  interesting  and  import- 
ant article  on  "The  Irish  Language,"  with  incidental  references  to  Scottish  Gaelic. 
Students  of  Celtic  philology  will  find  in  it  a  careful  and  intelligent  survey  of  the 
field,  and  a  description  of  the  available  adjuncts  and  implements  for  its  cultivation. 

What  promises  to  be  a  sumptuous  book,  has  been  announced  by  Messrs  Black- 
wood.  We  refer  to  "The  Old  Scottish  Regimental  Colours,"  by  Andrew  Ross, 
S.S.C.,  Honorary  Secretary  to  the  Old  Scottish  Regimental  Colours  Committee. 
Mr  Ross  deems  the  present  time  a  fitting  one  to  place  on  record  the  "spirit-stirring 
deeds "  of  the  Scottish  Regiments,  public  interest  having  recently  been  pointedly 
directed  to  the  subject  in  connection  with  the  imposing  ceremonial  enacted  in  St 
Giles'  Cathedral,  Edinburgh,  on  the  occasion  of  depositing  in  that  ancient  shrine  the 
emblems  of  Scotland's  military  renown.  The  work  is  to  be  illustrated  with  a  series 
of  full-page  representations  of  the  old  colours,  and,  judging  from  advanced  plates 
with  which  we  have  been  favoured,  this  part  of  the  work  will  be  a  perfect  luxury  o 
chromo-lithographic  art,  apart  altogether  from  the  historical  narrative,  and  the  in- 
trinsic interest  attaching  to  the  venerable  and  battle-stained  subjects  which  these 
illustrations  represent. 

Edinburgh  :  Oliphant,  Anderson,  &   Ferrier.     1883. 

A  NEW  volume  of  Scottish  poetry  by  the  author  of  "Poems  and  Lyrics,"  needs  no 
commendation  from  us.  The  present  volume  completely  bears  out  the  author's  pre- 
vious character  as  a  tender  and  sympathetic  exponent  of  the  voices  of  the  "soul  in 
nature."  It  were  difficult  to  select  specimens  surpassing  the  others,  where  most,  if 
not  all,  are  so  full  of  delicate  and  pleasing  beauty.  We  prefer  to  put  our  commend- 
ation in  the  form  of  advice  by  telling  all  "  brither  Scots,"  to  get  the  book  and  enjoy 
it  as  we  have  done.  The  volume  is  tastefully  got  up  and  admirably  printed. 




MINNEAPOLIS  was.  in  high  festival.  The  annual  fair  was  in  pro- 
gress, and  the  Hotel  was  crowded.  In  the  large  entrance  hall  an 
auctioneer  disposing  of  the  stakes  for  next  day's  events  had  an 
audience  of  over  a  hundred  well-dressed  people.  The  scene  was 
a  lively  one,  but  somewhat  unintelligible  to  me,  and  after  finish- 
ing my  home  letter  I  sauntered  out.  The  main  thoroughfares 
were  brilliantly  lighted  by  electricity,  while  tram-cars  ran  up  and 
down  the  centre  of  the  streets  almost  continuously.  But  yet  the 
city  is  only  in  process  of  making.  Lines  of  handsome  buildings 
have  been  run  up  facing  each  other  with  intervals  of  from  sixty 
to  a  hundred  feet  of  open  space  between.  On  each  side  of  this 
space  wooden  footways  have  been  hastily  thrown  up,  and  in  the 
middle,  on  what,  for  aught  that  appears,  may  be  the  original  sur- 
face of  the  prairie,  two  double  lines  of  iron  have  been  laid  down 
for  tramway  traffic.  The  scene  all  round  was  a  busy  one.  Ruts 
and  dents  a  foot  deep  did  not  seem  to  offer  any  impediment  to 
the  numerous  carriages,  buggies,  and  "  sulkies"  which  trundled 
along  over  the  soft  dusty  streets,  at  a  pace  which  would  be  fairly 
described  as  rattling  had  there  been  anything  to  rattle.  But 
there  was  no  rattle,  and  at  a  corner  just  off  the  principal  thorough- 
fare, a  peripatetic  professor  of  figures,  in  black  gown  and  trencher, 
was  able  from  the  top  of  a  barrow  to  discourse  on  a  new  system  of 
arithmetic  to  an  audience  of  some  hundreds,  and  to  sell  them  his 
book  (price  half-a-dollar — I  have  a  copy)  without  any  interrup- 
tion from  the  noise  of  the  traffic.  It  would  be  a  mistake,  however, 
to  judge  Minneapolis  hastily  from  the  state  of  her  streets.  Her 
people  believe  she  is  to  be  a  great  city,  and  the  fact  that  between 
1860  and  1870  the  population  increased  from  less  than  6000  to 
18,000,  and  between  1870  and  1880  from  18,000  to  nearly  47,000, 
while  in  1882  the  estimated  population  amounted  to  over  76,000, 
affords  fair  ground  for  their  belief.  To  make  the  city  worthy  of 
her  destiny  is  the  object  of  the  people,  and  many  things  which  in 
the  early  days  were  made  hurriedly  and  unsubstantially,  they 


have  resolved  shall  be  re-made.  This  re-making  process  was  in 
operation  while  I  was  there,  and  is  probably  in  operation  yet,  but 
a  few  years  will  see  the  principal  streets  of  Minneapolis  as  hand- 
somely finished  as  those  of  any  city  of  similar  size  in  the  Union. 

Early  in  the  morning,  my  friend  Mr  Miller  called  for  me,  and 
together  we  proceeded  to  Minneapolis'  twin  sister,  the  city  of  Saint 
Paul,  twelve  miles  distant  by  rail.  Our  stay  in  Saint  Paul  was 
necessarily  short,  and  as  the  city  was  visited  for  purely  business 
purposes,  I  saw  little  of  it.  What  I  saw,  however,  afforded  evi- 
dence of  the  same  spirit  of  progress,  the  same  faith  in  the  future, 
which  is  visible  in  almost  every  city  in  North  America.  The 
natural  levels  of  the  site  of  Saint  Paul  do  not  please  its  people, 
and  millions  of  dollars  are  being  spent  in  pulling  down  large  and 
handsome  buildings,  and  re-erecting  them  on  a  different  level,  and 
in  driving  piles  into  low-lying  sections  of  land  preparatory  to 
raising  their  level  to  suit  the  general  plan  of  the  city. 

On  our  return  to  Minneapolis,  my  friend  hired  the  only 
available  conveyance — an  open  carriage,  with  a  team  of  mules — 
to  drive  us  round  the  city.  A  most  pleasant  drive  it  was,  not- 
withstanding the  occasional  chaff  which  our  long-eared  team 
evoked.  After  visiting  the  outside  of  a  fair  number  of  the  sixty 
odd  churches  which  Minneapolis  contains,  and  seeing  something 
of  the  other  public  buildings,  we  drove  to  the  river  side — the 
Milling  quarter.  It  is  here  the  heart  of  Minneapolis  beats. 
Without  its  water-power  the  city  would  never  have  existed ;  on 
its  continuance  the  future  of  the  city  mainly  depends.  It  may 
seem  curious  to  speak  of  the  continuance  of  a  water-power  fur- 
nished by  one  of  the  largest  rivers  in  the  world,  as  if  it  were  a 
thing  about  which  there  could  be  any  uncertainty.  Yet  at  one 
time  the  loss  of  this  power  seemed  a  mere  question  of  time.  At  the 
Falls  of  St  Anthony,  which  furnish  the  water-power  of  Minneapolis, 
the  bed  of  the  Mississippi  is  formed  of  a  hard,  bluish-grey  limestone, 
which  rests  upon  a  bed  of  soft  sandstone.  The  erosive  action  of 
the  water  upon  the  sandstone  is  rapid,  and  when  it  is  worn  away 
from  under  the  superincumbent  limestone,  the  latter  falls  down  in- 
to the  bed  of  the  stream.  The  banks  of  the  river  show  that  in 
this  way  the  Falls  have  receded  upwards  of  ten  miles  already. 
In  1851  about  ninety  feet  of  the  limestone  gave  way  at  once,  and 
as  only  1 200  feet  more  of  it  remained  above  the  present  site  of 


the  Falls,  Minneapolis  was  threatened  with  the  complete  loss  of 
her  water  power.  To  avert  this,  a  tunnel  was  run  through  the 
soft  sandstone  behind  the  Falls,  and  filled  up  with  concrete, 
while  the  surface  was  protected  by  a  strong  apron  of  timber. 
These  works,  which  were  executed  at  a  cost  of  between  three- 
quarters  of  a  million  and  a  million  of  dollars,  have  stopped  the 
recession  of  the  Falls,  and  assured  the  prosperity  of  Minneapolis. 
The  loose  blocks  of  limestone  scattered  over  the  river  bed  below 
the  Falls,  the  great  rafts  of  timber,  and  the  mass  of  floating  saw- 
dust and  broken  wood,  do  not  by  any  means  add  to  the  beauty 
of  the  "  Father  of  Waters"  at  this  point,  but  the  busy  scene  on  the 
banks,  where  some  twenty-two  flour  mills,  capable  of  manufac- 
turing over  twenty-five  thousand  barrels  of  flour  daily,  and  sixteen 
timber  mills,  which  in  the  previous  year  had  turned  out  over  two- 
hundred  and  thirty  million  feet  of  timber,  more  than  compensated 
for  any  lack  of  natural  beauty  in  the  surroundings. 

In  the  afternoon  our  mule-team  was  exchanged  for  Mr 
Miller's  pony  and  carriage — the  former  a  Shetland  of  rare 
beauty,  and  not  much  bigger  than  a  full  grown  Newfoundland 
dog.  The  carriage  was  of  a  size  to  match;  and  as  I  drove  Mrs 
Miller  into  the  Fair-ground,  our  turn-out  attracted  even  more 
attention — this  time  of  a  different  kind — than  our  morning 
equipage  had. 

A  few  trotting  matches,  a  ten  mile  bare- back  race  between 
"  Bille  Cook  of  California"  (who  on  the  previous  day  had  beaten 
Espinosa  "  the  Mexican  Dare  Devil "  in  a  twenty  mile  race), 
and  "  Little  Cricket,"  in  which  the  former  won,  after  a  brilliant 
and  keenly  contested  race,  satisfied  us  with  the  Fair,  and  after  an 
hour  or  two  pleasantly  spent  with  my  newly-made  friends,  speak- 
ing of  the  old  home  so  far  away,  I  returned  to  the  city,  when 
between  9  and  10  P.M.  I  took  my  seat  in  the  car  which  was  to 
carry  me  on  to  Manitoba. 

For  an  hour  or  more  the  cars  were  pretty  well  filled  with 
farmers  and  other  families  returning  home  from  the  Fair,  and  a 
happy  and  prosperous  lot  they  all  looked.  Immediately  on 
leaving  Minneapolis  I  got  into  conversation  with  a  farmer  and 
his  wife  from  the  shores  of  Lake  Minnetonka.  They  were  past 
middle  life,  good,  honest-looking,  and  decidedly  "  sonsy."  The 
description  that  honest  couple  gave  of  the  beauties  of  their  home 


and  of  the  lake  by  which  it  stood  was  very  enthusiastic,  and 
much  as  their  appearance  favoured  them,  I  was  inclined  to 
accept  their  statements  with  some  reservation,  but  later  on  I 
learned  from  other  sources  that  the  country  round  Lake  Minne- 
tonka  is  rarely  beautiful,  and  leaves  little  to  be  desired,  either  in 
natural  beauty,  fertility,  or  climate. 

When  we  had  got  rid  of  our  local  passengers  and  settled 
down,  I  secured  a  sleeping  berth;  but  I  had  fallen  among  a  lot  of 
farmers  who  were  migrating  westwards.  One  of  them — a  tall, 
raw-boned,  leather-hided  Yankee,  who  had  sold  out  his  farm  in 
Iowa,  and  was  now  on  his  way  to  take  final  possession  of  a  free 
homestead  grant  which  he  had  chosen  six  months  before  in 
Dakota — lectured  his  fellow  traveller  on  the  relative  advantages 
and  disadvantages  of  selling  out  farms  in  the  older  settled  States 
for  a  handsome  price,  and  moving  to  the  free  lands  in  the  West, 
and  he  wound  up  with  "  Yer  keant  of  course  hev  yer  orchards 
and  sich  like  comforts  in  Dakeota  as  y'had  at  home  ;  but  what's 
that  to  the  chief  object  of  life  ?  "  This  sentiment  sent  me  to  bed, 
and  to  think  of  the  charming  candour  of  this  raw-boned  pioneer 
of  civilisation.  Money-making  is  the  chief  object  of  life  with 
ever  so  many  of  us,  but  how  few  will  be  found  to  avow  the  fact 
so  unreservedly  as  this  honest  though  rough  piece  of  humanity 
did.  That  was  my  last  sight  of  him.  Before  I  was  up  in  the  morn- 
ing he  had  left  us,  and  gone  westward. 

From  morning  till  night  our  route  lay  along  the  fertile 
valley  of  the  Red  River  of  the  North.  Away  on  either  side  of 
us,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  stretched  rolling  prairie  lands, 
millions  of  acres  of  which  are  waiting  for  the  settler.  As  we 
rushed  over  the  small  streams  and  creeks,  or  by  the  banks  of  the 
Red  River,  the  richness  and  depth  of  the  soil  were  apparent,  but 
on  the  unbroken  plain  the  scene  was  desolate  enough.  Here 
and  there  a  log  house  was  erected,  and  the  farmer  and  his  family 
were  busy  leading  their  crops  to  the  stack-yard,  but  for  miles 
there  was  at  times  no  sign  of  human  habitation  in  this,  one  of  the 
richest  agricultural  valleys  in  the  world. 

Between  four  and  five  in  the  afternoon  we  crossed  the 
International  boundary  at  St  Vincent,  and  in  a  few  minutes  we 
were  at  the  "  Gateway  City"  of  Emerson.  According  to  our  ideas, 
Emerson  would  be  called  a  very  small  town,  but  cities  are  easily 


made  in  America  ;  and  Emerson,  with  a  population  of  not  more 
than  3000,  but  with  unlimited  faith  in  its  own  future,  calls  itself, 
and  is  entitled  to  call  itself,  a  city. 

Somewhere  about  7  P.M.  we  steamed  into  Winnipeg,  and 
having  found  my  way  to  one  of  the  two  "  good"  (save  the  mark) 
hotels  in  the  place,  and  enjoyed  a  cup  of  tea,  I  sauntered  out — 
it  was  Saturday  night — to  have  a  look  at  the  place  by  gas-light. 

Shortly  after  my  arrival  in  Canada,  I  learned  from  the 
Montreal  Herald  that  the  Civic  Assessment  of  Winnipeg  for 
1882  was  30,000,000  dols.,  while  in  the  previous  year  it  amounted 
to  only  9,000,000  dols.  In  the  same  period  the  population  was 
said  to  have  increased  from  10,000  to  25,000.  I  naturally,  there- 
fore, expected  to  find  in  the  city  evidences  of  rapid  progress,  and 
I  was  not  disappointed.  Winnipeg,  at  the  time  of  my  visit,  was 
not  a  comfortable  place  to  move  about  in,  according  to  our  old 
world  ideas  of  comfort.  The  streets  are  wide  and  straight,  and 
like  all  new  towns  in  America,  they  all  run  parallel,  or  at  right 
angles  to  each  other,  but  there  had  as  yet  been  little  attempt  to 
make  good  travelling  roadways  of  them.  The  original  tough, 
clayey  soil  still  formed  the  surface  of  the  parts  of  the  street  de- 
voted to  carriage  traffic.  The  side  walks  were  of  timber,  and 
were  raised  sometimes  as  much  as  five  or  six  feet  above  the  level 
of  the  portion  of  the  carriage-way  immediately  outside  them. 
This  rendered  walking  rather  risky  on  a  dark  night  in  such 
poorly  lighted  streets  as  those  of  Winnipeg  then  were,  but  the 
nature  of  the  subsoil  is  such  that  the  surface-water  can  only  be 
carried  away  by  deep  side  drains.  The  form  of  the  carriage-way 
was  almost  semi-circular,  the  sides  being  several  feet  lower  than 
the  centre.  The  footways  were  built  up  to  about  the  same  level 
as  the  centre  of  the  carriage-way,  and  their  bare,  unprotected 
edges,  towering  so  high  above  the  street  beneath,  gave  them  a 
dangerous  look  to  a  stranger. 

The  principal  street  of  Winnipeg  is  Main  Street,  which  runs 
from  beyond  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  Station  at  one  end  of 
the  town,  to  Fort-Garry  at  the  other,  considerably  over  a  mile,  I 
should  say,  judging  from  the  time  it  takes  to  walk  it.  Running 
parallel  with,  and  on  either  side  of  Main  Street,  are  other  streets 
of  less  importance,  which  were  being  rapidly  covered  with  build- 
ings— principally  dwelling-houses.  The  intersecting  streets  were 


also  being  built  upon,  the  portions  near  Main  Street  being  de- 
voted to  shops  and  warehouses.  The  whole  town  was  littered 
with  bricks  and  timber,  and  other  building  material,  and  buildings 
were  being  rushed  up  with  marvellous  rapidity.  Bricklayers  and 
carpenters  were  having  a  fine  time  of  it,  their  wages  ranging  from 
twelve  to  over  twenty  shillings  of  our  money  per  day.  The  cost 
of  living  was  rather  high,  and  house  rents  very  high.  The  Win- 
nipeg Sun,  an  evening  paper,  was  then  publishing  a  series  of 
papers  by  a  special  reporter  who  was  interviewing  some  of  the 
mechanics  who  had  migrated  from  Ontario  to  Winnipeg.  These 
all  agreed  that,  notwithstanding  the  increased  cost  of  living  in 
Winnipeg,  they  were  better  off  than  they  had  been  in  the  older 
province.  One  man,  a  carpenter,  with  a  wife  and  seven  children, 
was  reported  to  have  said  that  although  he  paid  35  dols..a-month 
of  rent  for  a  house  he  would  only  pay  7  dollars  for  in  Ottawa,  he 
had  been  able  to  save  50  dollars  every  month  since  he  came  to 
Winnipeg  nearly  a  year  before.  But  then  he  added  that  he 
could  not  do  this  and  pay  a  rent  of  5  dols.  a-month  for  every  room 
in  his  house  unless  he  rented  his  rooms  or  took  boarders.  He  had 
boarders,  and  in  that  connection  he  said — "  I  and  my  wife  have 
figured  it  down  pretty  closely,  and  we  find  that  our  boarders  just 
pay  for  the  food  consumed  by  all  of  us,  my  family  included." 
A  single  man  could  board  for  five  dols.  a  week,  which  left  a 
pretty  wide  margin  for  saving,  or  he  might,  if  he  preferred  it, 
live  in  a  tent  during  the  summer  months,  as  many  were  doing 
in  Winnipeg  at  that  time. 

Writing  from  Winnipeg  to  the  Inverness  Courier,  in  Sep- 
tember 1882,  I  said — 

How  long  this  state  of  things  will  continue  in  Winnipeg  it  is  impossible  to  say. 
So  long  as  men  are  found  to  invest  money  in  buildings  things  will  go  on  smoothly 
enough.  But  Winnipeg  will  not  continue  tojncrease  as  it  has  done  in  the  past  if  its 
capitalists  are  to  build  nothing  besides  hotels,  shops,  and  houses,  and  mainly  the  last. 
Even  now,  indications  are  not  wanting  that  a  present  limit  is  being  reached.  Many 
houses  are  vacant,  and  one  of  the  Winnipeg  papers,  the  Times,  devoted  a  leader  this 
week  to  soundly  rating  landlords  for  demanding  rents  which  give  them  a  return  of 
twenty  per  cent,  on  their  outlay,  and  letting  their  houses  stand  vacant  rather  than 
reduce  rents. 

When  we  consider  that  ten  years  ago  all  that  existed  of  the  City  of  Winnipeg  was 
Fort-Garry,  a  Hudson  Bay  Company's  trading  station,  we  cannot  help  being  impressed 
by  the  change  which  has  transformed  the  lonely  prairie  into  a  busy  town,  and  the  . 
people  of  Winnipeg  are  entitled  to  great  credit  for  what  they  have  done  and  are  doing. 


But  Winnipeg  looks  forward  to  being,  within  a  very  few  years,  a  much  more  important 
place  than  it  now  is,  and  it  was  this  expectation  that  gave  rise  to  the  famous  boom  of 
last  spring,  when  the  prices  of  building  lots  in  Winnipeg  went  up  to  a  fabulous  figure. 
And  yet  it  looks  as  if  Winnipeg  is  not  doing  what  it  might  to  secure  its  growth  into  a 
large  city.  A  few  miles  east  of  Winnipeg  is  the  eastern  limit  of  the  fertile  belt  Be- 
yond that  the  country,  for  hundreds  of  miles,  consists  of  rock  and  swamp.  To  the 
north,  along  the  Red  River  Valley,  the  soil,  though  rich,  is  low,  and  will  probably 
not  be  much  more  thickly  peopled  than  it  is,  so  long  as  better  land  can  be  got  in  the 
west,  which  will  be  for  many  years  to  come.  To  the  south,  or  south-west,  lies  the 
"  Gateway  City"  of  Emerson,  close  to  the  International  boundary,  and  its  people  do 
not  look  as  if  they  intended  to  let  Winnipeg  become  supreme  in  the  North- West  with- 
out a  struggle.  They  are  so  situated,  too,  that  they  have  competing  lines  of  commun- 
ication with  the  markets  of  the  world  to  which  they  are  at  present  nearer  than  Winni- 
peg. To  the  west  and  north-west  are  millions  of  acres  of  fertile  land,  some  of  it 
being,  according  to  report,  the  most  fertile  in  the  world,  and  this  land  is  being  rapidly 
settled.  It  is  in  this  direction  that  Winnipeg  must  look  for  her  customers  ;  it  is  to 
serve  this  district,  and  make  herself  indispensable  to  its  people,  that  she  should 
now  lay  herself  out.  But  this  she  does  not  appear  to  be  doing,  or  to  have 
any  intention  of  doing.  Winnipeg  is  fmll  of  shops  and  warehouses  where 
goods  can  be  purchased  wholesale  and  retail,  and  the  people  think  that  the  future 
trade  of  Winnipeg  will  be  a  wholesale  one  —  importing  goods  from  the  East 
and  distributing  them  throughout  the  West  and  North-West.  Well,  this  may  be,  but 
there  are  other  towns  further  west,  notably  Portage  la  Prairie  and  Brandon,  going  into 
the  same  trade,  and  as  they  have  the  advantage  of  being  nearer  the  consumer  than 
Winnipeg,  and  seem  determined  to  make  a  fight  for  the  trade,  they  may  run  Winnipeg 
a  close  race.  The  only  manufacturing  industry  of  any  importance  in  Winnipeg  is  a 
lumber  mill.  Although  the  whole  country  from  which  Winnipeg  will  draw  its  busi- 
ness is  a  grain-producing  one,  there  is  not  a  grain  elevator  or  a  grist  mill  in  the  city. 

There  may  be  a  great  future  in  store  for  Winnipeg,  but  if  there  is,  her  citizens 
must  work — a  policy  of  waiting  for  something  to  turn  up  will  not  do.  Even  building 
speculators  will  not  make  a  city.  On  the  contrary,  they  may,  by  giving  the  place  a 
reputation  for  dearness,  tend  to  unmake  it.  There  is  one  scheme  on  foot  which,  if 
carried  out,  will  have  an  important  bearing  on  the  future  of  Winnipeg — that  is,  the 
proposed  line  of  communication  with  Britain  by  Hudson's  Bay.  Looked  at  on  a  flat 
map,  it  does  not  look  as  if  Hudson's  Bay  was  nearer  Britain  than  New  York,  but  so  it 
seems  it  is.  I  had  an  interesting  conversation  with  the  manager  of  one  of  the  banks 
in  Winnipeg  on  this  subject,  and  from  him  I  derived  my  information.  There  are  two 
proposals  made,  and  two  companies  have  obtained  charters.  The  one  proposes  to 
build  a  railway  from  Winnipeg  to  Churchill,  on  Hudson's  Bay,  a  distance  of  between 
600  and  700  miles.  The  other  scheme,  and  the  one  which  is  supported  by  the  best 
men,  is  to  utilise  the  water  communication  by  the  Red  River  and  Lake  Winnipeg,  and 
have  a  railway  from  the  end  of  Lake  Winnipeg  to  Churchill,  a  distance  of  about  360 
miles.  It  is  claimed  for  these  routes  that  either  of  them  would  bring  Winnipeg  and 
the  North-West  Territory  about  a  thousand  miles  nearer  Liverpool  than  the  present 
route  by  Duluth  and  the  Lakes,  and  between  500  and  600  miles  nearer  than  by  the 
Canadian  Pacific  through  line  when  complete.  If  this  is  so,  and  if  either  of  the  two 
schemes  should  be  carried  out,  Winnipeg  would  probably  become  the  great  centre  of 
the  grain  trade  of  the  Canadian  North-West,  and  indeed  the  natural  point  where  all 
the  trade  of  that  immense  territory  would  be  transacted.  Meantime,  Winnipeg  goes 


forward  with  a  light  heart,  introducing  the  electric  light,  enlarging  her  Town  Hall  at 
a  cost  of  60,000  dols.,  laying  drains,  and  wondering  what  she  will  do  to  make  her 
streets  passable  after  a  shower  of  rain — borrowing  a  few  hundred  thousand  dollars  here 
and  there  where  they  can  be  got,  without  waiting  to  think  how  they  are  to  be  repaid 
— in  short,  playing  to  perfection  the  role  of  Micawber  among  Western  cities. 

It  is  a  very  safe  rule  never  to  "  prophesy  unless  you  know," 
but  however  fond  one  is  of  the  rule  as  a  guiding  principle, 
he  is  sometimes  tempted  to  disregard  it.  This  was  my  case  in 
Winnipeg.  Its  whole  method  of  going  to  work  appeared  to  me 
to  be  unsound.  No  business  is  more  precarious  in  a  new  town 
with  new  towns  rising  on  every  side  of  it  than  "  shopkeeping," 
and  yet  Winnipeg  seemed  to  me  to  pin  its  faith  to  its  counters. 
Speculative  house  and  shop  building,  the  only  other  form  of 
industry  extensively  carried  on  in  the  city,  was,  if  anything, 
worse  than  shopkeeping.  The  Hudson  Bay  Railway  and  Naviga- 
tion scheme  will,  however,  if  practicable  and  carried  out  in  time, 
save  Winnipeg,  and  if  coupled  with  energy  on  the  part  of  her 
citizens  make  her  a  great  city.  Without  it  she  will  become,  on 
the  completion  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  little  more  than 
a  roadside  station  on  the  route  to  the  great  West.  K.  M'D. 

(To  be  continued.) 

AND  ANECDOTAL.  By  JAMES  CROMB,  Author  of  "Working  and 
Living,  and  other  Essays."  Dundee  :  John  Leng  &  Co. 

THIS  is  a  most  attractive  and  readable  book,  written  by  a  Low- 
lander  about- the  Highlanders.  It  is  a  sign  of  the  times  when  a 
"  Sassenach "  writes  in  such  a  pleasing,  almost  flattering, 
manner  of  the  hereditary  enemies  of  his  forbears.  No  Celt 
could  have  paid  a  warmer  tribute  to  the  many  excellencies  of  the 
Celtic  character  than  Mr  Cromb  has  done  in  this  book,  and  we 
heartily  thank  him  for  it.  We  have  our  faults,  and  Southern 
scribblers  have  not  failed  to  present  them  to  the  world  in  their 
worst  aspects  and  to  greatly  magnify  them  without  any  reference 
to  the  other  side.  Mr  Cromb  perhaps  leans  a  little  too  much  to 
virtue's  side,  but  such  a  book  as  his  was  wanted,  and  it  will  do 
much  good.  The  work  treats  of  the  Highland  dress,  the 
Highlander's  love  of  country,  Highland  Bards,  Pipers,  Music, 


Tartan,  Superstition,  Feuds,  Fidelity;  with  special  chapters  de- 
voted to  each  of  the  Massacre  of  Glencoe,  Rob  Roy  Mac- 
gregor,  Sir  Evven  Cameron  of  Lochiel,  Montrose,  Viscount 
Dundee,  President  Forbes,  Prince  Charles,  and  Flora  Mac- 
donald;  and  it  is  very  nicely  illustrated  with  lithographs  and 
drawings  by  a  Dundee  artist,  Mr  Martin  Anderson.  The 
chapter  on  Highland  Fidelity  is  particularly  good.  We  should 
like  to  quote  it  at  length,  but  even  did  our  space  admit  that 
would  be  unjust  to  the  author.  No  Highlander  should  be 
without  a  copy  of  the  book,  and  we  feel  safe  in  predicting  that  all 
who  peruse  it  will  feel  a  glow  of  gratitude  to  its  author. 

The  "Introduction"  is  worthy  of  the  book.  After  describ- 
ing the  mistaken  opinions  held  regarding  the  Highlanders  of 
the  past  by  their  Southern  neighbours,  the  author  proceeds — 
"  When  they  became  known,  they  were  found  to  be  honourable 
and  brave  men — devoted  to  those  to  whom  they  owed  allegiance, 
and  regarding  their  life  as  of  less  value  than  their  integrity." 
Of  their  leaders  he  says : — 

The  Chiefs,  whose  dignity  of  manner  was  not  equalled  by  accomplished  courtiers, 
were  hospitable  and  kind,  and  the  good  things  of  their  table  were  as  freely  offered 
to  the  wandering  stranger  or  the  meanest  of  their  clan  as  to  the  King  or  his  Councill- 
ors. The  meanest  of  them  could  boast  a  line  of  ancestry  sufficient  to  put  an  English 
baron  to  the  blush  ;  and  while  their  occupation  was. war,  and  their  delight  to  be  war- 
like, they  had  sentiments  in  their  bosom  deep  and  tender  as  any  breathed  from 
Southern  maiden's  lips. 

After  telling  us  that  the  fidelity  of  the  clansmen  to  these  Chiefs, 
and  of  Highland  soldiers  to  their  officers,  was  one  of  the  most 
distinctly  marked  characteristics  of  the  Gael,  and  that  selfish- 
ness was  foreign  to  their  nature,  he  states,  with  evident  regret, 
how  in  recent  years — 

They  have  suffered  vicissitudes  which  call  forth  the  sympathy  of  all  who  are  ac- 
quainted with  their  independent  character  and  self-denying  lives.  Neither  their 
tastes,  habits,  nor  traditions  have  been  respected.  The  country  has  been  invaded  by 
bands  of  pleasure-seekers,  and  the  young  and  the  old  sent  forth  from  the  happy  homes 
in  which  they  lived  in  contentment  and  peace.  Brave  men  and  virtuous  women  have 
had  to  seek  a  home  beyond  the  seas,  that  room  might  be  made  for  sheep  and  deer 
and  Cockney  sportsmen.  The  day  may  come  when  we  shall  go  to  the  glen  to  pipe, 
and  find  no  one  to  dance  ;  we  may  be  in  need  of  bold  hearts  and  lusty  arms,  and 
when  we  turn  to  the  mountains  and  cry  for  help,  no  response  but  the  echo  of  our  own 

voice  will  break  the  silence We  cannot  refrain  from  expressing  the 

opinion  that  it  is  not  good  for  the  people  nor  for  the  country  that  the  Highlands 
should  be  made  first  a  sheep  run,  then  a  mere  hunting  and  pleasure  ground.  Perhaps 
there  is  exaggeration  in  the  statements  regarding  the  extent  of  ground  wasted  for  the 
breeding  of  game.  Thousands  of  acres  in  the  Highlands  are  scarcely  fit  for  any  other 
purpose.  Many  who  have  been  compelled  to  leave  their  native  glens,  and  seek  homes 
in  the  south,  or  beyond  the  seas,  have,  however  severe  the  wrench  to  sentiment, 
really  benefited  themselves  from  a  material  point  of  view.  Yet  it  is  unquestionable 


that  the  country,  as  a  whole,  is  capable  of  sustaining  in  comfort  a  much  larger  popula- 
tion than  it  does.  There  are  fertile  valleys,  remote  glens,  and  cheerful  straths,  rich 
in  mingled  green  and  purple,  from  which  no  smoke  ever  rises,  and  where  the  eye 
cannot  find  a  habitation.  Traces  there  are  of  cold  hearth  -  stones,  and  of  a. 
people  who  are  gone,  yet  who  lived  pleasant  and  happy  lives  amid  these  fair 
surroundings.  But  sheep,  deer,  and  grouse  have  hustled  them  out,  and  the 
country  is  the  weaker  and  the  poorer.  The  sporting  craze  is.  besides,  demoral- 
ising the  people.  Does  anyone  think  that  the  boatman  or  gillie  of  to-day, 
who  carries  his  gun  and  bag  over  the  hills,  or  rows  his  boat  over  the  loch,  is  a  fair 
representative  of  the  clansman  who  responded  a  century  and  a  half  ago  to  the  call  of 
his  Chief  ?  Not  a  bit  of  him.  He  is  often  cringing  and  servile,  and  this  cringing 
servility  is  a  condition  of  obtaining  employment.  Buggins  from  the  City  demands  it, 
pays  for  it,  and  the  poor  Gael  must  give  it.  We  do  not  blame  him.  It  is  the  lesson 

he  has  learned  from  contact  with  the  South The  general  influence 

of  the  Saxon  on  the  Gael  is  to  ''  unman  "  him.  And  that  is  not  all  the  evil.  This 
grouse  and  deer  rearing  is  a  loss  to  the  nation.  Can  deer,  costing  ^100  per  head 
to  rear,  and  sometimes  a  great  deal  more,  or  grouse,  often  from  £,1  to  ^5  a  brace, 
ever  be  profitable  for  any  one  concerned,  either  in  breeding  or  killing  them  ? 

These  quotations  from  the  Introduction  will  indicate  the  nature 
of  the  book,  and  the  warm-heartedness  of  its  author. 

London  :  Simpkin,  Marshall,  &  Co.      1883. 

AN  old  Highland  proverb  says,  "An  uair  a  bhios  Murachadh  na  'thamh  bidh  e 
'ruamhar"  (when  Murdo  is  resting  he  will  be  delving),  a  remark  which  may  be  appro- 
priately applied  to  the  author  of  this  work.  The  publication  not  many  months  ago  of  his 
"After-Toil  Songs,"  and  now  the  issue  of  the  present  volume  show  that  the  author  does 
a  fair  share  of  "delving"  in  the  fields  of  poetry  and  literature  in  his  leisure  hours;  and 
the  quality  of  the  crop  satisfies  us  that  his  croft  is  truly  on  some  well-favoured  spot  on 
the  slopes  of  Parnassus  itself.  Nay,  it  would  appear  that  he  has  been  fortunate 
enough  to  secure  "fixity  of  tenure"  on  those  classic  grounds.  While  saying  this, 
however,  we  are  not  sure  that  the  last  season  has  been  quite  so  propitious  as  former 
ones.  The  present  volume  consists  of  a  rather  mixed  variety,  alike  in  point  of  subject 
and  merit.  The  "Lays"  are  characterised  by  much  of  the  native  force  which  Mr 
Allan  infuses  into  his  productions,  and  there  are  not  wanting  many  of  the  more  deli- 
cate touches  which  his  hand  can  so  well  impart.  His  genius  is  like  one  of  his  own 
Nasmyth  hammers,  which,  in  the  hand  of  the  mechanic,  can  be  made  to  come  gently 
down  on  an  egg,  and  barely  crack  its  shell,  or,  with  a  force  that  can  crush  to  atoms  a 
mass  of  solid  oak.  Very  musical  and  pretty  is  that  short  piece,  "  The  Bell  in  the 
Valley."  Right  bold  on  the  other  hand,  like  its  fearless  subject,  is  the  poem  entitled 
"  Rob  Roy's  Death,"  which  appeared  some  time  ago  in  our  own  pages.  A  longer 
poem,  which  also  appeared  in  the  Celtic  Magazine,  is  "  Drumclog,"  in  which  our 
author  breathes  the  old  sturdy  Presbyterianism  of  his  native  country.  Perhaps, 
however,  the  most  powerful  and  vivid  in  the  collection  is  that  entitled  "  The 
Preacher  of  Portree,"  which,  notwithstanding  a  considerable  amount  of  meta- 
morphosis, his  readers  will  recognise  as  the  anonymous  metrical  tale  which 
appeared  some  months  ago  under  the  title  of  "  St  Michael  and  the  Preacher." 
Mr  Allan,  now  that  he  avows  the  paternity,  prefers  that  it  should  appear  in  a 
Scotch  garb.  He  has  also  shorn  it  of  a  good  deal  that  was  gruesome  in  its 
former  aspect,  but  here  it  is  with  its  "  natural  force"  not  one  whit  abated.  The 
poem  of  the  "  Preacher"  is  one  of  Mr  Allan's  most  powerful  and  successful  attempts, 
and  contains  pictures  that  would  have  done  no  discredit  to  the  author  of  "Tarn  o' 
Shanter."  Its  subject  is  Highland  landlord  oppression,  clerical  indifference  and 
sycophancy,  and  their  ultimate  reward  ;  and  the  treatment  of  it  is  quite  in  keep- 
ing with  the  theme.  We  c'ordially  commend  the  "  Lays  of  Leisure ;"  and  the  best 
we  can  say  of  them  is  that  they  wear  the  impress  of  the  powerful  hand  and  4arge 
warm  heart  of  the  true  Scot  that  every  one  knows  Mr  William  Allan  to  be. 



IT  will  be  remembered  that  on  the  2Oth  of  December  1882,  a 
great  gathering  took  place  at  Cluny  Castle,  on  which  occasion 
Cluny  and  his  lady  were  presented  with  addresses  from  almost 
every  representative  Society  in  the  County  of  Inverness,  in 
celebration  of  their  Golden  Wedding.  A  strong  desire  has  since 
been  expressed  that  a  record  of  the  interesting  proceedings 
should  appear  in  a  more  enduring  form  than  newspaper  re- 
ports. We  have  the  result  before  us  in  a  beautifully  printed 
brochure  of  96  pages,  containing  all  the  addresses  presented  to 
the  grand  old  Chief  and  his  lady,  and  life-like  portraits  of  both. 
It  also  contains  a  list  of  the  subscribers  to  the  magnificent  Centre- 
piece, formally  presented  on  the  2Oth  of  December  1883,  with  a 
genealogical  account  of  the  family  from  Macgillicattan  Mor  to 
the  present  day.  The  whole  has  been  prepared  and  edited  by 
Mr  Alexander  Macpherson,  banker,  Kingussie,  Honorary  Secre- 
tary to  the  Testimonial  Committee,  and  it  does  no  small  credit 
to  his  good  taste,  from  a  literary  as  well  as  from  an  artistic 
point  of  view.  The  readers  of  the  Celtic  Magazine  do  not  at 
this  time  of  day  require  that  we  should  refer  at  any  length  to 
Cluny's  unblemished  life  and  record  as  a  Highland  Chief.  A 
sketch  of  himself  and  his  career  appeared  in  these  pages  a  few 
years  ago,  which  has  since  been  re-printed  and  circulated  by  the 
Testimonial  Committee  among  the  subscribers  ;  and  it  is  quoted 
in  the  "  Golden  Wedding,"  by  Mr  Macpherson. 

The  presentation  to  Cluny  and  his  lady  consists  of  a 
massive  silver  Candelabrum,  or  Centre-piece,  manufactured  by 
Mr  James  Aitchison,  Edinburgh,  weighing  about  seven  hundred 
ounces.  A  sturdy  oak  tree,  springing  from  the  heather  and 
bracken,  forms  the  stem,  from  which  radiate  nine  branches, 
fitted  for  crystals  or  candles,  and  in  the  centre  a  richly  cut  dish 
for  fruit  or  flowers.  In  front  of  the  tree  is  placed  a  group  repre- 
senting one  of  the  most  interesting  and  characteristic  incidents 
in  the  history  of  the  famous  Chief  of  1745,  for  whose  capture 
the  Government  of  the  day  offered  a  reward  of  a  thousand 
guineas  and  a  company  in  one  of  the  regiments  of  the  line,  to 
any  one  who  would  bring  him  in  dead  or  alive.  The  incident  is 
thus  described  in  a  letter  by  his  son,  Colonel  Duncan  Macpher- 


son  of  Cluny,  to  Colonel  Stewart  of  Garth,  author  of  the  Sketches 
of  the  Highlanders,  dated  "Cluny  House,  pth  June  1817:" — 

On  another  occasion,  when  my  father  was  at  Cluny,  in  a  small  house  inhabited  by 
the  family  after  the  Castle  was  burnt,  the  house  was  suddenly  surrounded  by  a  party 
of  soldiers  (redcoats,  as  they  were  then  called,)  commanded  by  Ensign  Munro,  whose 
information  was  so  correct,  and  managed  matters  so  secretly  that  there  was  no  possi- 
bility of  my  father  making  his  escape ;  but,  on  the  emergency,  his  presence  of  mind 
did  not  forsake  him,  and  he  stood  firm  and  collected  in  himself,  and  although  he  saw 
himself  on  the  brink  of  destruction,  and  ready  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  persecutors, 
by  which  he  must  suffer  an  ignominious  death,  he  deliberately  stepped  into  the  kitchen, 
where  a  servant  man  was  sitting,  and  exchanged  clothes  with  him,  all  of  which  was  the 
work  of  a  moment ;  and  when  the  officer  commanding  the  party  rode  up  to  the  door, 
he,  without  any  hesitation,  ran  out  and  held  the  stirrup  while  dismounting,  walked 
the  horse  about  while  the  officer  was  in  the  house,  and  when  he  came  out  again,  held 
the  stirrup  to  him  to  mount,  on  which  the  officer  asked  him  if  he  knew  where  Cluny 
was  ;  he  answered  that  he  did  not,  and  if  he  did,  he  would  not  tell  him  ;  the  officer 
replied,  "  I  believe  you  would  not ;  you  are  a  good  fellow,  here  is  a  shilling  for  you." 

Unfortunately  no  authentic  portrait  of  Cluny  of  the  'Forty- 
five  exists,  and  the  artist,  Mr  Clark  Stanton,  A.R.S.A.,  has, 
most  appropriately,  adopted  the  features  of  the  present  sturdy 
Chief.  The  conception  is  a  happy  one,  but  we  cannot  help  feel- 
ing a  slight  regret  that  the  incident  illustrated  should  have 
necessitated  such  a  prominent  position  for  Ensign  Munro,  while 
Cluny  himself,  in  whose  honour  the  design  is  got  up,  should 
hold  such  a  comparatively  subordinate  place  ;  but  we  presume 
this  could  not  be  avoided,  without  sacrificing  the  historical  value 
of  the  illustration.  Suspended  on  the  trunk  of  the  oak,  and 
serving  to  break  the  line,  are  a  target  and  other  warlike  accoutre- 
ments. The  base  has  been  designed  as  far  as  possible  in  keeping 
with  the  Celtic  sentiments  of  the  occasion,  and  bears  on  one  side 
the  combined  arms  of  Cluny  Macpherson  and  Davidson,  with 
the  supporters,  crest,  and  motto  ;  and  on  the  other  a  shield,  bear- 
ing the  following  inscription  (in  Gaelic  and  English): — 






2OTH  DECEMBER  1882. 

No  other  Chief  in  the  Highlands  better  deserved  this  honour ; 
and  we  heartily  wish  our  good  friend  and  his  lady  many  years  of 
health  and  happiness  to  enjoy  it,  with  the  good  wishes  and, 
indeed,  affection  of  the  Highland  people. 


The  following  Circular  is  in  course  of  being  issued  by  A.  &  W.  MACKENZIE, 
Publishers,  "  Celtic  Magazine"  Office,  25  Academy  Street,  Inverness: — 




WE  have  for  some  time  been  strongly  urged,  from  influential  quarters  at  home  and 
abroad,  to  take  the  necessary  steps  for  starting  an  Independent  Weekly  Newspaper 
in  Inverness,  for  the  special  purpose  of  advocating  the  claims  and  promoting  the  in- 
terests of  the  Highland  people. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  present  time  is  specially  opportune  for  a  move- 
ment in  this  direction;  and  that  our  Mr  Alexander  Mackenzie's  special  knowledge  of 
his  countrymen,  their  history,  and  wants  in  the  present  crisis,  points  to  him  as  the 
most  suitable  to  conduct  such  a  paper;  the  marked  success  of  the  Celtic  Magazine, 
under  his  guidance,  when  all  similar  attempts  by  others  failed,  being  an  earnest  of  his 
ability  to  prove  equally  successful  in  conducting  a  Highland  newspaper. 

To  embark  in  the  direction  proposed  is  a  serious  undertaking,  both  as  regards 
its  financial  responsibilities  and  the  labour  and  energy  necessary  to  make  the  paper  in- 
fluential and  prosperous.  Very  liberal  support  has  been  already  offered,  and  nothing 
is  wanting  to  induce  us  and  Mr  Mackenzie  to  move  in  the  matter,  but  a  certainty  that  the 
paper  shall  be  widely  and  energetically  supported  by  Highlanders,  and  by  their  numer- 
ous friends  at  home  and  abroad. 

To  test  the  feeling  existing  among  those  specially  interested,  and  to  put  the  matter 
beyond  question,  the  present  Circular  is  issued,  as  the  most  practical  means,  to  enable 
all  who  are  willing  to  support  a  Highland  Newspaper  to  do  so  in  a  substantialfo  rm, 
by  subscribing,  and  agreeing  to  pay  a  year's  subscription  in  advance  ;  the  money  not 
to  be  paid  until  it  is  finally  decided  to  issue  the  paper. 

Should  the  result  prove  satisfactory,  steps  will  at  once  be  taken  to  start  a  paper 
of  eight  pages,  at  one  penny.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  such  interest  is  not  shown, 
in  the  manner  indicated,  as  will  secure  a  certain  subscribed  circulation  to  begin  with, 
of  at  least  five  thousand  copies,  it  will  not  be  deemed  prudent  to  proceed  any  further 
in  the  matter  at  present.  Whether  or  not  the  Highlanders  shall  have  a  represent- 
ative paper  is  thus  left  in  their  own  hands  ;  and  they  should,  in  a  matter  of  this  kind, 
remember  that  "  Heaven  helps  those  who  help  themselves." 

All  who  feel  interested  regarding  the  position  and  prospects  of  the  Highland 
people ;  and  who  care  for  the  Language,  Literature,  Traditions,  and  the  Material 
interests  of  a  noble  but  ill-used  race,  will,  it  is  hoped,  aid  us  in  securing  the  necessary 
support  for  carrying  out  the  object  aimed  at. 

It  is  believed  that  the  manner  in  which  the  Celtic  Magazine  has  been  conducted 
to  such  a  successful  issue,  will  be  accepted  as  a  sufficient  guarantee  that  the  same  pru- 
dence, firmness,  and  energy  which  secured  that  success  will  be  applied  with  even 
greater  results,  to  the  conduct  of  such  a  Newspaper  as  is  now  proposed. 

The  leading  friends  of  the  Highland  people  are  fully  satisfied — however  favour- 
able the  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  may  be  that  the  real  work  of  those  who 
demand  and  will  insist  upon  a  change  in  the  present  Land  Laws  will  only  begin  in 
earnest  when  the  nature  of  the  Report  becomes  known.  This  points  strongly  to  the 
necessity  of  Highlanders  having  a  special  organ  of  their  own  to  advance  their  claims. 

A  Gaelic  department  will  form  a  feature  of  the  paper ;  and  special  attention 
will  always  be  given  to  Local  News  from  every  Strath,  Glen,  and  Hamlet,  where 
Highlanders  are  to  be  found. 

A.  &  W.  MACKENZIE. 





No.  CI.  MARCH  1884.  VOL.  IX. 

By  the  EDITOR. 

XIV.  -v 

SIR  EWEN  CAMERON— Continued.    ;. 

LOCHIEL'S  settlement  with  Mackintosh  was  for  him,  in  the  ex- 
isting circumstances,  a  most  favourable  one;  for  not  only  did  the 
yearly  rents  of  the  lands  far  exceed  the  interest  of  the  money  paid 
to  Mackintosh,  but  there  were  oak  and  fir  woods  on  both  sides 
of  Loch-Arkaig,  and  on  other  parts  of  the  lands  in  question,  worth 
more  than  four  times  the  sum  paid  for  the  whole.  Lochiel,  how- 
ever, overlooked  to  make  provision  in  the  agreement  for  the 
arrears  of  rent  due  since  the  mortgage  on  the  estate  was  redeemed 
in  1639,  and  this  cost  him  afterwards,  in  1688,  no  end  of  trouble 
and  annoyance.  He  is  said  to  have  entertained  the  leading 
men  of  the  two  clans — his  own  and  the  Mackintoshes — in  his 
house  for  several  days  after  the  agreement  was  completed,  when, 
to  all  appearance,  they  parted  fully  satisfied  with  the  arrange- 
ment come  to. 

The  Marquis  of  Athole  offered  Lochiel  the  money  to  pay 
the  sum  awarded  to  Mackintosh.  Argyll  offered  it  on  some- 
what easier  conditions,  but  still  conditions  which,  in  future, 
would  secure  to  him  and  to  the  House  of  Campbell  the  superi- 



ority  of  the  lands.  There  was  to  be  no  interest  payable  for 
the  money  itself,  but  Lochiel  consented  to  hold  the  lands 
from  Argyll  as  superior,  to  pay  him  a  feu-duty  of  one  hundred 
pounds  Scots  per  annum,  and  to  grant  him  the  service  of  one 
hundred  men-in-arms  whenever  he  should  require  them.  These 
conditions  later  on  landed  Lochiel  in  a  very  difficult  position, 
in  connection  with  a  dispute  which  arose  between  Argyll  and 
the  Macleans  of  Duart,  to  whom  Sir  Ewen  was  closely  con- 
nected by  marriage  and  consanguinity.  Lochiel  took  the 
part  of  the  Macleans  in  this  quarrel,  having,  after  visiting 
Argyll  at  Inveraray,  and  leaving  him  without  notice,  hastened 
back  to  Lochaber,  where,  being  joined  by  the  Macdonalds  of 
Glengarry,  Keppoch,  Glencoe,  and  others,  he  marched  into  Mull, 
and  prevented  the  intended  invasion  by  Argyll  for  that  year. 

To  have  men  in  arms  without  authority  was  an  offence  of  a 
very  serious  character,  and  to  punish  Sir  Ewen,  Argyll  applied 
to  the  Privy  Council,  who,  on  the  29th  of  July  1669,  issued 
a  proclamation,  wherein,  among  others,  Lochiel,  Maclean, 
and  several  chiefs,  including  Argyll  himself,  are  ordered  to 
find  annual  caution  to  keep  the  peace.  He  had,  however,  pre- 
viously secured  the  necessary  legal  authority  for  punishing  the 
Macleans,  and,  consequently,  the  proclamation  only  affected  his 
opponents,  impartial  though  it  at  first  appeared  by  the  inclu- 
sion of  his  own  name.  At  the  same  time  Argyll  had  a  warrant 
against  Lochiel  for  money  due  by  him.  Sir  Ewen,  however, 
started  for  Edinburgh  in  the  most  secret  manner,  and,  notwith- 
standing Argyll's  opposition,  who  was  there  before  him,  and  was 
himself  a  member,  the  Privy  Council,  on  the  28th  October,  granted 
Lochiel  a  personal  protection.  He  remained  in  Edinburgh 
most  of  the  succeeding  winter;  and  he  is  said  to  have  been  so 
exasperated  at  Argyll's  conduct  towards  him  and  his  friends  the 
Macleans,  that  he  would  have  shot  his  Lordship  on  a  certain  day, 
as  he  was  stepping  into  his  carriage  to  attend  a  meeting  of  the 
Privy  Council,  had  not  Lochiel's  servant,  who  stood  at  his 
master's  back,  wrested  the  pistol  out  of  his  raised  hand,  as  he  was 
about  to  shoot  him. 

Lochiel  resided  in  Mull  during  summer,  for  the  succeeding  few 
years,  and  Argyll  remained  at  home.  In  the  Spring  of  1674,  he 
was  taken  dangerously  ill  with  a  "  bloody-flux  " — the  only  ill- 


ness  he  had  during  his  whole  career — occasioned  by  cold  and 
fatigue  endured  while  supporting  the  Macleans.  His  com- 
plaint, which  was  so  severe  that  his  physicians  despaired  of  his 
life,  lasted  for  a  whole  year,  but  even  while  ill,  he  was  still  able  to 
render  great  service  to  his  friends  by  his  wise  counsel.  Ultimately, 
however,  Argyll  succeeded  in  bringing  about  an  arrangement,  in 
terms  of  which  Lochiel  agreed  to  visit  him  at  Dunstaffnage  Castle, 
whither  he  set  out  in  June  1675.  Mutual  explanations  were  made, 
and  Argyll  satisfied  Lochiel  that  he  was  prepared  to  arrange  the 
matter  in  dispute  with  the  Macleans  on  favourable  terms,  pro- 
vided that  he  accompanied  him  to  Mull  with  fifty  men,  that  the 
whole  question  might  be  submitted  to  certain  friends  for  their 
award.  This  Lochiel  agreed  to,  and  it  was  ratified  by  a  contract, 
dated  the  5th  of  June  1675. 

The  long-vexed  question  between  them  having  thus  been 
settled,  Argyll  invited  Lochiel  to  spend  a  few  days  with  him  at 
Inveraray.  Shortly  after  their  arrival,  Argyll  suggested  that 
his  guest  should  have  himself  shaved  by  his  Lordship's  valet, 
a  Frenchman,  who,  he  said,  was  an  adept  at  his  art.  Lochiel 
agreed.  While  the  operation  was  going  on,  two  stalwart  Cam- 
erons  of  the  Chief's  retinue,  who  were  in  the  room,  were  noticed 
standing  close  together,  their  backs  pressed  firmly  against  the 
inside  of  the  door,  one  having  his  eyes  fixed  on  Argyll,  the 
other  on  the  valet.  After  some  chaffing  remarks  between  the 
Chiefs  as  to  the  suspicious-looking  action  of  the  two  men, 
Lochiel  requested  the  Earl  to  ask  themselves  to  explain  their 
conduct.  In  reply,  one  of  them  at  once  answered,  "  That 
knowing  well  there  had  been  a  difference  between  his  Lordship 
and  their  Chief,  on  account  of  the  assistance  he  had  given  to  the 
Macleans,  they  suspected,  when  the  valet  was  called  for,  that 
there  might  be  a  design  of  murdering  their  Chief  under  cover  of 
that  service,  seeing  that  he  had  a  servant  of  his  own  who  used  to 
perform  it,  and  that,  therefore,  they  were  determined,  if  their 
suspicion  proved  true,  first  to  dispatch  his  Lordship,  and  then  the 
valet."  Being  asked,  "  What  they  thought  would  have  come 
of  themselves  in  such  a  case  as  that  ?"  they  replied,  "  We  did 
not  think  about  that,  but  we  were  resolved  to  revenge  the  murder 
of  our  Chief."  Argyll  praised  them  highly,  and  gave  them 
money,  at  the  same  time  telling  Sir  Ewen  that  he  believed  no 
Prince  in  the  world  had  more  faithful  and  loving  subjects. 


Soon  after  this  Lochiel  had  occasion  to  visit  Edinburgh, 
when  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  his  Royal  Highness  the 
Duke  of  York,  afterwards  James  II.  The  Prince  not  only., 
received  him  with  every  mark  of  attention  ;  but,  in  a  full  Court, 
honoured  him  specially  with  his  conversation,  questioning  him  in 
the  most  agreeable  manner  about  the  adventures  of  his  youth. 
He  openly  congratulated  him  upon  having  arranged  a  settle- 
ment of  the  ancient  dispute  between  him  and  Mackintosh,  and 
upon  its  happy  issue,  stating,  at  the  same  time,  that  even  if  his 
brother  the  King  had  gone  the  length  of  purchasing  these  lands 
for  him,  since  they  were  so  long  in  his  family  and  so  conveniently 
situated  for  his  clan,  it  would  be  but  a  small  reward  for  the  great 
services  which  he  had  rendered  to  the  Royal  House.  The 
Prince,  at  the  close  of  this  address,  asked  for  Lochiel's  sword, 
which  the  Chief  at  once  handed  to  him,  but  the  Duke  was  unable 
to  draw  it  from  the  scabbard  ;  for  the  weapon,  it  seems,  "  was 
somewhat  rusty,  and  but  little  used,  as  being  a  walking  sword, 
which  the  Highlanders  never  make  use  of  in  their  own  country. 
The  Duke,  after  the  second  attempt,  gave  it  back  to  Lochiel,  with 
the  compliment  that  his  sword  never  used  to  be  so  uneasy  to  draw 
when  the  Crown  wanted  his  service.  Lochiel,  who  was  modest 
even  to  excess,  was  so  confounded  that  he  could  make  no  return 
to  so  high  a  compliment ;  and  knowing  nothing  of  the  Duke's 
intention,  he  drew  the  sword,  and  returned  it  to  His  Royal 
Highness,  who,  addressing  those  about  him,  said  smiling — 
'  You  see,  my  Lords,  Lochiel's  sword  gives  obedience  to  no  hand 
but  his  own,'  and  thereupon  he  was  pleased  to  knight  him."* 

*The  version  in  the  text  is  that  given  by  the  author  of  the  "  Memoirs  of  Sir  Ewen 
Cameron,"  who  knew  Lochiel  personally.  Sir  Walter  Scott  "  improves"  it  by  making 
the  Duke  the  King,  and  by  other  embellishments,  as  follows  : — After  the  accession  of 
James  II.,  Lochiel  came  to  Court  to  obtain  pardon  for  one  of  his  clan,  who,  being  in 
command  of  a  party  of  Camerons,  had  fired  by  mistake  on  a  body  of  Athole  men,  and 
killed  several.  He  was  received  with  the  most  honourable  distinction,  and  his  request 
granted.  The  King,  desiring  to  make  him  a  knight,  asked  the  Chieftain  for  his  own 
sword,  in  order  to  render  the  ceremony  still  more  peculiar.  Lochiel  had  ridden  up 
from  Scotland,  being  then  the  only  mode  of  travelling,  and  a  constant  rain  had  so 
rusted  his  trusty  broadsword  that,  at  the  moment,  no  man  could  have  unsheathed  it. 
Lochiel,  affronted  at  the  idea  which  the  courtiers  might  conceive  from  his  not  being 
able  to  draw  his  own  sword,  burst  into  tears.  "  Do  not  regard  it,  my  faithful  friend," 
said  King  James,  with  ready  courtesy,  "your  sword  would  have  left  the  scabbard  of 
itself,  had  the  Royal  cause  required  it."  With  that,  he  bestowed  the  intended  honour 
with  his  own  sword,  which  he  presented  to  the  new  knight  as  soon  as  the  ceremony 
was  performed. — Tales  of  a  Grandfather. 


These  expressions  of  favour  from  the  Prince  were  soon  imitated 
by  his  courtiers,  and  Lochiel  was  highly  complimented  by  them 
all  on  his  past  exploits  and  his  loyalty  to  the  Crown.  His  visit 
to  Edinburgh  on  this  occasion  was  in  connection  with  the  case  of 
two  soldiers  who  had  been  killed  in  Lochaber  by  some  of  his  men. 
There  was  no  word  about  their  trial  while  the  Royal  Duke  re- 
mained ;  but  as  soon  as  he  left,  proceedings  were  commenced. 
Lochiel,  however,  was  again  successful.  He  told  off  some  of  his 
friends  to  get  at  the  prosecution  witnesses,  with  orders  to  fill 
them  with  drink ;  the  result  being  that  they  were  all  sound  asleep 
in  an  obscure  out-of-the-way  house,  when  they  should  have  been 
ready  to  be  sworn  and  examined  as  witnesses  in  the  case,  and 
Lochiel's  friends  were  dismissed,  in  the  absence  of  any  evidence 
against  them,  to  the  great  regret  and  disappointment  of  his 

The  following  extracts  from  Fountainhair  s  Decisions  evi- 
dently refers  to,  and  further  explains,  this  incident : — "November 
I4th,  1682. — Complaints  being  exhibited  against  Cameron  of 
Lochiell  and  some  of  his  clan  for  sorning,  robbing,  deforcing,  and 
doing  violence  and  affronts  to  a  party  of  the  King's  forces,  who 
came  there  to  uplift  the  cess  and  taxation  :  The  Lords  ordained 
them  to  be  presently  disarmed  of  their  swords,  pistols,  and  skien- 
durks,  and  to  be  securely  imprisoned."  "  November  3Oth,  1682. — 
At  Privy  Council,  Cameron  of  Lochiell,  mentioned  I4th 
November  1682,  is  fined,  as  the  head  of  that  clan,  in  £100 
sterling,  for  the  deforcement  and  violence  offered  by  his  men  to 
the  King's  forces,  when  they  came  there  to  exact  the  taxations, 
and  three  of  them  are  referred  to  the  Criminal  Court  to  be  pur- 
sued for  their  lives,  as  guilty  of  treason,  for  opposing  the  King's 
authority ;  the  Clerk-Register  became  cautioner  for  Lochiel. 
This  was  done,  as  was  thought,  to  cause  him  give  way  to 
Huntley's  getting  a  footing  in  Lochaber." 

In  August  of  this  year  a  Commission  under  the  Great 
Seal  was  issued,  renewed  by  Proclamation  from  the  Council  in 
1685,  to  the  Sheriff  of  Inverness-shire,  to  hold  Circuit  Courts 
throughout  the  Highlands  for  the  trial  of  various  offences. 
Among  other  places  the  Sheriff  visited  Lochaber,  where  his 
presence  was  anything  but  agreeable  to  Lochiel,  who  had 
arranged,  and  carried  out  pretty  successfully,  a  plan  of  his  own 


for  punishing  offences  among  his  people.      The  Sheriff  having 
arrived  in  the  district,  with  a  following  of  seven  hundred  men  to 
protect  him  on  his  journey,  not  only  proceeded  to  try  and  punish 
offences  covered  by  his  Commission,  but  also  crimes  and  delin- 
quencies committed  during  the  late  civil  wars.      Even  Lochiel 
was  summoned  to  the  Court,  when  he  presented  himself  before  the 
Sheriff  with  a  following  of  four  hundred  men,  on  the  pretence  of 
guarding  his  Lordship,  but  really  with  the  object  of  saving  his 
own   people  from  what  he  considered  the  exercise  of  a  severe 
oppression  and  injustice.     "He  foresaw  that  the  Sheriff's  haughty 
and  tyrannic  procedure  would  be  attended  with  trouble  ;  and  to 
prevent  it  he  could  fall  upon  no  method  so  effectual  as  that  of 
dismissing  the  Court  by  some  political  contrivance  or  other.     He 
singled  out  three  or  four  of  the  most  cunning  or  sagacious,  but 
withal  the  most  mischievous  and  turbulent,  among  his  followers. 
Under  pretence  of  enquiring  into  their  conduct   with  these  he 
walked  a  short  way  from  the  place  where  the  Court  was  sitting, 
and,  pretending  to  be  very  thoughtful  and  serious,  he  dropped 
these  words  in  their  hearing,  as  if  he  had  been  meditating  and 
speaking  to  himself;  'Well,  this  Judge  will  ruin  us  all !     He  must 
be  sent  home  !     I  wish  I  could  do  it !     Is  there  none  of  my  lads  so 
clever  as  to  raise  a  rabble  and  tumult  among  them,  and  set  them 
together  by  the  ears?     It  would  send  him  a-packing.     I  have 
seen  them  raise  mischief  when  there  was  not  so  much  need  of  it!' 
The  fellows  I  have  mentioned  caught  at  those  expressions  with 
great  greediness.    They  quickly  mixed  among  the  Sheriff's  train, 
and  in  three  moments  thereafter,    Lochiel  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  that  vast  crowd  of  people  in  an  uproar.     The  cries  of 
murder   and    slaughter  resounded    from   all   quarters.      Several 
thousands  of  swords  and  dirks  were  drawn,  and  yet  none  knew 
the  quarrel,  and  such  a  dreadful  noise  and  confusion  of  tongues 
ensued,  with  the  rattle  of  swords   and   other  weapons  striking 
against  one  another,  that  the  meeting  resembled  a  company  of 
Bedlamites  broke  lose  from  their  cells,  with  their  chains  rattling 
about  them."     The  Sheriff  and  the  members  of  his  Court  got 
into  a  state  of  great  terror,  and  seeing  Lochiel  coming  in  their 
direction,  at  the  head  of  his  men,  with  drawn  swords,  they  ran 
to   meet   him,  craving   his   protection.      This  Lochiel   at   once 
granted,  and  afterwards  convoyed  the   Sheriff   and    his   whole 


retinue,  at  their  own  request,  safely  out  of  his  country,  a  service 
for  which  his  Lordship  subsequently  procured  for  him  the  thanks 
of  the  Privy  Council.  After  all  the  noise  and  uproar,  only  two 
men  were  killed,  and  a  few  wounded.  The  Sheriff  was  never 
able  to  discover  how  the  row  began,  or  who  was  responsible  for 
it,  for  the  fellows  who  started  it  stole  quietly  away,  and  rejoined 
Lochiel  and  a  body  of  his  followers  at  a  distance,  whenever  they 
saw  the  sparks  taking-  effect,  and  that  the  desired  blaze  was  sure 
to  follow.  The  Sheriff  never  after  held  a  Court  in  Lochaber,  and 
Lochiel,  as  usual,  succeeded  most  effectually  in  gaining  his  object 
by  clever  strategy. 

To  add  to  the  general  confusion,  the  Earl  of  Argyll  landed 
with  an  expedition  from  Holland  in  May  1685.  The  King  imme- 
diately sent  for  Lochiel,  and  had  a  long  conference  with  him  on  the 
subject  in  his  private  Cabinet.  The  Committee  in  Edinburgh 
advised  that  his  Majesty  should  send  Lochiel  home  to  assist  in 
suppressing  the  Rebellion.  The  brave  Chief  at  one  expressed  his 
willingness  to  do  anything  in  his  power,  and  offered  alone,  with 
the  assistance  of  his  friends,  the  Macleans,  to  be  responsible  for 
Argyll  and  his  rebellion.  The  King  replied  that  the  chief  com- 
mand had  been  already  entrusted  to  the  Marquis  of  Athole,  by 
the  Privy  Council.  Lochiel  returned  to  Scotland,  receiving  his 
Commission  from  the  Council  on  the  2Oth  of  May.  He  was  soon 
with  Athole,  at  the.  head  of  300  of  his  followers,  while  as  many 
more  were  commanded  to  follow  him  to  Inveraray  as  soon 
as  they  could  get  ready.  There  were,  however,  more  men 
than  were  required,  for  Argyll  had  only  about  1500  followers 
altogether,  and  Lochiel  sent  some  of  his  men  back  to  their 
homes.  The  offer  by  Lochiel  to  attack  the  enemy  with  the  Mac- 
leans alone  offended  the  Marquis  of  Athole,  and  produced  so 
much  friction  and  noise  in  the  camp,  that,  it  is  alleged,  he  sent 
word  to  the  Council  of  suspicions  of  Lochiel's  loyalty,  who 
he  feared  was  in  concert  with  Argyll.  An  unfortunate  incident 
followed  which  gave  strength  for  a  time  to  this  unfounded 
suspicion.  Lochiel  was  ordered  out  to  reconnoitre,  without  hav- 
ing been  informed  as  to  other  parties  that  had  been  sent 
earlier.  He  mistook  one  of  these  for  the  enemy,  one  of  whom 
rushed  forward  and  fired  his  pistol,  wounding  one  of  the 
Camerons.  Lochiel's  followers  thereupon  fell  upon  the  whole 


party,  and  would  have  cut  them  all  to  pieces,  had  not  Mr 
Cameron  of  Callart  recognised  a  Mr  Linton  of  Pendrich  lying 
on  his  back,  defending  himself  by  his  blunderbus  from  the  broad- 
sword of  one  of  the  Camerons.  This  discovery  saved  the 
remainder,  but  four  or  five  of  the  party  were  killed,  and  several 
wounded,  before  Callart  came  up.  Lochiel  was  extremely 
sorry  for  the  accident  ;  and  he  soon  had  reason  to  regret  it 
very  seriously.  The  Marquis  of  Athole  called  a  Council  of  war 
to  consider  Lochiel's  conduct,  and  to  decide  upon  the  proper 
action  respecting  it.  "  This  accident,"  says  our  authority,  "joined 
with  the  malicious  report  already  stated,  so  far  confirmed  many 
in  their  suspicions  of  treachery,  that  some  had  the  rashness  to 
propose  the  ordering  out  a  strong  detachment  of  the  troops,  and 
to  make  Lochiel  and  his  men  all  prisoners ;  and  the  Lord 
Murray,  the  Marquis's  eldest  son,  offered  to  perform  that  service, 
but  Mr  Murray  of  Struan  being  present  in  the  Council,  opposed 
the  motion,  as  not  only  dangerous,  but  destructive  of  the  King's 
interest ;  '  For/  said  he,  '  such  a  man  as  Lochiel,  at  the  head  of 
such  a  body  of  men,  will  not  be  easily  made  a  prisoner  by  force. 
The  Macleans  and  Macdonalds  will  probably  join  him  ;  whereby 
the  King  will  not  only  be  deprived  of  the  services  of  his  best 
troops,  but  a  division  made  in  the  army,  of  which  the  common 
enemy  will,  no  doubt,  take  the  advantage.  Besides,  it  would  not 
only  be  unjust,  but  even  barbarous,  to  condemn  so  many  people, 
who  came  there  to  serve  their  Prince,  without  being  heard  ;  and 
it  is  more  than  probable,  that  when  the  matter  comes  to  be  dis- 
covered, it  will  come  out  to  be  wholly  an  accident  occasioned 
by  some  mistake  or  other.'  This  opinion  prevailed,  and  the 
Council  broke  up  without  coming  to  any  violent  resolution. 
Lochiel,  all  this  while,  kept  his  men  aside,  and  was  joined  by  the 
Macleans.  After  the  first  emotions  of  his  passion  were  over,  he 
began  to  deliberate  on  what  he  should  do,  and  soon  determined 
that  he  would  not  be  made  prisoner.  If  he  was  to  suffer,  he 
resolved  that  it  should  be  by  the  sentence  of  his  master  and 
Sovereign,  who  had  hitherto  honoured  him  with  his  Royal  favour. 
The  Macleans  encouraged  him  in  this  resolution,  and  generously 
offered  to  stand  by  him  in  all  fortunes.  He  advanced  near  to 
the  camp,  that  he  might  the  more  easily  inform  himself  of  what 
passed,  and  drew  up  his  men  in  two  lines,  with  orders  to  the  left 


to  wheel  about  in  case  of  being  attacked,  in  order  that,  being 
thus  joined  back  to  back,  they  might  make  two  fronts.  In  this 
posture  they  stood  all  that  night  and  for  most  of  the  following 
day  ;  and  towards  the  evening  they  had  orders  to  join  the  army, 
with  a  full  assurance  of  safety  ;  for  by  this  time  the  Marquis  had 
informed  himself  fully  of  the  matter,  which  he  owned  to  Lochiel 
to  be  a  mere  accident,  for  which  he  was  not  to  be  blamed,  and 
signified  as  much  in  a  letter  he  wrote  on  that  subject  to  my  Lord 
Tarbat,  who  intimated  it  to  the  Council."  Lochiel  after  this 
brought  in  a  few  prisoners.  Argyll  was  captured  near  Glasgow, 
sent  on  to  Edinburgh,  where  he  was  beheaded,  without  trial,  on 
his  old  sentence,  for  High  Treason.  The  army  was  disbanded  on 
the  2ist  of  June,  and  Lochiel,  with  the  other  leaders,  received  a 
communication  conveying  to  them  the  thanks  of  the  Privy 
Council  for  their  hearty  concurrence  in  the  King's  service,  and 
authorising  them  to  disband  their  men. 

The  execution  of  Archibald,  ninth  Earl  of  Argyll,  on  the 
3Oth  of  June  1685,  proved  most  troublesome  and  unfortunate 
for  Lochiel,  in  its  ultimate  results,  as  one  of  his  vassals.  The 
Duke  of  Gordon,  obtained  a  gift  of  the  superiority  of  that 
portion  of  Lochiel's  lands  which  he  held  from  Argyll,  and  he 
had  himself  duly  infefted  in  it.  The  Duke  of  York,  having  pre- 
viously expressed  himself  in  favour  of  Lochiel,  the  latter  proceeded 
to  Court,  with  the  view  of  securing  the  superiority  for  himself, 
which  not  only  was  promised  to  him,  but  also  the  lands  of 
Suinart  and  Ardnamurchan,  so  soon  as  the  necessary  documents 
could  be  completed.  But,  through  an  error  of  his  own  agents  in 
drawing  out  the  deeds,  and  in  consequence  of  the  King's  death 
before  new  ones  could  be  completed,  Lochiel  was  again  disap- 

Returning  south,  great  honours  were  conferred  on  the 
Marquis  of  Athole.  He  was  admitted  a  Member  of  the  Privy 
Council,  made  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal,  and  appointed  to  several 
other  important  offices.  Though  he  had  at  the  time  professed 
himself  quite  satisfied  as  to  Lochiel's  innocence  of  the  charges  of 
disloyalty  made  against  him  at  Inveraray,  no  sooner  did  he  get 
into  power  than  he  proceeded  to  bring  him  to  trial  for  his 
alleged  misconduct ;  and  by  transmitting  most  unfavourable  mis- 
representations to  the  King,  he  secured  a  warrant  for  his 


apprehension.  For  this  purpose,  he  dispatched  Captain  Mac- 
kenzie of  Suddie  to  Lochaber,  on  the  pretence  of  putting  down 
some  local  squabbles  in  the  district,  but  with  private  orders  to 
seize  Lochiel,  and  bring  him  to  Edinburgh.  This,  as  usual,  was 
easier  said  than  done.  His  eldest  daughter,  Margaret,  was  at  the 
time  in  Edinburgh  ;  and  she,  obtaining  secret  information  of 
Athole's  designs  upon  her  father,  at  once  dispatched  a 
soldier  of  the  name  of  Cameron,  in  the  City  Guards,  to  apprise 
him  of  his  danger.  Lochiel  removed  meanwhile  out  of  the  way, 
and,  on  the  arrival  of  Captain  Mackenzie  in  Lochaber,  he 
set  out  for  Edinburgh,  consulted  his  friends  there,  posted  to  Lon- 
don, and  arrived  there  before  his  enemies  were  actually  aware  that 
he  had  left  home.  On  his  arrival,  he  found  that  the  grossest  mis- 
representations had  been  sent  in  advance  of  him,  and  his  old 
friends  became  so  convinced  of  their  truth,  that  not  one  of  them 
could  be  induced  to  introduce  him  to  the  King,  who,  they  antici- 
pated, would  leave  him  to  be  dealt  with,  for  his  alleged  crimes, 
according  to  the  law ;  and  this  notwithstanding  that  Robert 
Barclay  of  Ury,  the  famous  Quaker,  and  great  favourite  of  the 
King,  wrote  several  letters  to  the  English  nobility  in  his 
favour.  Ultimately,  however,  Viscount  Strathallan  undertook 
to  inform  the  King  that  Lochiel  was  in  the  city.  He  kept  his  pro- 
mise, adding  that  he  had  been  in  town  for  several  days,  and  that 
all  his  old  friends  refused  to  introduce  him.  The  King  sent  word 
to  Lochiel,  commanding  him  to  see  him  next  morning  in  the 
Royal  dressing-room,  at  the  same  time  requesting  Lord  Strath- 
allan to  tell  him  that  "he  needed  no  one  to  introduce  him  to  us, 
and  that  we  expected  the  first  visit."  Sir  Ewen  was  naturally 
highly  pleased  on  receiving  the  Royal  message.  He  punctually 
obeyed  the  King's  commands,  and  on  his  arrival  threw  himself  at 
his  Majesty's  feet,  saying,  "  that  he  came  there  as  a  criminal  with 
a  rope  about  his  neck,  to  put  himself  and  all  he  possessed  in  his 
Royal  mercy."  The  King  extended  him  his  hand  to  kiss,  and, 
commanding  him  to  rise,  told  him  that  he  had  heard  of  his  mis- 
fortune, at  the  same  time  adding,  "  that  accidents  of  that  nature 
had  often  fallen  out  among  the  best  disciplined  troops,"  and 
that  nothing  but  actual  rebellion  would  ever  convince  him 
that  he  could  be  disloyal.  Sir  Ewen  expressed  his  great  grati- 
tude for  the  Royal  favour,  in  the  most  modest  manner,  carefully 


avoiding  to  make  any  disparaging    reflection    on    his    bitterest 

The  most  curious  incident  in  connection  with  this  interview 
was  yet  to  come.  The  King,  having  completed  his  toilet,  com- 
manded Lochiel  to  follow  him  closely  behind,  and  then,  fol- 
lowed by  Sir  Ewen,  walked  right  into  the  middle  of  the  Chamber 
of  Presence,  crowded  by  a  very  splendid  and  numerous  Court, 
whom  his  Majesty  gaily  addressed : — "  My  Lords  and  gentle- 
men,— I  advise  you  to  have  a  care  of  your  purses,  for  the 
King  of  the  Thieves  is  at  my  back  ;"  then,  turning  to  Lochiel, 
he  told  him,  in  the  hearing  of  all  present,  that  he  would  be 
glad  to  see  him  often  during  his  stay  in  town,  at  the  same  time 
thanking  him,  before  the  whole  Court,  in  audible  terms,  for  his 
services  during  the  late  rebellion.  "  Never,"  says  his  biographer, 
"  was  there  a  brighter  example  of  the  servile  complaisance  of 
courtiers  than  Lochiel  had  on  this  occasion  ;  for  he  now  had  them 
all  about  him,  congratulating  him  upon  his  Majesty's  favour,  and 
offering  him  their  services,  though,  the  very  day  before,  he 
could  find  but  one  among  them  that  would  serve  him  so  far  as 
barely  to  mention  his  name  to  his  Majesty.  The  King,  on  his 
part,  let  slip  no  opportunity  of  testifying  his  esteem.  Sir  Ewen 
never  appeared  in  Court  during  this  visit  to  London  but  his 
Majesty  spoke  two  or  three  words  to  him  ;  and  if  he  chanced  to 
meet  with  him  elsewhere,  he  had  always  the  goodness  to  enquire 
about  his  health,  and  now  and  then  to  put  some  jocose  question 
to  him,  such  as,  if  he  was  contriving  how  to  steal  any  of  the  fine 
horses  he  had  seen  in  his  Majesty's  stables,  or  in  those  of  his 
courtiers  ?"  Such  compliments  were  no  doubt  considered  a  little 
curious  in  such  august  company  ! 

The  Duke  of  Gordon,  during  Lochiel's  absence,  raised  an 
action  against  him  in  the  Court  of  Session,  to  annul  his  rights  and 
titles  to  the  whole  of  the  Cameron  estates,  in  virtue  of  the  Duke's 
titles  to  the  superiority  of  the  Mam-Mor  portion,  and  his  having 
obtained,  as  he  alleged,  the  superiority  of  the  other  portion  on 
Argyll's  forfeiture.  To  both  these  the  Duke  had  secured  grants 
at  different  periods  from  Kings  Charles  and  James  ;  that  from 
the  latter  dated,  2pth  of  January,  1686.  James  knew  nothing  of 
Lochiel's  interest  in  the  superiorities,  and  expressed  himself  highly 
indignant  at  having  been  imposed  upon  by  the  Duke  of  Gordon, 


when  he  came  to  know  the  facts.  Lochiel  complained  bitterly 
of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  been  treated,  and  forcibly  argued 
that,  if  the  Duke  could  prevail  against  him  in  such  an 
action,  he  would  be  worse  punished  for  his  loyalty  than  the 
other  leaders  had  been  for  their  rebellion.  The  King  promised 
him  full  reparation,  sent  for  the  Duke  of  Gordon,  and  severely 
reprimanded  him  for  making  his  King  the  author  of  such  a  bar- 
barous injustice,  by  the  surreptitious  grants  he  had  obtained  from 
him  of  Lochiel's  estates,  and  he  insisted  upon  the  whole  question 
being  left  to  his  own  disposal  as  arbitrator.  To  this  peremp- 
tory demand  the  Duke  felt  bound  to  consent,  and  he  signed 
articles  accordingly.  Gordon  had  also  taken  proceedings  against 
Lochiel,  in  conjunction  with  a  Mr  Seaton,  for  a  debt  due 
to  the  forfeited  Earl  of  Argyll.  The  King  opposed  this 
claim  also,  and  the  result  in  both  cases  was  communicated  to 
the  Commissioners  of  the  Treasury  in  a  letter  dated  2ist  of 
May  1688,  in  which  the  King  intimates— "  Our  Royal  will  and 
pleasure,  that  Sir  Ewen  Cameron  of  Lochiel  should  have  new 
rights  and  charters  of  the  property  of  his  lands,  formerly  held  by 
him  of  the  late  Earl  of  Argyll,  and  fallen  into  our  hands  by 
reason  of  his  forfeiture,  renewed  and  given  by  George  Duke  of 
Gordon,  our  donatory  in  the  superiority  thereof,  for  a  small  and 
easy  feu-duty,  not  exceeding  four  merks  for  every  1000  merks 
of  free  rent."  Respecting  the  debt,  the  letter  concludes,  that 
Lochiel  "  be  fully  exonered  and  discharged  for  the  same  at  all 
hands,  and  in  all  time  coming,  notwithstanding  of  any  procedure 
that  may  have  already,  or  hereafter  may  be  made  against  him  at 
the  instance  of  any  person  whatever."  In  addition  to  this  the 
King  subsequently  declared  "  that  he  would  not  have  Lochiel 
nor  any  of  his  people  liable  to  the  Duke's  courts,  for  he  would 
have  Lochiel  master  of  his  own  clan,  and  only  accountable  to 
him  or  his  Council,  and  to  have  no  further  to  do  with  his  Grace 
than  to  pay  him  his  feu-duty."  A  formal  deed  embodying  these 
conditions  was  drawn  up,  but  the  Duke  still  attempted  to  avoid 
signing  the  necessary  charter,  and  in  fact  refused  to  do  so  until 
compelled  by  the  King  himself,  which  happened  two  days  after, 
when  he  was  obliged  to  sign  in  his  Majesty's  presence ;  and 
Lochiel  was  then,  for  the  first  time,  legally  the  absolute  and 
independent  master  of  his  own  clan. 


Shortly  after  this,  however,  he  is  again  in  difficulties.  Mac- 
kintosh determined  to  invade  Keppoch,  in  Lochaber,  to  eject  the 
Macdonalds  for  non-payment  of  rents  which  Mackintosh  claimed 
as  legal  superior  of  their  lands.  Lochiel  tried  to  arrange  matters 
between  them,  but  failed  in  doing  so,  and  immediately  afterwards 
he  proceeded  to  Edinburgh.  In  his  absence,  the  Macmartin  Cam- 
erons,  who  were  closely  related  to  the  Macdonalds  of  Keppoch 
by  frequent  intermarriages  as  well  as  being  otherwise  on  friendly 
terms  with  them,  finding  that  Lochiel  had  left  home  without  ex- 
pressing any  views  on  the  question,  or  leaving  any  instructions 
as  to  what  his  followers  were  to  do,  offered  their  services  to 
Keppoch.  Mackintosh  marched  to  Lochaber  with  about  a  thou- 
sand of  his  own  men,  and  a  company  of  the  King's  troops,  under 
Captain  Mackenzie  of  Suddie,  by  order  of  the  Privy  Council. 
Keppoch,  with  about  half  the  number  of  the  invaders,  defeated 
Mackintosh  and  took  him  prisoner,  while  many  of  his  followers 
were  slain,  including  Captain  Mackenzie,  who  was  mortally 
wounded*.  Before  releasing  his  prisoner,  Keppoch  compelled 
him  to  renounce  his  claims  and  titles  to  the  lands  in  dispute. 
Lochiel  was  held  responsible  by  the  Privy  Council. for  the  con- 
duct of  his  vassals  on  this  occasion.  He,  however,  managed  to 
escape  in  a  very  clever  manner.  Viscount  Tarbat,  a  member 
of  the  Council,  was  a  friend  and  relative  of  Lochiel,  and  he 
agreed,  if  the  Council  should  decide  against  Sir  Ewen,  to  make 
a  certain  sign  to  him  from  the  window  of  the  Council  Chamber. 
Lochiel  was  accused  not  only  as  accessory  to  Keppoch's  con- 
duct, but  as  principal  author  of  the  bloodshed,  "  in  so  far  that  it 
was  notorious  that  Keppoch  durst  not  have  attacked  Mackintosh 
with  his  own  followers  without  the  assistance  of  the  Camerons, 
for  whose  crimes  Lochiel  was  obliged  to  answer."  It  was  carried 

*  Scott  gives  the  following  account  of  Captain  Mackenzie's  death  : — "He  was 
brave,  and  well  armed  with  carabine,  pistols,  and  a  halbert  or  half-pike.  This  officer 
came  in  front  of  a  cadet  of  Keppoch,  called  Macdonald  of  Tullich,  and  by  a  shot 
aimed  at  him,  killed  one  of  his  brothers,  and  then  rushed  on  with  his  pike.  Notwith- 
standing this  deep  provocation,  Tullich,  sensible  of  the  pretext  which  the  death  of  a 
Captain  under  Government  would  give  against  his  clan,  called  out  more  than  once, 
'  Avoid  me,  avoid  me.'  '  The  Macdonald  was  never  born  that  I  would  shun,'  replied 
Mackenzie,  pressing  on  with  his  pike ;  on  which  Tullich  hurled  at  his  head  a 
pistol,  which  he  had  before  discharged.  The  blow  took  effect,  the  skull  was  fractured, 
and  Mackenzie  died  shortly  after,  as  his  soldiers  were  carrying  him  to  Inverness." — 
Tales  of  a  Grandfather, 


in  the  Council,  by  a  majority,  that  he  should  be  at  once  arrested 
and  committed  to  prison  for  further  trial,  and  a  warrant  was 
issued  for  his  apprehension  forthwith. 

Lochiel  was  prepared.  Lord  Tarbat  made  the  preconcerted 
signal ;  and  after  some  difficulty  as  to  where  he  would  conceal 
himself,  the  happy  thought  occurred  to  him  of  retiring  into  the 
City  jail,  under  pretence  of  visiting  one  of  the  prisoners.  No  one, 
he  correctly  conceived,  would  ever  dream  of  his  having  gone  to 
such  a  place  to  hide  himself,  and  he  knew  that  a  clansman  of  his 
own,  on  whom  he  could  rely,  held  a  position  of  trust  in  the  prison. 
This  man,  James  Cameron,  who  was  jail  clerk,  favoured  his  de- 
signs ;  and,  remaining  in  the  prison  until  after  dark,  Sir  Ewen 
stole  out  of  the  City  as  privately  as  he  could,  and,  with  his  usual 
dexterity  and  good  fortune,  soon  arrived  safely  among  his  friends 
in  Lochaber.  Shortly  after,  in  the  month  of  October,  he  received 
intimation  from  the  Chancellor  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  was 
preparing  to  invade  the  kingdom  with  a  great  fleet,  and  request- 
ing him  to  march  into  Argyllshire,  withes  many  men  as  he  could 
get  together  on  such  short  notice.  This  message  was  confirmed 
by  the  Privy  Council  in  a  second  order,  dated  the  4th  of  the 
same  month,  and  it  was  at  once  obeyed.  Lochiel  and  Sir  John 
Drummond,  with  a  force  of  about  1200  men,  kept  that 
county  from  rising,  until  they  received  intimation  from  the 
Chancellor  that  the  King  had  been  betrayed  and  deserted 
on  all  hands,  and  that  he  had  fled  to  France.  While  on  this 
service  Lochiel  was  put  in  possession  of  Suinart  and  Ardna- 
murchan  by  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  in  terms  of  a  warrant  from  the 
Earl  of  Balcarres,  dated  the  3rd  of  October  1688.  He  received 
a  new  grant  of  these  lands  from  the  King  himself  on  his  arrival  in 
Ireland  soon  after ;  and  no  more  is  heard  of  the  action  raised 
against  him  by  the  Privy  Council  in  connection  with  the  Keppoch 


(  To  be  continued.) 

The  Inverness  Town  Council,  on  the  motion  of  Provost  Macandrew,  seconded  by 
the  Editor  of  the  Celtic  Magazine,  on  the  4th  of  February,  petitioned  the  House  of 
Commons  and  the  War  Office  in  favour  of  the  retention  of  the  Feather  Bonnets  in 
the  Highland  Regiments,  it  having  been  one  of  the  leading  features  of  the  dress  of  the 
Highland  soldier  for  more  than  a  hundred  years.  The  modern  "  tailoring  "  propen- 
sities of  the  War  Office  were  severely  condemned. 



TOWARDS  the  north  end  of  the  hamlet  of  Swordly,  in  Suther- 
landshire,  there  is  a  conical  hill  called  CatJiair  RJii  MJirail,  upon 
the  summit  of  which  the  fairies  were  wont  to  hold  their  nightly 
revels  in  days  gone  by.  Upon  the  north  face  of  the  hill  is  a 
small  cleft,  which,  it  is  said,  served  the  purpose  of  an  entrance 
and  exit  to  and  from  the  interior  of  the  hill  for  its  uncanny 
inhabitants.  Near  to  this  hill,  and  on  the  edge  of  a  burn,  there 
stood  a  mill,  which  was  owned  by  a  stalwart  fellow  known  as 
"  Adhamh  Mbr"  to  whom  the  fairies  were  often  a  source  of  great 
annoyance. .  One  Saturday,  having  occasion  to  be  in  the  mill  till 
a  late  hour,  he  took  his  shaving  utensils  along  with  him;  for  in 
those  parts  no  one,  among  the  peasantry  at  least,  was  ever  known 
to  shave  on  Sunday.  When  well  on  in  the  night,  and  when  all 
the  rest  had  left  the  mill,  Adhamh  placed  a  skillet  with  water  on 
the  fire  to  heat  it  for  shaving,  and  just  then  a  little,  ill-favoured 
female  entered  the  mill  and  took  a  seat  at  the  fireside  opposite 
to  him.  She  sat  for  some  time  in  silence,  but  every  time  Adhamh 
looked  at  her,  she  made  wry  faces  at  him,  which  annoyed  him 
very  much.  At  length  she  broke  silence  by  asking  "  C'  ainm  a 
ttioirt?"  He  testily  replied,  "  Mi-fhein"  At  last  he  could  stand 
the  annoyance  no  longer  ;  the  water  in  the  skillet  was  boiling,  and 
lifting  the  vessel  off  the  fire,  he  threw  its  scalding  contents  in  her 
face.  She  ran  out,  howling  dismally,  and  immediately  there 
came  a  voice  from  across  the  burn,  "  Co  rinn,  co  rinn?"  to  which 
she  could  only  answer  "  Mi-fhein^  Mi-fJiein"  The  voice  replied — 

"  Na'm  b'e  neach  eile  dheanadh, 
'S  raise  gu'n  dioladh." 

Adhamh  lost  no  time  in  turning  off  the  water  and  closing  the 
mill.  He  made  his  way  home  and  went  to  bed,  and  when  he  rose 
next  morning,  the  mill  was  razed  to  the  ground.  It  was  not  re- 
built, but  its  site  and  the  course  of  the  lade  are  still  discernible. 

After  the  middle  of  last  and  during  the  early  part  of  the 
present  century,  the  distillation  of  illicit  whisky  was  carried  on  in 
the  Highlands  to  an  extent  which  would  now  be  scarcely  credited, 
and  nowhere  was  the  trade  carried  on  so  long  or  to  the  same 
extent  as  on  the  heights  of  the  parish  of  Reay.  The  following 
verse  is  the  only  one  that  I  now  remember  of  a  song  composed 
during  the  time  that  the  trade  was  in  full  swing : — 


"  Leann  gu  Ie6ir  an  Ach-a-Reasgair, 
Leann  a'  nasgaidh  'sa  Chnoc-Fhiunn  ; 
Leann  gu  Ie6ir  'san  Airidh-shleibhe, 
'S  ann  is  eigin  dhql  a"  dhanns'. " 

One  afternoon  near  the  Christmas  time  two  men  left  Strathy 
for  this  "Airidh-shleibhe"  to  procure  illicit  spirit,  but  when  they 
got  there  they  had  to  remain  for  some  hours  until  the  people 
around  retired  for  the  night.  It  may  be  surmised  that,  as  the 
Gaelic  phrase  has  it,  "  nach  robh  an  cridhe  air  an  oidhche," 
while  waiting.  They  left  the  bothy  about  midnight  with  an 
anker  of  whisky,  and  as  they  were  ascending  Druim-Hollistan, 
they  heard  the  sound  of  distant  pipe  music,  saw  lights,  and 
people  dancing,  some  distance  in  front  of  them.  They  approached 
the  spot,  and  so  enticing  was  the  music  that  the  man  who  carried 
the  anker  could  not  resist  joining  in  the  dance,  and  he  soon  dis- 
appeared in  the  throng.  His  companion,  after  waiting  for  him 
some  time,  impatiently  exclaimed,  "  Dhia  beannaich  mise,  gu  de 
so?"  (God  bless  me,  what's  this?)  Immediately  the  name  of  the 
Deity  was  pronounced,  all  was  silent,  and  the  man  was  alone. 
He  went  home  and  told  how  he  had  lost  his  companion,  and  was 
told,  "  Fuirich  lath'  is  bliadhna,"  (Stay  for  a  year  and  a  day), 
and  this  advice  he  followed,  going  to  the  spot  when  the  time  had 
expired,  but  without  effect.  Seven  years  waiting  was  the  next 
advice,  and  sure  enough  the  scene  was  then  re-acted.  He  waited 
until  the  course  of  the  dance  brought  his  long  lost  friend  in  front 
of  him,  with  the  anker  of  whisky  still  upon  his  shoulder.  He  then 
caught  him  by  the  coat,  and  dragged  him  out  of  the  circle,  when 
the  dancer  exclaimed,  "  Dhia  beannaich  mi  'dhuine,  leig  dhomh 
crioch  a  chur  air  an  ruidhil !"  (God  bless  me,  man,  let  me  finish 
the  reel !)  The  sacred  name  had  the  same  effect  as  on  the  pre- 
vious occasion,  the  dancers  disappeared,  and  the  rescued  and  the 
rescuer  went  home  together;  but/ when  examined,  the  cask  was 
found  to  be  empty.' 

One  of  the  survivors  of  the  band  of  men  raised  by  the  first 
Lord  Reay  to  assist  Count  Mansfeldt  in  Austria,  returned  to 
v  Strathy,  married,  and  had  a  family.  After  some  years  of  matri- 
mony, however,  he  greatly  annoyed  his  wife  by  leaving  the  house 
at  night,  and  going  away,  no  one  knew  whither,  despite  persua- 
sion, entreaty,  or  threats.  If  they  attempted  to  restrain  him,  he 
always  managed  to  escape,  and  did  not  return  till  early  morning. 
The  neighbours  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  was  keeping 


company  with  the  fairies,  and  one  night  his  wife  got  two  stalwart 
friends  to  attempt  to  keep  him  in.  Accordingly,  his  wife  and 
family  retired  to  rest  as  usual,  but  he  stayed  chatting  with  his 
friends  at  the  fireside.  As  it  approached  midnight,  his  com- 
panions took  hold  of  him  on  each  side  in  a  manner  which  made 
escape  almost  impossible,  but  all  at  once  he  fell  down  between 
them  apparently  dead.  Thinking  it  only  a  feint,  to  put  them  off 
their  guard,  they  redoubled  their  vigilance.  Immediately  the 
cock  crew,  he  revived,  and  was  soon  on  his  legs,  when  his  friends 
commenced  to  jest  with  him,  saying  he  had  missed  his  company 
for  that  night.  He,  however,  assured  them  that  this  was  not  the 
case,  that  he  had  been  all  the  way  to  Durness,  a  distance  of  forty 
miles,  with  his  unknown  companions.  His  neighbours  laughed 
at  him,  saying  that  he  had  been  lying  between  them  all  the  time, 
But  to  prove  the  truth  of  his  statements  he  said,  "  Mar  dhearbh- 
achd  air  na  tha  mi  'g  radh  a  bhi  fior,  mharbh  sinn  fiadh  a'm 
Beallach-na-fe'ith  an  Duirinis,  ach,  thanaig  a  'chuis  cho  teann 
oirn,  's  gun  d'fhag  sinn  a  chore  leis  an  do  bhruan  sinn  e  an  sas 
ann."  That  is,  that  they  had  killed  a  deer  in  a  certain  place  in 
Durness,  and  had  left  the  gully  with  which  they  had  stabbed  it, 
in  the  carcase ;  and  on  enquiry  this  was  found  to  be-  the  fact,  for 
a  deer's  carcase  was  found  at  the  place  specified,  with  a  gully 
sticking  in  it. 

The  last  person  on  record  in  Sutherlandshire  that  was  liftea 
by  the  fairies  was  a  Macdonald,  who  resided  at  a  wild,  lonely 
spot  called  Polcriskaig,  and  was  known  as  "  Bodach  a  Phuill." 
One  night  about  Hallow-tide  (Samhuinn)  he  went  out  to  look 
after  his  horse,  and,  not  returning,  his  wife  and  son  went  in 
search  of  him,  but  he  was  not  to  be  found,  for  it  is  said  that  about 
the  time  his  wife  began  to  wonder  at  his  long  absence,  he  was 
carried  away  and  dropped  by  the  fairies  on  a  hillside  in  Strath 
Halladale,  a  place  wholly  unknown  to  him,  and  about  sixteen 
miles  from  his  own  home.  He  found  his  way  to  a  house  near  at 
hand,  and,  surprising  its  inmates  by  asking  if  he  were  in  Scot- 
land, immediately  fainted.  Next  day  he  was  able  to  go  home. 
He  lived  to  an  extreme  old  age,  but  ever  after  this  incident  he 
was  somewhat  facile,  a  common  thing,  it  was  said,  with  people 
that  had  been  borne  off  in  that  manner. 





XI. — GODS  OF  THE  GAELS — (Continued}. 

CORMAC  informs  us  in  his  Glossary  that  Neith  was  the  god  of 
battle  among  the  pagan  Gael,  and  that  Nemon  was  his  wife,  in- 
formation which  is  repeated  in  other  and  later  manuscripts  with 
some  variations  and  additions.     We  are  vouchsafed  no  further 
information  as  to  Neith's  character  or  actions  ;  only  he  appears 
in  some  of  the  inevitable  pedigrees,  and  we  are  told  that  Neit, 
son  of  Indu,  and  his  two  wives,  Badb  and  Nemain,  were  slain  at 
Ailech  by  "  Neptur  (!)  of  the  Fomorians."     With  Nemain  may  be 
compared  the  British  war  goddess  Nemetona,  whose  name  appears 
on  an  inscription  along  with  that  of  Mars   Lucetius.      There 
would  appear  to  have  been  more  than  one  war  goddess ;  the  names 
Badb,  Nemain,  Macha,  and  Morrigan,  constantly  recur  as  those 
of  war  deities  and  demons.     Badb  signifies  a  scald-crow,  and 
may  be  the  generic  name  of  the  war  goddess  rather  than  a  proper 
name.     The  crow  and  the  raven  are  constantly  connected  in  .the 
Northern  Mythologies  with  battle-deities.     "  How  is  it  with  you, 
Ravens?"  says  the  Norse  "  Raven-Song,"  "whence  are  you  come 
with  gory  beak  at  the  dawning  of  the  day.     There  is  flesh  cleav- 
ing to  your  talons,  and  a  scent  of  carrion  comes  from  your  mouth. 
You  lodged  last  night  I  ween  near  where  ye  knew  the  corses 
were  lying."     The  greedy  hawks  of  Odin  scent  the  slain  from 
afar.     The  ravens  also  protect  and  assist  heroes,  both  in  Irish 
and  Norse  myth.     It  was  a  lucky  sign  if  a  raven  followed  a 
warrior.     Of  Macha,  the  third  goddess  mentioned,  little  need  be 
said  ;  she  appears  afterwards  as  a  queen  of  Ireland,  under  the 
title  of  Macha  Mongruad,  or  Macha  Red-Mane.     The  goddess 
Morrigan  was  also  a  war  deity  to  all  appearance.     The  name 
signifies  "  great  queen,"  and  may  be,  like  Badb,  a  generic  name. 
She  is  represented  as  first  resisting  and  afterwards  assisting  the 
hero  Cuchulainn,  appearing  to  him  in  various  forms.     O'Curry 
makes  her  the  wife  of  the  Dagda,  and  she  is  often  equated  with 
the  goddess  Ana.     The  name  is  doubtless  the  same  as  that  of 
Morgan  le  Fay,  the  fairy  queen  and  Arthur's  sister.     It  may  be 


remarked  that  Morgan  le  Fay  is  also  wife  of  Urian  Rheged,  who 
and  his  son  Owen,  with  the  army  of  ravens,  are  clearly  war  deities. 

The  goddess  Ana  or  Aine  (gen.  Anann)  has  been  called  the 
queen  of  heaven,  and  connected  with  the  worship  of  the  moon. 
Cormac  describes  her  as  " mater  deorum  Hibernensium" — mother 
of  the  Irish  gods.  "Well  she  used  to  nourish  the  gods,"  he  adds, 
and  in  another  place  he  says,  "As  Ana  was  mother  of  the  gods,  so 
Buanann  was  mother  of  the  Fiann  (heroes)."  Camden  found  in 
his  time  survival  of  moon-worship.  "  When  they  see  the  moon 
first  after  the  change,"  he  says,  "  commonly  they  bow  the  knee 
and  say  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  then,  with  a  loud  voice,  they 
speak  to  the  moon,  thus — '  Leave  us  whole  and  sound  as  thou 
hast  found  us.'"  Keating  gives  the  name  of  this  goddess  as 
Danann,  and  explains  the  Tuatha-De-Danann  as  the  worshippers 
of  the  gods  of  Danann,  the  gods  of  Danann  being,  according  to 
him,  Brian,  lucharba,  and  luchar.  These  three  gods  are  known 
in  other  myths  as  the  "children  of  Turenn,"  slain,  as  Keating  him- 
self says,  by  Luga  Lamfada.  The  goddess  Buanann,  mentioned 
in  connection  with  Ana  or  Anann,  appears  in  the  story  of  the 
great  Druid  Mogh  Ruith  as  his  patron,  to  whose  Sid  he  fares  to 
consult  her  in  his  difficulties. 

Minerva  is  the  fifth  and  last  deity  mentioned  by  Caesar  as 
worshipped  by  the  Gauls — their  goddess  of  arts  and  industry. 
A  passage  in  Solinus,  and  another  in  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  enable 
us  to  decide,  with  absolute  certainty,  what  goddess  answered 
among  the  Gaels  to  the  position  of  Minerva.  Solinus  (first 
century  A.D.)  says  that  in  Britain,  Minerva  presides  over  the  hot 
springs,  and  that  in  her  temple  there  flamed  a  perpetual  fire, 
which  never  whitened  into  ashes,  but  hardened  into  a  strong 
mass.  Giraldus  (i2th  century  A.D.)  informs  us  that  at  the  shrine 
of  St  Brigit  at  Kildare,  the  fire  is  allowed  never  to  go  out,  and 
though  such  heaps  of  wood  have  been  consumed  since  the  time  of 
the  Virgin,  yet  there  has  been  no  accumulation  of  ashes.  "  Each 
of  her  nineteen  nuns  has  the  care  of  the  fire  for  a  single  night  in 
turn,  and  on  the  evening  before  the  twentieth  night,  the  last  nun, 
having  heaped  wood  upon  the  fire,  says,  '  Brigit,  take  charge  of 
your  own  fire,  for  this  night  belongs  to  you.'  She  then  leaves 
the  fire,  and  in  the  morning  it  is  found  that  the  fire  has  not  gone 
out,  and  that  the  usual  quantity  of  fuel  has  been  used."  This 


sacred  fire  was  kept  burning  continually  for  centuries,  and  was 
finally  extinguished,  only  with  the  extinction  of  the  monasteries 
by  Henry  VIII.  Brigit,  therefore,  is  the  Gaelic  Minerva.  She  is 
goddess  of  the  household  fire  ;  her  position  is  that  of  the  hearth 
goddess  Vesta,  as  much  as  that  of  Minerva,  for  evidently  she  is 
primarily  a  fire-goddess.  Her  name  is  probably  from  the  same 
root  as  the  English  bright,  Gaelic  breo.  The  British  goddess, 
Brigantia,  is  doubtless  the  same  as  the  Irish  Brigit.  Mr  Whitley 
Stokes  picks  out  the  following  instances  in  proof  of  her  character 
as  a  fire-goddess ;  she  was  born  at  sunrise ;  her  breath  revives  the 
dead ;  a  house  in  which  she  stays  flames  up  to  heaven ;  she  is  fed 
with  the  milk  of  a  white  red-eared  cow;  a  fiery  pillar  rises  from  her 
head,  and  she  remains  a  virgin  like  the  Roman  goddess,  Vesta, 
and  her  virgins — Vesta,  whom  Ovid  tells  us  to  consider  "  nothing 
else  than  the  living  flame,  which  can  produce  no  bodies."  Cor- 
mac  calls  her  the  daughter  of  the  Dagda.  "This  Brigit,"  he  says, 
"  is  a  poetess,  a  goddess  whom  poets  worshipped.  Her  sisters 
were  Brigit,  woman  of  healing;  Brigit,  woman  of  smith  work ;  that 
is,  goddesses ;  these  are  the  three  daughters  of  the  Dagda."  Doubt- 
less these  three  daughters,  thus  distinguished  by  Cormac,  are  one 
and  the  same  person.  Brigit,  therefore,  was  goddess  of  fire,  the 
hearth  and  the  home. 

The  rest  of  the  Gaelic  pantheon  may  be  dismissed  in  a  few 
sentences.  Angus  Mac-ind-oc,  "  the  only  choice  one,  son  of  Youth 
or  Perfection,"  has  been  well  called  the  Eros — the  Cupid — of  the 
Gael.  "He  was  represented  with  a  harp,  and  attended  by  bright 
birds,  his  own  transformed  kisses,  at  whose  singing  love  arose  in 
the  hearts  of  youths  and  maidens."  He  is  the  son  of  the  Dagda, 
and  he  lives  at  the  Brugh  of  the  Boyne  ;  in  one  weird  tale  he  is 
represented  as  the  son  of  the  Boyne.  He  is  the  patron  god  of 
Diarmat,  whom  he  helps  in  escaping  from  the  wrath  of  Finn,  when 
Diarmat  eloped  with  Grainne.  The  River  Boyne  is  also  connected 
with  the  ocean-god  Nuada  ;  it  was  called  the  wrist  of  Nuada's 
wife.  The  literary  deity  was  Ogma,  brother  of  the  Dagda,  sur- 
named  "Sun-face";  he  invented  the  alphabet  known  as  the  Ogam 
alphabet,  and,  as  was  pointed  out  already,  he  is  mentioned  by 
Lucian  as  the  Gaulish  god  of  eloquence.  Three  artisan  gods  are 
mentioned  :  Goibniu,  the  smith,  invoked  in  the  St  Gall  Incanta- 
tions of  the  8th  century;  Creidne  Cerd,  the  goldsmith;  and  Luch- 


tine,  the  carpenter.  These  three  made  the  Tuatha  arms  ;  when 
the  smith  finished  a  spear-head,  he  threw  it  from  his  tongs  to- 
wards the  door-post,  in  which  it  stuck  by  the  point ;  the  carpenter 
had  the  handle  ready,  and  threw  it  accurately  into  the  socket ; 
and  Creidne  Cerd  pitched  the  nails  from  his  tongs  into  the  holes 
in  the  socket  of  the  spear.  Thus  was  the  spear  finished  in  less 
time  than  we  can  describe  the  process.  Diancecht  was  the 
physician  of  the  gods  ;  at  Moytura  battle  he  prepared  a  medical 
bath,  into  which  he  plunged  the  wounded,  and  they  instantly 
came  out  whole  again,  and  returned  to  the  fight.  The  three  De- 
Danann  queens,  Eire,  Fodhla,  and  Banbha,  gave  their  names  to 
Ireland,  but  the  first  is  the  one  which  is  usually  recognised.  It 
may  be  observed  that  these  names,  and  those  of  some  others  of 
the  gods  are  scattered  widely  over  the  topography  both  of  Ire- 
land and  Scotland.  In  the  latter  country  we  meet  with  Eire,  and 
its  genitive  Erenn  in  river  and  district  names  ;  Fodla  forms  part 
of  Athole,  Ath- Fodhla,  probably;  Banba  appears  in  Banff; 
Angus  the  Beautiful  gave  his  name  to  Angus  ;  Manannan's 
name  appears  in  the  Isle  of  Man,  and  as  the  old  name  of  the  dis- 
trict at  the  mouth  of  the  Forth,  still  seen  in  Clackmannan. 


All  the  Aryan  nations  originally  believed  in  the  existence, 
after  death,  of  the  human  soul.  This  belief  had  its  root  in  the 
"  animism  "  of  a  more  barbaric  period  of  their  existence,  and  held 
its  place  in  the  remnants  of  ancestral  worship  we  meet  with  in 
Rome  and  Greece,  and  in  the  many  myths  bearing  on  the  land 
of  shades.  Evidently,  too,  the  pre- Aryan  tribes  of  Europe  were 
strong  believers  in  the  future  existence  of  man's  second  self,  his 
soul.  Their  barrows,  dolmens,  and  stone-circles  point  distinctly  to 
their  reverence  for  the  dead,  and  theirbelief  in  their  continued  exist- 
ence in  another  sphere  of  nature,  from  which  they  visited,  helped 
and  admonished  their  living  representatives.  Ancestor  worship 
clearly  was  their  main  creed.  Hence  the  vividness  of  the  belief 
of  the  early  Northern  Aryans — Celts  and  Teutons — in  future 
existence,  and  their  clinging  to  ancestor  worship  so  long,  may 
arise  from  their  mingling  with  a  people  who  was  in  that  stage  of 
belief ;  whereas,  at  the  dawn  of  our  era,  in  Greece  and  Rome,  the 
whole  doctrine  of  a  future  state  belonged  to  the  region  of  languid 


half-belief.  The  aristocracy  and  the  philosophers  entirely  dis- 
believed it.  Caesar,  as  supreme  pontiff  of  Rome,  declared,  in 
his  place  in  the  senate,  his  utter  disbelief  in  another  life,  and  the 
stern  Cato  but  mildly  replied  that  their  ancestors,  men,  perhaps,  as 
wise  as  Caesar,  believed  that  the  guilty,  after  death,  were  sent  to 
noisome  abodes,  full  of  all  horrors  and  terrors.  But  the  classical 
belief,  even  at  its  best — in  the  poems  of  Homer — gives  but  a  poor, 
shadowy,  comfortless  existence  to  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  They 
lived  in  Hades,  a  country  which  comprised  various  districts  of 
woe,  and  of  bliss  such  as  it  was.  The  ghost  of  Achilles  says  to 
Ulysses  : — "  Rather  would  I  live  on  earth  as  a  poor  man's  hire- 
ling, than  reign  among  all  the  dead."  The  gods  lived  on  the 
heights  of  Olympus,  aloft  in  heaven,  and  far  apart  from  the  hated 
abode  of  the  dead,  which  lay  under  the  earth  and  ocean.  Mortals 
were  all  consigned  to  the  grisly  realm  of  Pluto ;  even  the  demi- 
god Hercules,  though  living  in  Olympus,  had  his  ghostly  mortal 
counterpart  in  Hades.  Among  the  Romans,  ancestor  worship 
had  a  stronger  force  than  in  Greece  ;  their  feast  of  the  dead  was 
duly  celebrated  in  the  latter  half  of  February,  when  chaplets  were 
laid  on  their  tombs,  and  fruit,  salt,  corn  soaked  in  wine,  and 
violets,  were  the  least  costly  offerings  presented  to  them.  The 
deification  of  the  Emperors  was  merely  a  further  development 
of  this  ancestor  worship.  The  remembrance  of  the  festival  of 
the  dead  is  still  kept  up  in  the  Roman  calendar  as  the  feast  of 
All  Souls.  The  Celts  of  Brittany  preserve  still  the  remembrance 
of  the  ancestor  worship  on  this  day  ;  they  put  cakes  and  sweet 
meats  on  the  graves,  and  at  night  make  up  the  fire  and  leave  the 
fragments  of  the  supper  on  the  table,  for  the  souls  of  the  dead  of 
the  family  who  will  come  to  visit  their  home. 

The  Celts  would  appear  to  have  had  a  much  more  vivid 
belief  in  future  existence  than  either  the  Greeks  or  the  Romans. 
We  may  pass  over  the  Druidic  doctrine  of  transmigration  ;  it  was 
doubtless  not  the  popular  view  of  future  life.  We  know  as  much 
from  some  side  references  in  one  or  two  classical  writers.  So 
realistic  was  the  Celtic  belief  in  existence  after  death  that  money 
loans  were  granted  on  the  understanding  that  they  were  to  be 
repaid  beyond  the  grave  !  Valerius  Maximus  laughs  at  the 
Gauls  for  "  lending  money  which  should  be  paid  the  creditor  in 
the  other  world,  for  they  believed  that  the  soul  was  immortal." 


Mela  tells  us  one  of  the  Druidic  doctrines  that  was  publicly 
preached  and  nationally  believed  in,  namely,  that  the  soul  was 
eternal  and  that  there  was  another  life  in  the  land  of  shades. 
"Accordingly,"  he  adds,  "they  burn  and  bury  along  with  the  dead 
whatever  was  once  useful  to  them  when  alive.  Business  accounts 
and  debt  claims  used  to  be  transferred  to  the  next  world,  and 
some  even  willingly  cast  themselves  on  the  funeral  piles  of  their 
relatives  under  the  impression  that  they  would  live  with  them 
hereafter."  Diodorus  Siculus  informs  us  that  at  the  funeral  of 
their  dead  some  threw  letters  addressed  to  their  defunct  relatives 
on  the  funeral  pyre,  under  the  belief  that  the  dead  would  read  them. 
This  intense  belief  in  the  reality  of  future  existence  must  have 
removed  the  Celtic  other-world  from  the  unreal  and  shadowy 
Hades  of  Greece  and  Rome.  What  the  exact  character  of  this 
other  world  was  among  the  Gauls  we  cannot  well  say  ;  but  the 
later  legends  in  France,  Wales,  and  Ireland  go  to  prove  that  it 
partook  of  the  nature  of  an  Earthly  Paradise,  situated  in  some 
happy  isle  of  the  West.  The  pseudo-Plutarch  introduces  a  gram- 
marian Demetrius  as  returned  from  Britain,  and  saying  "  that 
there  are  many  desert  islands  scattered  round  Britain,  some  of 
which  have  the  names  of  being  the  islands  of  genii  and  heroes. 
The  island  which  lay  nearest  the  desert  isles  had  but  few  inhabi- 
tants, and  these  were  esteemed  by  the  Britons  sacred  and 
inviolable.  Very  soon  after  his  arrival  there  was  great  turbulence 
in  the  air  and  portentous  storms.  The  islanders  said  when  these 
ceased  that  some  one  of  the  superior  genii  had  departed,  whose 
extinction  excited  the  winds  and  storms.  And  there  was  one 
island  where  Saturn  was  kept  by  Briareus  in  a  deep  sleep, 
attended  by  many  genii  as  his  companions."  The  poet  Claudian 
evidently  records  a  Gaulish  belief  in  the  Island  of  Souls  in  the 

lines  : — 

"  Est  locus  extremum  pandit  qud  Gallia  litus, 
Oceani  praetentus  aquis,  ubi  fertur  Ulixes 
Sanguine  libato  populum  movisse  silentem. 
Illic  umbrarum  tenui  stridore  volantum 
Felebilis  auditur  questus.     Simulacra  colon! 
Pallida  defunctasque  vident  migrate  figuras." 

Beyond  the  westernmost  point  of  the  Gallic  shore,  he  says,  is  the 
place  where  Ulysses  summoned  the  shades  (as  Homer  has  it.) 
There  are  heard  the  tearful  cries  of  fleeting  ghosts  ;  the  natives 
see  their  pallid  forms  and  ghostly  figures  moving  on  to  their  last 


abode.  The  traditions  of  Brittany,  with  true  Celtic  tenacity,  still 
bear  traces  of  this  belief ;  at  the  furthest  extremity  of  that  dis- 
trict, where  Cape  Raz  juts  into  the  Western  Sea,  lies  the  Bay  of 
Souls,  where  departed  spirits  sail  off  across  the  sea  in  ghostly 
ships  to  the  happy  isles.  Procopius,  in  the  6th  century,  enables 
us  to  understand  what  the  peasants  of  Northern  Gaul  believed 
in  regard  to  the  Happy  Isles,  and  to  Britain  in  particular.  He 
confuses  Britain  with  a  fabulous  island  called  Brittia,  one  half  of 
which  is  habitable ;  but  the  other  half,  divided  off  by  a  wall,  is  set 
apart  to  be  the  home  of  ghosts.  The  fishermen  on  the  continent 
opposite  to  Brittia  performed  the  functions  of  ferrymen  for  the  dead. 
"  At  night  they  perceive  the  door  to  be  shaken,  and  they  hear  a 
certain  indistinct  voice  summoning  them  to  their  work.  They 
proceed  to  the  shore  under  compulsion  of  a  necessity  they  cannot 
understand.  Here  they  perceive  vessels — not  their  own — appar- 
ently without  passengers.  Embarking,  they  take  the  oars,  and 
feel  as  if  they  had  a  burden  on  board  in  the  shape  of  unseen  pas- 
sengers, which  sometimes  sinks  the  boat  to  within  a  finger-breadth 
of  the  water.  They  see  no  one.  After  rowing  for  an  hour,  they 
reach  Brittia,  really  a  mortal  journey  of  over  twenty-four  hours. 
Arrived  at  Brittia,  they  hear  the  names  of  their  passengers  and 
their  dignities  called  over  and  answered  ;  and  on  the  ghosts  all 
landing,  they  are  wafted  back  to  the  habitable  world." 

So  far  we  have  discovered  among  the  early  Celts  an  intense 
conviction  in  a  personal  existence  in  another  world,  where  they 
"  married  and  gave  in  marriage,"  and  into  which  business  trans- 
actions of  this  world  might  be  transferred.  Its  locality  was  to 
.the  west — an  island  in  the  land  of  the  setting  sun,  or  possibly  a 
country  under  the  western  waves,  for  the  traditions  of  Brittany, 
Cornwall,  Wales,  Ireland,  and  Scotland  continually  insist  on  the 
existence  of  such  a  land.  Buried  cities  are  recorded  as  existing 
to  the  westward  of  every  prominent  Celtic  cape  ;  that  sunken 
district  of  Lyonesse  which  appears  in  all  Brythonic  traditions. 
The  very  earthly  character  of  the  Celtic  world  of  the  departed  is 
seen  in  the  surviving  remembrances  of  it  still  existent,  despite  all 
the  Church's  efforts,  in  the  mythic  tales  ;  an  Earthly  Paradise  it 
truly  was.  We  do  not  find  much  in  Welsh  myth  bearing  on  the 
matter ;  it  is  in  Irish  and  Gaelic  tales  that  we  have  the  material 
for  judging  of  the  character  of  the  Celtic  Elysium. 
(To  be  continued.) 


AFTER  spending  a  few  days  in  Winnipeg,  I  went  westward  to 
Portage-la- Prairie,  seventy  miles  by  rail  from  Winnipeg,  and 
during  the  journey  I  was  much  struck  with  the  difference  in  the 
character  of  the  soil  within  a  comparatively  short  area  in  this 
continent  of  rich  land.  The  surface  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Winnipeg  consists  of  fine  black  loam,  averaging,  where  I  examined 
it,  from  eighteen  inches  to  two  feet  in  thickness.  Under  this 
there  is  a  very  deep  deposit  of  clay,  which,  it  is  said,  will  yield  as 
good  crops,  if  turned  over,  as  the  black  soil  on  the  surface.  In 
places  this  clay  is  ninety  feet  in  depth.  The  people  of  Manitoba 
do  not,  therefore,  use  an  extravagant  figure  of  speech  when  they 
say  that  the  Red  River  Valley  is  capable  of  producing  rich  crops 
for  a  century  without  manure.  The  drawback  of  the  valley,  how- 
ever, to  the  agriculturist,  is  its  very  slight  elevation  above  the 
river,  rendering  it  subject  to  floods,  and  its  flatness,  which,  with 
such  a  non-porous  soil,  renders  drainage  extremely  difficult.  On 
account  of  these  drawbacks,  portions  of  the  valley  which  were 
settled  over  thirty  years  ago,  were  abandoned,  and  are  now  gone 
out  of  cultivation.  When  the  river  rises  above  its  banks,  it  ne- 
cessarily covers  a  great  extent  of  land,  where  for  miles  there  is 
not  twelve  inches  of  difference  in  the  level  of  the  surface.  But 
fortunately  floods  have  not  been  of  frequent  occurrence,  and  they 
are  likely  to  be  of  even  less  frequent  occurrence  in  the  future  than 
in  the  past,  as  the  river  is  gradually  deepening  its  bed,  and  there- 
by increasing  its  capacity  to  contain  within  its  banks  the  water 
of  the  large  territory  forming  its  drainage  area. 

Westward  from  Winnipeg,  however,  the  character  of  the  soil 
changes.  At  High  Bluffs  there  is  what  in  that  country  passes 
for  a  considerable  elevation,  and  from  there  westward  the  soil  is 
rich,  porous,  and  well  drained.  At  Portage-la-Prairie  the  black 
soil  forming  the  surface  extends  commonly  to  two  feet  in  depth. 
For  all  practicable  purposes  it  is  as  rich  as  the  soil  at  Winnipeg, 
and  it  is  much  more  easily  worked.  It  has  enough  of  sand  in  it 
to  make  it  sharp,  and  not  so  much  as  to  make  it  poor.  At  Win- 


nipeg  a  shower  of  rain  converts  the  whole  surface  into  a  slippery, 
tenacious,  paste,  which,  when  it  dries,  is  baked  into  a  hard 
crust  At  Portage-la-Prairie  no  such  effect  follows.  A  few  hours 
after  a  shower  the  land  is  dry  and  open  as  ever,  and  yet  not 
parched,  the  clay  subsoil  forming  a  reservoir  of  moisture  which 
continues  to  feed  the  crop  above. 

A  few  weeks  before  my  visit,  Portage-la-Prairie  had  been 
visited  by  a  large  number  of  gentlemen  connected  with  the  Press, 
who  were  shown  over  the  whole  country  as  far  as  the  south  end 
of  Lake  Manitoba,  and  while  I  was  in  the  town  one  of  the  lead- 
ing citizens  informed  me  that  these  gentlemen  had  expressed  the 
opinion  that  the  wheat  crops  they  saw  between  Portage  and  Lake 
Manitoba  would  yield  an  average  of  forty-five  bushels  to  the 

While  I  was  in  Winnipeg  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  make 
the  acquaintance  of  Mr  J.  R.  Martin,  a  member  of  a  firm  of 
barristers  in  Hamilton,  Ontario.  From  him  I  received  a  note 
introducing  me  to  Mr  Nicholas  Garland,  of  Portage-la-Prairie. 
The  history  of  Mr  Garland,  which  I  got  from  himself,  and -verified 
otherwise,  is  a  striking  example  of  the  rapidity  with  which 
fortunes  are  occasionally  made  in  the  West.  In  the  month  of. 
September  1881,  Mr  Garland,  who  had  for  twenty-six  years 
carried  on  business  as  a  dry  goods  merchant  in  Caledonia,  near 
Hamilton,  Ontario,  visited  Manitoba,  and  formed  the  opinion  that 
Portage-la-Prairie  was  a  "  good  thing."  He  returned  to  Cale- 
donia, sold  his  business  there,  and  went  again  to  Portage-la- 
Prairie  in  March  1882,  where,  in  course  of  one  day,  he  invested 
69,400  dollars  in  real  estate  in  and  near  the  town.  Between  that 
time  and  the  date  of  my  visit  in  September  of  the  same  year,  he 
had  sold  portions  of  his  land,  realising  by  the  sales  upwards  of 
100,000  dollars,  and  he  still  held  a  number  of  lots  for  which  he 
expected  to  get  a  long  price.  I  was  very  fortunate  in  meeting 
Mr  Garland,  for  he  not  only  enabled  me  to  obtain  a  mass  of  in- 
formation in  the  short  time  at  my  disposal,  but  he  contributed  to 
the  pleasure  of  my  visit  by  driving  me  round  the  town  and 
neighbourhood  in  his  buggy — a  vehicle  which  is  much  more 
common  in  Canada  than  the  gig  or  dog-cart  is  at  home. 

Writing  to  the  Inverness  Courier,  a  few  days  after  I  visited 
Portage-la-Prairie,  I  said — 


The  people  of  Portage-la-Prairie  are  taking  a  somewhat  different  method  of 
building  up  their  town  and  making  it  prosperous  from  that  pursued  by  some  of  their 
neighbours.  What  Winnipeg  is  doing  you  already  know.  The  methods  pursued 
by  others  are  sometimes  of  the  same  kind  and  sometimes  not.  Dominion  City,  for 
instance,  between  Emerson  and  Winnipeg,  has  obtained  a  charter  as  a  city,  while  as 
yet  its  whole  promise  of  future  greatness  consists  of  a  few  wooden  shanties,  a  wooden 
railway  depot,  and  a  drinking  place,  which  is  dignified  with  the  name  of  saloon. 
Dominion  City,  however,  trusts  to  a  fine  name  and  extensive  advertising,  and  I  regret 
to  say  that  too  many  places  in  the  West  with  fine  sounding  names  have  little  else  to 
recommend  them.  Portage-la-Prairie,  however,  is  endeavouring  to  lay  a  substantial 
foundation  for  future  prosperity.  Two  years  ago  it  consisted  of  only  two  or  three 
houses,  now  it  has  a  population  of  between  5000  and  6000.  The  assessed  value  of 
property,  as  ascertained  in  February  and  March  1881,  was  800,000  dols.,  in  1882  it 
amounted  to  7,400,000  dols.,  and  since  the  present  year's  assessment  was  made  the 
place  has  increased  very  much.  Now,  this  progress  is  in  its  way  as  striking  as  that  of 
Winnipeg,  and  it  is  certainly  at  least  as  healthy.  In  the  first  place,  no  discount  has 
to  be  made  for  a  floating  population,  such  as  accounts  for  a  great  part  of  the  increase 
in  size  of  Winnipeg ;  and  in  the  second  place,  no  part  of  the  assessed  value  of  the 
town  is  based  upon  the  apparent  value  of  vacant  buildings.  The  increase  of  the  town 
is  to  be  accounted  for  by  its  natural  advantages  and  the  enterprise  of  its  inhabitants. 
A  lumber  mill  of  considerable  sizotis  already  in  full  operation,  and  a  paper  mill  is  so 
near  completion  that  operations  will  be  commenced  within  a  few  weeks.  Both  these 
establishments  belong  to  a  gentleman  who  came  to  the  West  a  few  years  ago  to  teach 
a  school  at  a  very  small  salary,  and  who,  as  my  informant  put  it,  had  not  then  ten 
dollars  to  the  fore.  He  is  now  worth  from  50,000  to  100,000  dollars.  A  large  grain 
elevator  is  approaching  completion,  and  has  already  a  considerable  quantity  of  wheat 
stored  in  it.  A  grist  mill  which  will  turn  out  150  barrels  of  flour  a  day  is  nearly 
ready  to  begin  work — the  machinery  being  all  on  the  ground  and  most  of  it  in  the 
building,  and  a  biscuit  factory  has  just  begun  to  work.  A  company  has  been  formed 
to  build  and  carry  on  a  knitting  factory  ;  most  of  the  building  material  is  on  the 
ground,  and  the  building  will  be  proceeded  with  early  next  spring.  The  town  forms 
the  starting  point  of  the  Portage,  WTestbourne,  and  North  Western  Railway,  which 
already  runs  as  far  as  the  town  of  Gladstone,  and  is  being  rapidly  pushed  forward. 
This  railway  will,  when  completed,  open  up  one  of  the  richest  districts  in  the  North- 
West,  and  Portage-la-Prairie  is  preparing  to  make  itself  the  centre  of  the  trade  of 
that  district.  Next  year  is  bound  to  see  a  large  increase  in  the  population  of  the 
town  (the  paper-mill  alone  will  employ  seventy  hands  to  commence  with),  and  yet 
not  only  is  there  no  speculative  building  of  dwelling-houses,  but  no  sufficient  accom- 
modation has  yet  been  provided  for  the  workmen  who  must  necessarily  be  employed 
in  the  various  establishments  approaching  completion. 

One  of  the  largest  American  Railway  Corporations  has  recognised  the  growing 
importance  of  the  town  by  offering,  if  a  charter  can  be  obtained,  to  construct  and 
work  a  railway  connecting  it  directly  with  Emerson,  near  the  International  boundary, 
and  so  with  the  railway  system  of  the  United  States,  in  this  way  avoiding  the  long  detour 
round  by  Winnipeg.  But  such  a  line  would  tap  the  traffic  of  the  Canadian  Pacific 
Line,  and  the  granting  of  such  a  charter  would  be  an  infringement  of  the  monopoly  of 
the  Syndicate  building  that  line.  The  people  of  Portage,  however,  talk  of  an  act  of 
the  local  Legislature,  authorising  the  construction  of  the  line,  the  time  for  vetoing 
which  has  expired.  This  subject  is  one,  however,  upon  which  no  one  seemed 


to  be  able  or  willing  to  give  any  definite  information,  even  the  Speaker  of  the 
Manitoba  Legislatnre,  to  whom  I  spoke  on  the  subject,  not  knowing  how  the  matter 
stood.  Should  such  a  line  be  constructed,  and  it  would  be  an  inexpensive  one  to 
construct,  an  immense  impetus  would  be  given  to  the  prosperity  of  Portage-la- rrairie, 
and  it  would  probably  for  a  time— that  is  until  the  completion  of  the  Canadian 
Pacific  Line  from  Mattawa  to  Thunder  Bay—have  the  effect  of  making  Portage  the 
resting-place  of  a  large  portion  of  the  floating  population  which  now  finds  its  way  to 

My  stay  in  Portage  was  short  but  enjoyable.  When  I  left 
my  friend  Mr  Martin,  in  Winnipeg,  I  understood  him  to  say  that 
Mr  Garland  would  take  me  to  the  top  of  the  Hill  and  show  me 
the  country.  When  I  stepped  off  the  railway  carriage  on  to  the 
platform  at  Portage,  I  looked  about  for  the  Hill,  but  I  saw  no 
land  so  high  as  the  platform  itself,  which  was  about  four  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  rails.  After  driving  all  through  and  round 
about  the  town,  down  to  a  brick  field,  walking  through  the  lumber 
mill,  biscuit  factory,  and  the  unfinished  grist  and  paper  mills,  Mr 
Garland  proposed  we  should  go  to  the  top  of  the  Elevator-  -from 
70  to  90  feet  high,  I  would  think — to  have  a  look  at  the  country. 
From  this  point  of  vantage  on  a  clear  day  the  south  end  of  Lake 
Manitoba,  forty  miles  away,  can  be  seen.  After  a  stiff  climb  up 
the  narrow  stairs  and  many  raps  (to  me)  against  low-set  rafters, 
we  reached  the  top.  To  say  the  prospect  was  beautiful  might  be 
misleading,  and  yet  it  had  a  beauty  all  its  own.  There,  for  forty 
miles  on  every  side  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  lay  the  prairie, 
its  general  appearance  being  that  of  flatness,  and  yet  with  rolling 
hillocks  like  a  sea  suddenly  arrested  and  turned  into  dry  land 
before  its  waves  had  time  to  subside. 

I  had  now  reached  the  furthest  point  westwards  to  which  the 
time  I  had  allowed  myself  would  permit  me  to  go,  and  after 
spending  a  very  pleasant  and  instructive  day,  I  returned  to 
Winnipeg,  and  from  thence  to  Toronto,  doing  the  whole  distance 
by  rail — the  time  occupied  on  the  journey  being  from  the  after- 
noon of  Tuesday  to  the  afternoon  of  the  following  Friday,  travel- 
ling continuously  day  and  night.  After  a  few  days  spent  in 
Toronto  I  went  to  Ottawa,  the  capital  of  the  Dominion,  a  com- 
paratively small,  and,  apart  from  its  political  position,  unimportant 
town.  While  there  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  Mr  A.  M.  Burgess, 
a  young  Highlander,  who  had  then,  at  the  age  of  little  more  than 
thirty,  and  after  only  a  few  years  service  of  the  Canadian  Govern- 


ment,  and  these  years  principally  under  the  political  opponents  of 
the  party  who  had  appointed  him,  attained  to  the  important 
office  of  Permanent  Secretary  of  the  Interior  Department,  and 
who  has  since  then,  and  while  still  under  35  years  of  age,  been  pro- 
moted by  his  political  opponents,  if  a  civil  servant  of  his  rank  can 
be  said  to  belong  to  any  political  party,  to  the  position  of  Deputy- 
Minister  of  the  Interior  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  a  position  of 
responsibility  and  power  to  which  so  young  a  public  servant  was 
never  before  appointed  in  the  Dominion. 

With  Mr  Burgess  I  went  through  and  around  the  Canadian 
Houses  of  Parliament  and  the  public  offices  connected  therewith. 
The  surroundings  of  the  Canadian  member  of  Parliament,  while 
attending  to  his  legislative  duties,  are  comfortable,  not  to  say 
luxurious;  and  the  situation  of  the  Parliament  Buildings  is,  so  far 
as  the  natural  beauty  of  the  site  is  concerned,  one  of  the  finest  in 
the  Dominion.  The  Legislative  Chambers  are,  however,  already 
too  small,  and  the  architect  does  not  seem  to  have  contemplated  the 
growth  of  the  two  representative  bodies  which  must  necessarily 
follow  upon  the  settlement  and  organisation  of  the  enormous 
territory  which  Canada  has  acquired  in  the  North-West. 

The  Parliament  Buildings  stand  on  the  top  of  a  hill  of 
moderate  size,  which  is  ascended  by  a  gentle  slope  from  the  city, 
but  which  presents  to  the  River  Ottawa,  flowing  at  its  foot  on  the 
other  side,  a  precipitous  front.  Here  art  has  been  called  in  to 
soften  Nature's  rugged  face.  The  steep  rocky  face  fronting  the 
Ottawa  river  has  been  planted  with  trees  and  shrubs  at  every 
point  where  a  hold  could  be  obtained  for  their  roots,  so  that 
while  the  native  grandeur  of  the  site  has  not  been  detracted  from, 
its  immediate  surroundings  have  been  softened  and  beautified. 

While  going  through  the  Government  Buildings  I  was  intro- 
duced to  Mr  Lowe,  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  who  had 
just  returned  from  visiting  his  farm.  It  may  interest  farmers  in 
this  snug  little  Island  to  know  that  Mr  Lowe's  farm — known  as 
"  The  Lowe  Farm  " — is  situated  near  the  town  of  Morris,  Mani- 
toba, so  that  when  Mr  Lowe  wished  to  visit  his  farm,  he  had,  and 
will  have,  until  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  runs  from  Ottawa  to 
Thunder  Bay,  to  travel  a  distance  of  close  on  two  thousand  miles, 
a  journey  occupying  as  nearly  as  may  be  four  days  and  three 
nights'  continuous  travelling.  That  is  if  he  wishes  to  travel  by 


rail.  If  he  chooses  to  go  by  the  Lakes  he  may  decrease  the  dis- 
tance, while  he  will  increase  the  time.  But  then  Mr  Lowe's  farm 
is  a  somewhat  large  one,  and  worth  going  a  pretty  long  way  to 
see.  Its  extent  is  18,000  acres,  or  rather  more  than  28  square 
miles.  In  course  of  my  conversation  with  Mr  Lowe,  he  spoke 
with  justifiable  pride  of  the  achievements  of  his  steam  travelling 
plough — a  new  one.  The  original  inventor  had  failed  in  working 
out  his  idea,  but  another  had  taken  it  up,  and  worked  it  out  success- 
fully, and  Mr  Lowe  was  one  of  the  first  to  make  use  of  the  per- 
fected invention.  The  plough  travels  at  the  rate  of  two  miles  an 
hour,  turns  over  ten  (I  think)  furrows  at  a  time,  and,  while  passing 
over  the  ground,  not  only  turns  over  and  cuts  the  turf,  but  sows 
the  seed  and  harrows  and  rolls  the  ground.  All  this  is  done  in 
one  journey,  and  thirty  acres  are  treated  in  this  way  daily  by  the 
one  plough.  For  a  farm  of  the  size  of  the  Lowe  Farm,  one 
plough,  even  with  this  capacity  for  work,  would  not  go  far.  If 
ever  Mr  Lowe  were  to  plough  up  his  whole  farm,  even  this 
"  Polyglot "  plough  would  take  something  like  two  years  to  do 
the  work,  working  all  the  year  round,  from  Monday  to  Saturday, 
at  the  rate  of  thirty  acres  a  day.  Mr  Lowe  had  hitherto,  how- 
ever, cropped  only  a  portion  of  his  land,  but  the  result  was  so 
eminently  satisfactory  that  he  meant  to  increase  the  quantity  the 
following  year.  In  examining  the  crop  of  oats  which  had  just 
been  reaped,  he  found  the  stalk  between  5  ft.  6  in.  and  6  ft.  high, 
while  the  leaf  of  each  stalk,  measured  by  rule,  was  one  and  one- 
sixteenth  inch  across.  There  were  in  many  cases  fourteen  stalks 
to  one  seed,  and  an  average  of  eighty  grains  on  one  stalk.  This  is 
the  sort  of  crop  that  the  virgin  soil  of  the  Red  River  Valley  pro- 
duces in  a  good  season.  The  pity  is  that  all  seasons  are  not 

Before  leaving  Ottawa,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  making  the 
acquaintance  of  Mr  Alexander,  then  Speaker  of  the  Manitoba 
Legislature,  who  was  in  the  Capital  on  the  business  of  the  Pro- 
vince. Mr  Alexander  was  very  much  interested  in  the  Mani- 
toban  Land  Question,  for  Manitoba  has  a  land  question  already. 
When  the  Dominion  Government  took  over  the  North-West 
.territory,  large  tracts  of  land  were  set  apart  as  Indian  Reserves, 
as  Hudson  Bay  Company's  Lands,  and  as  School  Lands.  Then 
came  the  Syndicate  who  undertook  to  build  the  Canadian  Pacific 


Railway,  and  they  obtained  as  part  of  their  price  a  large  grant 
of  land  on  either  side  of  the  Railway.  Up  to  this  point  nobody 
complained.  But  then  in  the  wake  of  the  Railway  Company 
came  land  speculators,  singly  and  in  companies,  from  all  parts 
of  the  world,  who,  finding  the  Dominion  Government  willing 
to  sell  land  on  easy  terms  as  to  money,  provided  certain  con- 
ditions as  to  residence  or  colonisation  were  fulfilled,  obtained 
conditional  grants  of  whole  sections  of  the  best  land  in  the  terri- 
tory. In  this  way  hundreds  of  thousands  of  acres  of  land  were 
tied  up  in  the  hands  of  strangers  whose  only  interest  was  to 
make  profit  by  a.  re-sale,  while  the  settler  who,  accepting  the  invi- 
tation of  the  Government,  came  to  settle  on  a  free  homestead,  had 
to  move  further  on,  and  make  his  selection  where  he  would  find 
land  which  had  not  been  given  away  to  speculators  in  London 
or  Edinburgh.  The  hardship  to  the  settler  was  not  the  only 
thing,  however.  Settlers  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  lands  so 
granted  away  found  the  progress  of  the  district  retarded,  and  its 
ultimate  success  endangered  by  the  compulsory  prevention  of 
settlement,  while  the  Dominion  and  the  Province  lost  many 
settlers,  who,  finding  that  in  Dakota,  over  the  International 
boundary,  land  could  be  had  without  all  this  trouble,  crossed 
over,  became  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  obtained  a  home- 
stead without  difficulty. 

It  so  happened  that  one  of  the  instalments  of  the  price 
payable  by  the  Land  and  Colonisation  Companies  for  their  lands 
in  the  North- West,  fell  due  on  the  day  before  my  arrival  in 
Ottawa,  and  a  large  number  had  failed  to  pay.  The  universal 
desire  in  Manitoba  seemed  to  be  that  these  Companies  should  not 
get  a  second  chance,  but  that  having  failed  to  pay,  the  forfeiture 
clause  in  their  contracts  should  be  enforced,  and  pressure  was 
evidently  being  brought  to  bear  on  the  Government  with  this 
object.  What  the  result  was  I  cannot  say.  It  would  be  well, 
however,  for  persons  on  this  side,  who  think  of  investing  in  shares 
of  a  Canadian  Land  or  Colonisation  Company,  to  ascertain  the 
exact  terms  of  the  Company's  contract  with  the  Government. 
Failure  to  pay  an  instalment  may  infer  a  forfeiture,  not  only  of 
the  land  grant,  but  of  all  sums  already  paid.  Another  frequent 
stipulation  in  Government  contracts  with  these  companies  is  that 
on  failure  to  colonise  within  five  years,  the  land  shall  revert  to 


the  Government,  and  I  have  little  doubt,  from  the  temper  in 
which  the  people  of  the  North-West  have  taken  up  this  question, 
that  they  will  compel  the  Government  to  enforce  this  stipulation 
rigidly  when  the  times  comes,  so  that  the  bona-fide  settler  may 
not  be  excluded  by  the  mere  land  speculator.  Companies  or  in- 
dividuals who  have  entered  into  contracts  for  the  purchase  of 
lands  from  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  Company,  run  no  such 
risk  of  forfeiture,  but  then  they  pay  a  much  higher  price  for  their 
lands — usually  at  least  double  the  price  of  Government  land. 

A  day  or  two  spent  pleasantly  in  Montreal,  where  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  making  the  acquaintance  of  Mr  D.  Macmaster,  Q.C., 
M.P.  for  the  County  of  Glengarry,  a  rising  young  member  of  the 
Canadian  Bar,  who,  I  believe,  will  ere  long  take  a  high  position 
in  Canadian  politics  ;  of  Mr  Thomas  White,  M.P.,  Editor  of 
the  Montreal  Gazette,  a  gentleman  of  considerable  ability,  of 
genial  manners,  and  withal  a  keen  politician,  who  was  thrice 
beaten  by  majorities  of  seven,  five,  and  three  respectively 
before  he  succeeded  in  winning  his  present  seat ;  and,  last,  though 
by  no  means  least,  of  Mr  Richard  White,  of  the  Montreal  Gazette, 
brother  of  the  M.P.,  who  did  much  to  make  things  pleasant  for 
me,  and  wound  up  by  taking  me  to  see  my  first  Lacrosse  match. 
One  person  I  missed,  much  to  my  regret,  both  on  this  occasion 
and  when  I  returned  from  New  York  a  week  later — Mr  John 
Macdonald,  Accountant,  a  native  of  our  Scottish  Highlands. 
After  my  return  I  learned  that  Mr  Macdonald  had  called  for  me, 
only  to  find  that  I  had  left  for  home  the  previous  evening. 

From  Montreal  to  New  York  was  a  night's  journey.  In 
New  York  I  met  Mr  Duncan  Macgregor  Crerar,  of  whom  I  had 
heard  long  before  from  the  Editor  of  the  Celtic  Magazine.  With 
Mr  Crerar  I  soon  felt  at  home,  and  before  I  had  been  with  him 
many  hours  I  looked  upon  and  talked  to  him  as  an  old  friend. 
A  Scotchman,  and  better  still,  a  Highlander,  Mr  Crerar,  through 
all  the  ups  and  downs  of  life,  has  never  lost  his  native  simplicity 
of  character  and  warmth  of  heart.  He  made  my  stay  in  New 
York  exceedingly  pleasant.  Of  him  I  say  no  more  than  that  our 
friendship  did  not  cease  when  I  left  New  York,  but  has  been  con- 
tinued until  now,  and  I  trust  will  long  continue.  Through 
Mr  Crerar  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  Mr  John  S.  Kennedy, 
banker,  New  York,  one  of  the  Syndicate  who  undertook  the 


construction  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  and  like  several 
other  members  of  that  body,  a  Scotchman,  and  a  successful  one. 
In  Mr  Kennedy,  Scotchmen  in  New  York  find  a  generous 
friend,  and  to  those  who  are  willing  to  help  themselves  he  is 
always  ready  to  give  a  helping  hand.  I  had  a  very  interesting 
conversation  with  Mr  Kennedy,  on  the  subject  of  the  Canadian 
Pacific  Railway,  and  the  threatened  "  tapping"  lines  in  the  North- 
West,  in  course  of  which  he  said  that  if  the  Company  were  re- 
lieved of  their  obligation  to  construct  a  Railway  along  the  north 
shore  of  Lake  Superior,  they  would  at  once  give  up  their  mono- 
poly in  the  North-West.  Another  Scotchman,  whom  I  met  in 
New  York,  was  Mr  John  H.  Strahan,  a  Scotch  lawyer,  who,  a 
good  many  years  ago,  went  to  the  Empire  City,  studied  American 
Law,  and  is  now  in  the  front  rank  of  his  profession.  Before  I 
left  New  York,  Mr  Strahan  drove  me  through  the  Central  Park, 
and  round  a  large  part  of  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  but  New  York 
has  become  so  familiar  to  readers  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  that 
it  is  unnecessary  to  attempt  a  description  of  it,  or  of  its  magnificent 

Another  day  in  Montreal,  and  a  pleasant  evening  to  wind  up 
with  in  the  house  of  my  friend  Mr  Burns.  A  journey  on  the  night 
express  to  Quebec,  and  in  the  morning,  five  minutes  after  the 
tender  put  us  on  board,  the  Allan  Mail  Liner  "  Circassian"  steamed 
down  the  Saint  Lawrence.  An  uneventful  voyage  of  ten  days 
across  the  Atlantic  ;  a  rapid  run  from  Liverpool  to  Inverness, 
and  I  found,  when  I  had  leisure  to  make  the  calculation,  that  in 
my  two  months'  holiday  I  had  travelled  over  eleven  thousand  six 
hundred  miles. 

Impressions  of  America !  If  by  impressions  you  mean 
opinions,  I  had  no  time  to  form  any.  I  had  only  time  to  see, 
and  what  I  saw  I  have  told. 


FOUR  PAGES  extra  are  given  this  month  to  enable  us  to 
present  our  constituents  with  a  full  report  of  the  speeches  delivered 
at  the  Annual  Dinner  of  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness  last 
month  without  encroaching  too  far  on  our  usual  space. 




THE  following  are  two  of  many  gratifying  letters  received  from 
influential  gentlemen  who  take  an  interest  in  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  Highland  people  : — 

LONDON,  W.,  nth  February  1884. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, — In  the  present  highly  critical  times  as  concerns  Highland 
views,  aims,  and  aspirations,  I  am  glad  to  see  that  one  so  intimately  acquainted  with 
them,  and  who  is  held  in  such  favour  and  confidence  by  the  people,  proposes  estab- 
lishing a  newspaper  specially  devoted  to  their  interests.  I  know  no  one  so  well 
adapted  to  step  to  the  front,  or  more  deserving  of  every  support  in  the  important 
matters  to  be  dealt  with. 

This  I  say,  while  with  pleasure  recognising  to  the  fullest  the  support — and  that 
a  growing  one — now  given  to  these  matters  by  several  existing  newspapers. — Yours 
faithfully,  C.  FRASER-MACKINTOSH. 



HEREFORD,  5th  February  1884. 

DEAR  SIR, — I  am  delighted  to  hear  that  a  people's  paper  is  likely  to  appear  in  In- 
verness, under  the  banner  of  the  "Scottish  Highlander."  I  trust  that  Highlanders 
generally,  throughout  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  shall  rally  round  it,  and  make  it 
a  success.  The  want  of  such  a  paper  is  felt  at  home  and  abroad.  Within  the  last  three 
months  numerous  representations  have  been  made  to  me  by  Highlanders,  in  Scotland 
and  England,  of  the  necessity  of  establishing  a  publication  devoted  to  the  wants,  require- 
ments, and  interests  of  the  Highland  people,  the  columns  of  which  would  always  be 
open  to  them  for  exposing  their  grievances,  advocating  their  rights,  and  demanding 
redress  for  oppressive  wrongs.  A  general  complaint  pervaded  these  communications,  of 
the  partiality  of  the  Northern  Press,  with  one  or  two  honourable  exceptions,  in  discus- 
sing questions  bearing  upon  the  interests  of  the  people,  and  in  the  way  Editors  treated 
communications  sent  them,  making  it  an  urgent  necessity  to  establish  a  people's  paper 
for  the  people,  as  the  best  means  by  which  they  could  give  free  expression  to  their  own 
ideas  upon  the  circumstances  by  which  they  are  surrounded. 

There  is  no  doubt  of  the  truth  of  these  statements.  There  can  be  as  little  doubt 
of  the  urgent  necessity  of  a  weekly  paper  being  established  as  early  as  possible. 

My  reply  to  my  correspondents  was,  that  I  was  ready  to  assist  whenever  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  Highlanders  combined  to  make  the  matter  feasible,  and  certain  of 
success,  and  I  take  this  opportunity  of  appealing  to  all  Highlanders  to  combine,  and 
subscribe  to  have  a  publication  of  their  own,  devoted  to  their  interests  and  their  as- 
pirations. The  want  of  it  being  so  much  felt,  and  so  widely  acknowledged,  leads  me 
to  think  that  all  real  Highlanders  have,  at  least,  come  to  the  conclusion  that  combina- 
tion amongst  themselves  is  the  only  way  to  success,  and  that  shoulder  to  shoulder  is 
the  only  mode  of  attaining  the  desired  end,  and  of  securing  the  object  we  all  have  in 
view — the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  people. — Yours  very  faithfully, 



The  Perthshire  Constitutional,  the  county  Conservative  paper,  in  a  review  of  the 
Celtic  Magazine  for  February,  says: — "Messrs  Mackenzie,  we  notice,  are  to  start  a 
newspaper,  to  be  called  the  'Scottish  Highlander.'  Few  men,  if  any,  are  better 
qualified  than  the  editor  to  conduct  a  paper  treating  of  the  '  Language,  Literature, 
and  Traditions'  of  his  race;  and  we  hope  that,  whilst  vigorously  urging  the  real  rights 
of  the  crofter,  he  will,  with  the  common-sense  and  the  patriotism  which  he  possesses, 
avoid  theories  which,  under  specious  names,  lead  to  Socialism.  If  so,  we  predict  a 
great  success  to  his  paper." 

The  Christian  Leader,  referring  to  the  same  subject,  says: — "A  proposal  is 
being  urged  upon  Mr  Alexander  Mackenzie,  F.S.A.  Scot.,  of  Inverness,  to  undertake 
the  editing  and  publication  of  a  weekly  journal  to  be  called  the  '  Scottish  Highlander;' 
and  we  are  glad  to  hear  that  the  scheme  is  taking  practical  shape.  No  man  is  better 
qualified  than  the  editor  of  the  Celtic  Magazine  to  produce  a  newspaper  thoroughly 
representative  of  the  Highlands,  or  more  likely  to  further  the  interests  of  the  High- 
land population." 


LIEUTENANT-GENERAL  JAMES  FERGUSON  was  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  officers  under  the  great  Duke  of  Marlborough,  and 
was  remarkable  for  the  readiness  with  which  he  could  find  an 
expedient,  even  in  the  most  difficult  and  adverse  circumstances. 
There  is  a  good  example  of  this  faculty  of  his  given  in  a  foot- 
note in  the  History  of  the  House  and  Clan  of  Mackay.  While  the 
British  army  were  in  Flanders,  they  had  a  large  number  of 
prisoners  on  their  hands,  whom  it  was  desirable  to  get  rid  of  as 
soon  as  possible.  Accordingly,  orders  were  given  to  conduct 
them  to  a  place  several  miles  away  from  the  encampment, 
but  as  their  number  was  so  great,  and  as  only  a  very  few  men 
could  be  spared  to  guard  them,  considerable  hesitancy  was  ex- 
perienced before  an  officer  volunteered  to  command  the  small 
party  to  be  sent  in  charge  for  fear  the  prisoners  might  overpower 
them.  Ferguson,  however,  then  a  major,  accepted  the  responsi- 
bility; the  whole  camp  turned  out  to  witness  the  departure  of  the 
party,  and  to  see  how  he  would  deal  with  his  troublesome 
charge.  Ferguson  proved  equal  to  the  occasion.  He  drew  up 
his  prisoners  in  line,  and  sent  a  serjeant  along  behind  them, 
with  orders  to  cut  ttie  suspenders  of  each  man's  trousers. 
These  garments  began  to  drop,  a  misfortune  which  could 
only  be  obviated  by  each  prisoner  using  one  hand  at 
least  to  hold  them  up.  The  ingenious  Major  then  put  his  com- 
pany in  order,  gave  the  command  to  march,  and  in  this  guise 
set  off,  amidst  the  mingled  admiration  and  amusement  of 
the  spectators.  The  expedient  proved  quite  successful.  With  one 
or  both  hands  holding  up  his  breeches,  no  prisoner  could  do  any 
mischief,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  if  he  let  them  go  they  would 
get  entangled  about  his  ankles,  and  render  him  unable  to  move. 
Thus  the  Major  got  to  his  destination  without  the  loss  of  a  single 
prisoner.  H.  R.  M. 




'Twas  not  the  beacon  light  of  war, 

Nor  yet  the  "  slogan  "  cry, 
That  chilled  each  heart,  and  blanched  each  cheek, 

In  the  country  of  Mackay, 
And  made  them  march  with  weary  feet, 

As  men  condemned  to  die. 

Ah  !  had  it  been  their  country's  foe 

That  they  were  called  to  brave, 
How  loudly  would  the  piobrachd  sound, 

How  proud  their  "  bratach  "  wave  ; 
How  joyfully  each  man  would  march, 

Tho'  marching  to  his  grave. 

No  !     'Twas  a  cruel,  sad  behest, 

An  alien  chiefs  command, 
Depriving  them  of  house  and  home, 

Their  country  and  their  land  ; 
Dealing  a  death-blow  at  their  hearts, 

Binding  the  "strong  right  hand." 

Slowly  and  sadly,  down  the  glen 

They  took  their  weary  way, 
The  sun  was  shining  overhead 

Upon  that  sweet  spring  day, 
And  earth  was  throbbing  with  the  life 

Of  the  great  glad  month  of  May. 

The  deer  were  browsing  on  the  hills, 

And  looked  with  wondering  eye  ; 
The  birds  were  singing  their  songs  of  praise, 

The  smoke  curled  to  the  sky, 
And  the  river  added  its  gentle  voice 

To  nature's  melody. 

No  human  voice  disturbed  the  calm, 

No  answering  smile  was  there, 
For  men  and  women  walked  along, 

Mute  pictures  of  despair  ; 
This  was  the  last  sad  Sabbath  they 

Would  join  in  praise  and  prayer. 

And  men  were  there  whose  brows  still  bore 

The  trace  of  many  scars, 
Who  oft  their  vigils  kept  with  death 

Beneath  the  midnight  stars, 
Where'er  their  country  needed  men, 

Brave  men  to  fight  her  wars. 


And  grey-haired  women  tall  and  strong, 

Erect  and  full  of  grace, 
Meet  mothers  of  a  noble  clan, 

A  brave  and  stalwart  race, 
And  many  a  maiden  young  and  fair, 

With  pallid,  tear-stained  face. 

They  met  upon  the  river's  brink, 

By  the  church  so  old  and  grey, 
They  could  not  sit  within  its  walls 

Upon  this  sunny  day  ; 
The  Heavens  above  would  be  their  dome, 

And  hear  what  they  would  say. 

The  preacher  stood  upon  a  bank, 

His  face  was  pale  and  thin, 
And,  as  he  looked  upon  his  flock, 

His  eyes  with  tears  were  dim, 
And  they  awhile  forgot  their  grief, 

And  fondly  looked  at  him. 

His  text :  "  Be  faithful  unto  death, 

And  I  will  give  to  thee 
A  crown  of  life  that  will  endure 

To  all  eternity." 
And  he  pleaded  God's  dear  promises, 

So  rich,  so  full,  so  free  ; 

Then  said  "  Ah  friends,  an  evil  day 

Has  come  upon  our  Glen, 
Now  sheep  and  deer  are  held  of  more 

Account  than  living  men  ; 
It  is  a  lawless  law  that  yet 

All  nations  will  condemn. 

"  I  would  not  be  a  belted  knight, 

Nor  yet  a  wealthy  lord, 
Nor  would  I,  for  a  coronet, 

Have  said  the  fatal  word 
That  made  a  devastation  worse 

Than  famine,  fire,  or  sword. 

"  The  path  before  each  one  of  us 

Is  long,  and  dark,  and  steep  ; 
I  go  away  a  shepherd  lone, 

Without  a  flock  to  keep, 
And  ye  without  a  shepherd  go, 

My  well  beloved  sheep. 


"  But  God  our  Father  will  not  part 

With  one  of  us,  I  know, 
Though  in  the  cold  wide  world  our  feet 

May  wander  to  and  fro  ; 
If  we  like  children  cling  to  Him, 
With  us  He'll  ever  go. 

"  Farewell  my  people,  fare  ye  well, 

We  part  to  meet  no  more, 
Until  we  meet  before  the  throne, 

On  God's  eternal  shore, 
Where  parting  will  not  break  the  heart. 
Farewell  for  ever  more. " 

He  sat  upon  the  low  green  turf, 
His  head  with  sorrow  bowed  ; 
Men  sobbed  upon  their  father's  graves, 
»  And  women  wept  aloud, 

And  there  was  not  a  tearless  eye 
In  that  heart-stricken  crowd. 

The  tune  of  "  Martyrdom"  was  sung 

By  lips  with  anguish  pale, 
And  as  it  rose  upon  the  breeze 

It  swelled  into  a  wail, 
And,  like  a  weird  death  coronach, 

It  sounded  in  the  vale  : 

"Beannaicht"  gu  siorruidh  buan 

Ainm  glormhor  uasal  fein 
Lionadh  a  ghloir  gach  uile  thir 

Amen  agus  Amen, " 
And  echo  lingering  on  the  hills 

Gave  back  the  sad  refrain. 

Methinks  there  never  yet  was  heard 

Such  a  pathetic  cry 
As  rose  from  that  dear,  hallowed  spot 

Unto  the  deep  blue  sky, 
'Twas  the  death  wail  of  a  broken  clan — 

The  noble  clan  Mackay. 

And  ere  another  Sabbath  came, 

The  people  were  no  more 
Within  their  Glens,  but  they  were  strewn 

Like  wreck  upon  the  shore, 
And  the  smoke  of  each  burning  home  ascends 

To  heaven  for  ever  more. 

[The  text  given  and  Psalm  sung  are  all  as  it  happened,  and  in  a  short  time  after 
a  crow  built  her  nest  in  the  deserted  church.] 



ON  the  evening  of  the  2gth  of  January,  the  usual  annual  dinner  of  the  Gaelic  Society 
was  held  in  the  Caledonian  Hotel,  when  about  fifty  members  and  their  friends  sat 
down  to  an  excellently  served  dinner,  under  the  presidency  of  Henry  Cockburn 
Macandrew,  Esq.,  Provost  of  Inverness.  The  Chairman  was  supported  right  and 
left  by  Captain  O'Sullivan,  Adjutant  of  the  I.A.V.;  Councillor  Alexander  Ross, 
William  Mackay,  solicitor  ;  Hugh  Rose,  solicitor  ;  Robert  Grant,  of  Macdougall  and 
Go's. ;  Dr  F.  M.  Mackenzie,  Dr  Ogilvie  Grant,  Bailie  Mackay,  and  William  Morrison, 
Rector,  Dingwall  Academy.  The  Croupiers  were  Alexander  Mackenzie,  Editor  of  the 
Celtic  Magazine:  and  Alexander  Macbain,  M.A.,  Rector,  Raining's  School,  Inverness. 
Among  the  general  company  were — Colin  Chisholm,  Namur  Cottage  ;  James  Barron, 
Ness  Bank;  Duncan  Campbell,  Ballifeary ;  Dr  D.  Sinclair  Macdonald,  James 
Gumming,  Allanfearn  ;  Councillor  W.  G.  Stuart,  Councillor  James  Macbean,  John 
Davidson,  merchant ;  A.  K.  Findlater,  of  Macdonald  &  Mackintosh ;  Alexander 
Mactavish,  of  Mactavish  &  Mackintosh;  John  Maedonald,  merchant,  Exchange; 
Eraser  Campbell,  draper ;  John  Whyte,  librarian ;  William  Gunn,  draper ;  James 
Mackintosh,  ironmonger;  Alex.  Macgregor,  solicitor;  Duncan  Chisholm,  coal- 
merchant  ;  Alex.  Ranaldson  Macraild,  writer ;  D.  Maclennan,  commission  agent ; 
D.  K.  Clark,  of  the  Courier;  Hector  R.  Mackenzie,  Town-Clerk's  Office;  William 
Mackenzie,  Secretary  of  the  Society;  Alex.  Ross,  of  the  Chronicle;  William 
Cameron,  The  Castle  ;  Mr  Macdonald,  do. ;  F.  Mackenzie,  Mr  Menzies,  Blarich, 
Sutherlandshire  ;  D.  Nairne,  &c. 

Apologies  for  inability  to  attend  were  read  by  the  Secretary  from  the  following  : — 
Sir  Kenneth  S.  Mackenzie  of  Gairloch,  Bart.;  Cluny  Macpherson  of  Cluny,  C.B. ;  John 
Mackay  of  Hereford  ;  Mackintosh  of  Mackintosh,  A.  R.  Mackenzie,  yr.  of  Kintail ; 
John  Mackay  of  Hernesdale  ;  W.  M'K.  Bannatyne,  Bridge  of  Allan  ;  D.  Forbes  of 
Culloden ;  Thomas  O'Hara,  Portarlington ;  Field-Marshal  Sir  Patrick  Grant,  F. 
Macdonald,  Druidaig  ;  &c. 

The  Earl  of  Dunmore,  Chief  of  the  Society,  writing  from  Algiers,  said — 

Dear  Sir, — I  beg  to  express,  through  you,  my  regret  to  the  members  of  our 
Society  at  being  unable  to  take  the  chair  at  this  our  annual  meeting,  but,  owing  unfor- 
tunately to  the  delicate  state  of  my  wife's  health,  we  have  been  ordered  here  to  Algiers 
for  the  winter,  and  as  the  distance  is  very  great,  it  has  been  a  matter  of  impossibility  for 
me  to  get  over  in  time  to  occupy  that  chair  to  which  I  had  the  honour  last  year  to  be 
appointed.  But  believe  me  when  I  tell  you  that  my  heart  is  with  you  on  this  occasion, 
and,  although  many  hundred  miles  of  ocean  roll  between  us,  there  is  no  distance, 
however  great,  that  cannot  be  bridged  over  by  that  bond  of  sympathy  that  unites  the 
hearts  of  all  true  Highlanders.  And  it  is  thus  I  would  have  you  think  this  day  ;  that, 
although  absent  in  the  body,  I  am  with  you  in  the  spirit,  wishing  you  every  success 
in  your  great  undertaking  ;  that  your  efforts  may  continue  to  meet  with  that  success 
they  so  justly  deserve,  and  that  the  end  will  be  the  bringing  about  the  one  thing  so 
dear  to  all  of  us — namely,  the  preservation,  in  all  its  purity,  of  our  most  beautiful  and 
ancient  language,  its  literature,  poetry,  music,  legends,  and  traditions — (cheers)— and, 
more  than  all,  the  preservation  of  that  feeling  of  clanship  and  brotherhood  which 
should  always  exist  among  Highlanders  of  all  classes — high  and  low,  rich  and  poor  — 
that  feeling  which  has  for  ages  and  centuries  existed  ;  that  feeling  which  has  gone 
far  towards  making  our  beloved  country  take  the  high  place  she  does  among  the 
nations  of  the  world  by  reason  of  her  sons  being  the  bravest,  staunchest,  and  most 


loyal  adherents  to  their  Sovereign  and  the  land  that  gave  them  birth.  (Cheers.) 
With  regard  to  the  present  state  of  affairs  in  the  Highlands,  it  would  ill  become  me 
to  make  many  remarks  until  after  we  have  the  report  of  the  Royal  Commission — 
(hear,  hear)— but  this  I  will  venture  to  think — that,  had  the  Gaelic  tongue  been 
taught  in  the  high-class  schools  as  a  requisite  language  for  those  who  reside  in  Gaelic- 
speaking  districts,  we  should  have  heard  little  of  discontent,  and  still  less  of  a  Crofters' 
Commission.  Surely  it  must  be  more  desirable  to  teach  a  boy  his  native  tongue  than 
to  cram  his  brain  with  Greek  mythology  and  a  lot  of  rubbish  that  can  be  of  little  or 
no  use  to  him  in  after  life.  (Applause.)  And  yet  I  have  often  been  asked  by  some 
people  what  use  is  there  in  knowing  Gaelic,  or,  as  they  facetiously  term  it  in  their 
painful  ignorance,  "That  defunct  barbarian  lingo."  (Laughter.)  But  if  we  are  to 
deplore  the  non-existence  of  the  Gaelic  language  amongst  some  of  the  landed  gentry 
in  the  Highlands,  what  condemnation  can  be  too  severe  for  those  men  of  the  educated 
classes  familiar  with  the  language  who  have  taken  advantage  of  it  to  feed  the  flame 
of  discontent  amongst  the  ignorant  and  uneducated  by  applying  the  mischievous 
bellows  of  agitation?  (Laughter.)  I  say  the  Gaelic  language  has  never  been 
put  to  more  unworthy  and  unpatriotic  or  wicked  use  than  when  it  was  employed,  not 
as  a  means  of  tranquilising  the  poor  people  by  reasoning  with  them  in  a  spirit  of 
pacification  and  conciliation  in  their  own  tongue,  but,  on  the  contrary,  in  urging  them 
to  rebellion  and  crime.  (Cries  of ' '  Rubbish. ")  Who  are  the  most  guilty,  the  preachers  or 
the  disciples  ?  Let  us  hope  that  the  year  1884  may  be  a  happier  one  for  all  of  us  in  the 
Highlands,  and  that  the  seeds  of  discontent  may  not  have  taken  deep  root  in  the 
hearts  of  our  people,  but  that  peace,  quietness,  and  plenty  may  in  future  take  the 
place  of  restless  discontent  and  poverty ;  and  that  Providence  in  His  goodness  may 
see  fit  to  bestow  these  blessings  on  our  beloved  country  is,  I  am  sure,  the  earnest  wish 
of  all  of  us.  (Cheers.)  Wishing  the  Society,  in  conclusion,  every  success. — I  remain 
yours  truly,  DUNMORE,  Chief  of  the  Society. 

The  Chairman,  who  was  warmly  received,  then  proposed  "  The  Queen  "  in  the 
following  interesting  terms  : — 

He  said,  among  the  many  claims  to  our  loyalty  which  Queen  Victoria  possesses, 
there  are  two  which  I  have  not  seen  noticed  before,  and  which,  it  appears  to  me,  may 
be  very  appropriately  noticed  in  proposing  this  toast  at  a  meeting  of  a  Gaelic  Society 
in  the  Town  of  Inverness.  About  thirteen  hundred  years  ago  a  very  remarkable  and 
interesting  event  happened  in  this  city,  which  was  then  the  capital  of  the  Pictish 
kingdom  of  Albyn.  I  allude  to  the  visit  of  St  Columba  to  Brude,  the  King  of  the 
Picts,  when  the  Saint  persuaded  that  monarch  to  embrace  Christianity,  and  formed 
with  him  that  friendship  which  appears  to  have  lasted  while  they  lived.  Now  I  think 
we  have  good  reason  for  believing  that  her  Gracious  Majesty  is  of  the  blood  of  both 
the  principal  actors  in  that  memorable  scene.  We  do  not  know  accurately  the  pedi- 
gree of  the  Pictish  Royal  Family,  because  succession,  according  to  the  Pictish  law, 
was  through  females  ;  the  Kings  never  have  the  names  of  their  fathers,  and  they  seem 
to  have  been  succeeded,  not  by  their  own  sons,  but  by  the  sons  of  sisters,  who  appear 
always  to  have  had  foreign  husbands.  We  know,  however,  that,  according  to  their 
law,  there  was  a  regular  succession  for  a  very  long  time.  For  some  time  before  the 
establishment  of  the  Scottish  Monarchy  by  Kenneth  Macalpine  there  was  a  period  of 
great  confusion,  but  we  know  that  Alpine,  Kenneth's  father,  was  the  son  of  a  Pictish 
mother,  through  whom  he  claimed  the  throne.  From  Kenneth  the  Queen's  pedigree 
is  clear.  I  think,  then,  we  have  fair  historical  probability  in  the  statement  that  the 
Queen  is  of  the  blood  of  the  ancient  Pictish  Royalty,  and  that  she  is  the  descendant, 
as  she  is  the  political  representative,  of  the  royal  race  who  had  their  seat  at  Inverness. 
(Cheers.)  As  to  the  other  proposition  that  she  is  of  the  blood  of  Saint  Columba,  we 
know  that  about  850  Kenneth  Macalpine  re-established  the  Columban  Church  in  Scot- 
land, that  when  so  doing  he  gave  the  primacy  to  the  Abbey  of  Dunkeld  which  he 
there  founded,  and  that  he  then  removed  to  Dunkeld  the  relics  of  Saint  Columba.  I 


cannot  give  you  the  pedigree  of  the  Abbot  to  whom  the  government  of  the  Abbacy  of 
Dunkeld  and  the  Primacy  of  the  Scottish  Church  at  this  time  was  given,  but  we  know 
that  the  law  of  succession  in  the  early  Celtic  Abbacies  was  that  the  Abbot  was  always 
appointed  from  the  family  of  the  Saint  if  there  was  any  person  of  the  family  qualified. 
At  this  time,  and  for  100  years  after,  there  were  Abbots  of  Saint  Columba's  family  in 
the  Monastery  at  lona  and  in  other  Monasteries  of  his  foundation,  and  we  may  fairly 
presume  that  on  the  primacy  of  his  church  Kenneth  would  have  chosen  an  Abbot  of 
the  Saint's  family.  In  the  course  of  time  what  happened  in  other  Celtic  Monasteries 
happened  at  Dunkeld.  The  Abbots  abandoned  the  practice  of  celibacy,  the  office 
became  hereditary  in  their  family,  and  ultimately  the  Abbots  ceased  to  be  priests  and 
lay  lords.  In  the  time  of  Malcolm,  the  Second  Crinan,  Abbot  of  Dunkeld,  was  a  very 
powerful  man.  He  married  the  daughter  of  Malcolm,  and  the  fruit  of  the  marriage 
was  "the  gracious"  Duncan,  father  of  Malcolm  Canmore,  and  ancestor  of  the  Queen. 
(Cheers.)  Here  again  I  say  that  there  is  fair  historical  probability  that  the  Queen 
is  of  the  blood  of  Saint  Columba,  and  that  she  is  thus  a  descendant  of  Niall  of  the 
nine  hostages  who  was  supreme  King  of  Ireland  in  the  end  of  the  fourth  century. 
This  is  truly  a  good  and  Royal  Celtic  ancestry,  and  I  now  give  you  the  health  of 
Queen  Victoria,  the  descendant  of  the  Royal  race  who  ruled  at  Inverness,  and  the 
representative  of  the  Royal  Saint  and  bard  who  converted  our  ancestors.  (Loud  and 
continued  cheers.) 

After  similar  honours  were  paid  to  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Wales  and  the 
other  members  of  the  Royal  Family, 

Mr  William  Mackay,  solicitor,  proposed  the  "Navy,  Army,  and  Auxiliary  Forces. " 
He  said — This  toast  is  usually  given  from  the  chair,  but  as  our  Chairman  this  evening 
is  a  distinguished  officer  in  the  citizen  army,  I  have  been  done  the  honour  of  being 
asked  to  propose-  it.  (Cheers.)  It  is  with  great  pleasure  I  do  so,  although  I 
feel  I  am  able  to  do  but  scant  justice  to  my  glorious  theme.  Fortunately  for  me, 
however,  the  subject  is  one  not  requiring  words  of  eloquence  to  commend  it  to  you, 
for,  no  matter  where  Highlanders  meet,  they  loyally  remember  the  guardians  of  their 
native  land.  (Applause.)  Now,  gentlemen,  although  in  the  far  off  olden  time 
western  waves  were  ploughed  by  the  fleets  of  the  Lords  of  the  Isles  and  other  Island 
chiefs,  we  Highlanders  cannot  as  a  race  boast  of  any  great  exploits  on  the  ocean,  and 
we  have  not  to  any  appreciable  extent  contributed  to  the  glorious  history  of  the  British 
navy.  That  history,  we  must  confess,  is  the  special  property  of  the  Saxon,  who,  of 
all  nations,  makes  the  best  and  bravest  sea-soldier.  But  in  this  matter  we  have 
learned  to  rejoice  in  the  Saxon's  triumphs,  and  to  look  back  with  feelings  of  pride 
and  pleasure  on  a  long  roll  of  naval  victories  in  which  we  took  little  or  no  part. 
(Cheers. )  In  regard  to  the  army  we  are  on  a  different  footing,  for  our  forefathers 
were  naturally  men  of  war,  and  Highland  soldiers  have  added  lustre  to  British  arms 
in  all  quarters  of  the  globe.  (Applause. )  The  author  of  a  recent  pamphlet  has  ques- 
tioned the  military  ardour  of  the  old  Highlander,  and  he  more  than  insinuates  that 
the  "hardy  and  intrepid  race,"  whom  the  great  Pitt  and  his  successors  called  forth 
from  our  Northern  glens,  were  forced,  in  press-gang  fashion,  into  the  ranks  of  the 
British  army.  It  is  true  that,  about  the  commencement  of  the  present  century,  Celts 
as  well  as  Saxons  were,  under  the  Army  Reserve  Act,  subject  to  a  kind  of  conscrip- 
tion for  home  service,  and  it  may  also  be  true  that  it  occasionally  happened  in  the 
past,  as  it  sometimes  happens  now,  that  a  man  found  himself  in  possession  of  the 
King's  shilling  who  did  not  want  to  fight,  but  it  is  as  absurd  as  it  is  contrary  to  fact  to 
say  that  the  thousands  of  clansmen  who  fought  Britain's  battles  from  Fontenoy  to 


Waterloo  were  impelled  by  any  force  stronger  than  the  freedom  of  their  own  will. 
(Applause.)  No,  gentlemen.  It  was  long  ago  said  of  Highlanders  that  they  could  be 
led,  but  not  driven  ;  and  we  may  safely  assume  that  driven  Highlanders  could  no 
more  have  swept  the  slopes  of  Killiecrankie,  or  climbed  the  heights  of  Abraham,  or, 
as  Sir  Colin  Campbell's  thin  red  line,  turned  the  Russian  horse  at  Balaclava,  than 
could  the  unwilling  wretches  who  are  at  this  moment  goaded  on  by  Egyptian  officers 
to  meet  the  False  Prophet  of  the  Soudan.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  fact  is  that,  although 
Highlanders  now  find  it  pays  better  to  follow  the  more  peaceful  pursuits  of  life,  down 
to  the  beginning  of  this  century  they  were  essentially  a  fighting  people.  I  need  not 
tell  you  of  their  own  internecine  feuds  in  the  olden  times,  or  how,  when  they  could 
not  fight  at  home,  they  joined  the  ranks  of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  or  of  the  Kings  of 
France  ;  but  I  may  mention  that,  on  recently  going  over  certain  Church  records  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  I  was  simply  astonished  at  the  frequent  mention  therein 
made  of  Highland  soldiers,  who  are  described  as  being  absent  in  France  and  in 
Germany,  and  some  of  them  even  in  Russia.  We  cannot  conceive  that  these  men  left 
their  native  land  perforce,  or  under  any  other  influence  than  that  of  love  for  war. 
(Hear.)  Permit  me,  before  I  sit  down,  to  refer  in  one  word  to  the  proposal  now 
made  to  do  away  with  the  graceful  feather  bcnnet  of  our  Highland  soldiers.  It  is  not 
what  may  be  called  an  original  Highland  head-dress.  It  was  worn  first  by  the  old 
Fraser  Regiment,  and  it  has  since  continued  the  distinguishing  head-dress  of  the 
Highland  regiments,  outside  the  tartan.  (Hear,  hear.)  I  would  suggest  that  the 
Gaelic  Society  take  up  this  question  as  they  did  the  question  of  the  tartans.  (Cheers.) 
I  trust  you  will  join  in  resisting  the  proposal  to  the  utmost — (applause)— and  although 
it  does  seem  hopeless  that  we  shall  ever  be  able  to  teach  the  War  Authorities  the 
difference  between  one  tartan  and  another,  or  between  our  martial  feathers  and  a 
policeman's  helmet,  if  we  are  firm  in  our  present  opposition,  I  am  satisfied  that  our 
reward  will  be  the  same  success  that  three  years  ago  crowned  our  efforts  on  behalf 
of  the  tartan.  (Applause.)  But  I  must  conclude,  and  ask  you  to  drink,  with  all 
enthusiasm,  to  the  Navy,  Army,  and  Reserve  Forces.  (Loud  cheers.) 

Captain  O'Sullivan  replied  for  the  Army.  He  said — I  don't  think  the  Gaels  have 
been  cured  of  their  warlike  propensities  yet.  (Cheers.)  I  am  sorry  to  see  another 
of  those  tailoring  changes  being  attempted  by  the  Government — I  refer  to  the  High- 
land feathered  bonnet— and  with  all  due  respect  to  my  superior  officers,  I  am  of 
opinion  that  the  War  Office  have  many  other  more  important  matters  to  take  up  their 
time  with  than  the  turning  of  a  military  button  or  the  changing  of  a  regimental  head- 
dress. (Hear.)  It  was  a  most  serviceable,  and,  in  the  end,  an  inexpensive  one.  It  was 
sometimes  said  that  Germans  and  other  foreigners  laughed  at  the  dress  of  the 
British  soldier  ;  but  on  the  occasion  of  a  review  at  Aldershot  I  remember  a  German 
lady  exclaiming,  on  seeing  the  Scottish  regiments  approach — "Why  not  dress  the 
whole  of  your  infantry  like  that?"  And  there  was  no  doubt  that  for  a  soldier's  dress 
nothing  was  more  perfect  on  parade  than  the  Highland  garb.  (Applause. ) 

Dr  Ogilvie  Grant,  Surgeon  to  the  Naval  Reserve,  replied  for  the  Navy;  and 
Major  Ross  I.A.V.,  replied  for  the  Auxiliary  Forces. 

At  this  stage,  Mr  William  Mackenzie,  the  Secretary,  read  the  annual  report, 
which  reviewed  the  work  performed  by  the  Society  during  last  year — work  which  was 
of  an  exceedingly  useful  character,  and  eminently  calculated  to  advance  the  objects  for 
the  promotion  of  which  the  Society  was  formed.  During  the  year  the  Society  had 
initiated  a  movement  to  get  a  Civil  List  pension  conferred  on  Mrs  Mary  Mackellar, 
the  Bard  of  the  Society — (cheers) — and  had  gone  thoroughly  into  the  proposal  to 


acknowledge  Professor  Blackie's  great  services  to  Celtic  language  and  literature — 
(applause) — two  movements  which  the  Society  hope  to  see  crowned  with  success. 
(Cheers.)  It  is  proposed  that  the  acknowledgment  of  Professor  Blackie's  services 
should  take  the  form  of  a  bust  or  portrait,  with  Blackie  bursaries,  in  connection  with 
the  Celtic  Chair  in  the  University  of  Edinburgh.  (Hear,  hear.)  There  is  at  present 
no  one  receiving  a  pension  from  the  Civil  List  for  Gaelic  literature,  and  the  Society 
considered  that  Mrs  Mackellar  had  very  high  claims.  (Applause.)  This  view  had 
been  concurred  in  by  many  other  societies,  who  have  signed  a  memorial,  promoted  by 
the  Inverness  Society,  to  the  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury.  Many  influential  gentle- 
men had  also,  as  individuals,  signed  it,  including  all  the  members  of  the  Royal 
Commission,  except  Lord  Napier.  Money  for  the  Blackie  testimonial  was  now  in  course 
of  being  received  by  Mr  Fraser-Mackintosh,  M.P.,  hon.  treasurer  to  the  fund,  and 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Society.  During  the  year  the  membership  of  the  Society  had 
been  considerably  thinned  by  death,  but  the  acquisition  of  fresh  members  had  more 
than  counterbalanced  the  loss  in  this  way,  the  number  of  new  members  enrolled  dur- 
ing the  year  being  25.  Financially  the  position  of  the  Society  was  highly  satisfac- 
tory. The  income  during  the  year,  including  the  balance  from  last  year,  was  £88 
l8s.  8d.,  while  the  money  paid  out  amounted  to  £59.  us.  8d.,  leaving  a  balance  of 
£29.  75.  to  be  carried  to  next  account.  (Applause. ) 

The  Chairman  next  proposed  "  Success  to  the  Gaelic  Society"  of  Inverness,  and 
said — I  am  sure  you  have  all  been  gratified  to  learn,  from  the  report  which  the  Secre- 
tary has  just  read,  that  this  Society  is  still  flourishing.  (Cheers.)  I  regret  exceed- 
ingly that  the  chair  is  not  occupied  on  this  occasion  by  Lord  Dunmore,  whose 
presence  would  have  been  so  acceptable  to  us  all.  He  is  a  nobleman  whose  heart 
is  in  the  Highlands',  and  who  lives,  as  much  as  his  wife's  health  will  allow,  among 
and  with  his  people.  In  wishing  success  to  this  Society,  there  are  various  aspects  of 
its  usefulness  which  may  be  referred  to  and  commended.  As  Lord  Dunmore  has  said, 
such  a  Society  is  of  great  advantage  in  preserving  the  language,  the  literature,  and  the 
traditions  of  the  Gael.  I  have  remarked  more  than  once  on  previous  occasions  that 
unless  we  can  also  preserve  the  Gaelic  people  we  are  not  doing  much.  (Loud 
cheers. )  But  if  we  try  to  preserve  the  Gaelic  people  we  must  try  to  preserve  them 
with  the  language,  the  traditions,  and  the  habits  which  made  them  what  they  are. 
(Cheers.)  I  take  it  broadly  that  the  objects  of  this  Society  are  to  preserve  among  us 
all  those  elements  in  the  life  of  the  past  which  were  good  and  beautiful.  We  are 
inclined  to  look  for  a  golden  age  in  the  past.  I  may  be  wrong  in  so  thinking,  but  I 
cannot  help  thinking  that  there  was  a  great  deal  that  was  more  beautiful  and  joyous 
in  the  life  of  the  past  than  in  the  life  of  the  present— (hear,  hear)  -  and  there  are  two 
aspects  of  that  life  on  which  I  will  venture  to  dwell  for  a  few  moments.  We  are  told 
that  the  Highland  people  ought  not  to  continue  to  exist  in  any  great  numbers  on  their 
native  soil,  because  they  cannot  maintain  themselves  there  otherwise  than  in  poverty. 
Now,  I  was  much  struck  with  a  remark  which  I  read  lately,  and  which  was  to  this 
effect,  that  inasmuch  as  the  earth  does  not  produce  very  much  more  than  food  enough 
for  all  the  people  on  it,  the  great  majority  of  the  people  must  always  be  poor.  In 
new  countries  this  evil  may  be  corrected  in  a  town,  and  so  long  as  the  population  is 
sparse ;  but  population  is  always  pressing  on  the  limits  of  the  supply  of  food,  and  I 
fear  it  will  always  be  the  case  that  the  great  majority  will  be  poor.  One  of 
the  great  evils  of  the  present  day  is,  I  think,  that  poverty  is  coming  to  be  looked  on 
as  synonymous  with  misery.  Now  this  is  an  evil  from  which,  a  few  generations  ago, 
our  ancestors  were  in  a  great  measure  free.  (Hear,  hear.)  And  this,  I  think,  was 


due  to  the  habits  of  frugality  which  certain  circumstances  have  made  part  of  their 
lives,  and  to  the  fact  that  they  were  led  to  value  themselves  more  in  other  qualities 
than  with  reference  to  what  they  ate  and  what  they  drank,  and  wherewithal  they  were 
clothed.  (Hear,  hear.)  A  few  generations  ago  there  was  in  one  aspect  very  much 
more  poverty  than  there  is  now ;  that  is  to  say,  articles  in  the  shape  of  food  and  cloth- 
ing, which  are  now  considered  necessaries  by  the  poorest,  were  not  then  attainable 
even  by  the  well-to-do,  but  we  look  in  vain  in  the  contemporary  records  of  our 
ancestors  for  any  evidence  that  poverty  was  then  considered  as,  in  any  sense,  a 
degradation  either  by  those  who  endured  it  or  by  those  above  them.  (Cheers.)  On 
the  contrary,  I  think  we  have  abundance  of  evidence  that  life  was  then  more  free  from 
care  than  it  is  now,  and  that  among  those  who  had  little  choice  of  food  — and  some- 
times but  little  enough  of  it  —there  was  much  less  care  for  the  morrow  than  there  is 
now.  As  an  illustration  of  the  frugality  of  our  ancestors,  I  may  quote  a  passage  from 
the  ancient  Irish  laws  prescribing  the  kind  of  food  which  foster-parents  were  bound 
to  give  the  children  entrusted  to  them  to  be  fostered.  "What  are  their  victuals  ? 
Porridge  is  given  to  them  all  ;  but  the  flavouring  which  goes  into  it  is  different,  i.e., 
salt  butter  for  the  sons  of  the  inferior  grades,  fresh  butter  for  the  sons  of  chieftains, 
honey  for  the  sons  of  kings.  The  food  of  them  all  is  alike  until  the  end  of  a  year,  or 
of  three  years,  viz.,  salt  butter,  and  afterwards  fresh  butter,  i.e.,  to  the  sons  of  chief- 
tains, and  honey  to  the  sons  of  kings.  Porridge  made  of  oatmeal  and  buttermilk  or 
water  is  given  to  the  sons  of  feini  grades,  and  a  bare  sufficiency  of  it  merely,  and  salt 
butter  for  flavouring  ;  porridge  made  in  new  milk  is  given  to  the  sons  of  the  chieftain 
grades,  and  fresh  butter  for  flavouring,  and  a  full  sufficiency  is  given  to  them,  and 
barley  meal  upon  it ;  porridge  made  in  new  milk  is  given  to  the  sons  of  kings,  and 
wheaten  meal  upon  it,  and  honey  for  flavouring."  Surely  what  was  good  enough  for 
the  sons  of  kings  in  the  grandest  period  of  our  race,  might  be  good  enough  for  the  sons 
of  peasants  now.  (Hear,  hear.)  And  if  this  Society  can  aid  in  leading  us  back  to 
the  simple  life  of  our  ancestors,  it  will  do  much  to  make  life  happier,  and  to  do  away 
with  the  brooding  feeling  of  discontent  with  their  lot  among  the  poor,  which  is  one 
of  the  great  evils  of  our  time.  Another  aspect  of  the  life  of  the  past  which  we  have  very 
much  lost  is  its  joyousness.  (Hear,  hear. )  We  are  often  told,  particularly  by  the  Scotsman, 
that  our  ancestors  were  in  great  misery.  No  doubt  the  people  who  say  this  believe  it, 
but  I  think  the  belief  springs  from  the  grossness  of  their  own  minds — (hear,  hear) — 
which  teaches  them  to  think  that  because  people  had  only  the  simplest  food,  and 
sometimes  not  quite  enough  of  it,  and  lived  in  bothies,  they  must  have  been  miser- 
able. In  reading  such  records  of  the  past  as  we  have,  however,  the  impression  left 
on  my  mind  is  that  life  was  then  a  joyous,  free,  happy  life.  Take,  for  instance,  that 
most  delightful  of  books,  Mrs  Grant's  "  Letters  from  the  Mountains."  Mrs  Grant  was 
not  brought  up  in  the  Highlands,  and  when  she  settled  at  Laggan,  she  wrote  many 
accounts  of  her  life  and  of  the  life  of  those  about  her  to  her  friends  in  the  South,  and 
the  distinct  impression  they  leave  on  the  mind  is  that  in  those  days  Laggan  was  a  sort 
of  Arcadia.  Roups  lasted  for  a  fortnight,  weddings  for  three  or  four  days,  and  if  the 
minister  and  his  wife  did  not  join  in  the  dancing,  they  were  present  and  encouraged  it. 
I  was  much  struck  recently  with  one  expression  of  Mrs  Grant  in  describing  her  life. 
She  says — "  Haymaking  is  not  merely  drying  grass  ;  it  is  preparing  a  scene  of  joyous 
employment  and  innocent  amusement  for  those  whose  sports  recal  to  us  our  gayest  and 
happiest  days."  (Cheers.)  That  life  among  the  old  Celts  was  one  of  much  enjoy- 
ment we  may  judge  from  the  following  passage  in  the  Irish  laws  giving  the  occupa- 
tions of  a  king  : — "There  are  now  seven  occupations  in  the  corus-law  of  a  king — 


Sunday  for  drinking  ale,  for  he  is  not  a  lawful  chief  who  does  not  distribute  ale  every 
Sunday — (laughter) — Monday  for  judgments  for  the  adjustment  of  the  people  ;  Tues- 
day for  chess  ;  Wednesday  seeing  greyhounds  coursing  ;  Thursday,  the  pleasures  of 
love  ;  Friday  at  horse-racing  ;  Saturday  at  giving  judgments."  But  since  Mrs  Grant's 
time  we  have  had  two  or  three  generations  of  excellent  and  well-meant  clergymen, 
who  have  lived  in  the  belief,  and  preached  it,  and  enforced  the  practice  of  it,  that  all 
sports  and  amusements,  music  and  dancing,  and  all  those  modes  by  which  the  ex- 
uberance of  healthy  animal  sports  finds  expression,  are  sinful.  The  result  is  that  they 
have  killed  joy  out  of  the  lives  of  the  people — (hear,  hear) — and  I  believe  this  is  one 
great  cause  of  the  discontent  with  their  lot  which  is  now  so  noticeable  a  feature  among 
the  peasantry.  (Cheers.)  It  has  even  become  a  burning  question,  as  we  see  by  the 
papers,  whether  it  is  lawful  to  play  shinty.  (Laughter.)  It  appears  to  me  that  if  the 
worthy  gentlemen  who  preach  against  the  game  would  only  join  their  parishioners  in 
playing  it,  and  would  encourage  this  and  other  similar  healthy  and  innocent  amuse- 
ments, as  the  more  robust  clergy  of  the  good  old  times  did,  the  people  would  be 
happier  and  the  grosser  vices  less  common  than  they  are.  (Cheers.)  Let  us  hope 
then  that  in  all  its  efforts,  and  especially  in  its  effort  to  restore  the  contentment,  the 
simplicity,  and  the  joyousness  of  the  life  of  the  past,  this  Society  may  continue  to 
prosper,  and  let  us  drink  the  toast  with  full  bumpers.  (Loud  cheers.) 

Mr  John  Macdonald,  Exchange,  proposed  the  "  Members  of  Parliament  for  the 
Highland  Counties  and  Burghs."  He  said — The  toast  I  have  been  asked  to  propose 
is  always  well  received  by  the  Gaelic  Society.  If  it  can  be  true  anywhere,  it  is  true 
of  us,  that  Whig  and  Tory  all  agree  in  our  meetings.  And,  I  think  if  this  is  true  of 
Scotland  generally,  it  is  most  true  of  the  Highlands.  There  are  many  things  that  we 
might  expect  Parliament  to  help  us  in— education,  for  instance.  Then  there  is  the 
fishing  industry.  They  might  urge  the  Government  to  give  a  grant  to  aid  in  the  pro- 
secution of  this  important  industry.  I  think  that  we  might  fairly  ask  them  to  do  some 
thing  for  us  in  this  way.  I  am  afraid  that  it  is,  perhaps,  the  case  that  the  services  of 
Members  of  Parliament  are  not  appreciated  and  recompensed  by  the  people  as  they 
should  be.  I  have  lately  had  the  privilege  of  visiting  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
it  requires  that  we  should  see  the  order  ol  business  there  before  we  can  form  a  full 
estimate  of  the  work  of  the  Members.  (Hear,  hear.) 

Mr  Alex.  Macbain,  M.A.,  Raining's  School,  proposed  the  "  Language  and  Liter- 
ature of  the  Gael."  He  said — Patriots  of  a  generation  or  two  ago  used  to  claim  for  the 
Gaelic  language  an  antiquity  coeval  and  even  superior  to  the  Hebrew ;  but  in  the 
present  day — these  days  of  science  and  accurate  thinking — we  can  claim  for  the  Gaelic, 
on  true  scientific  grounds,  antiquity  in  Europe  greater  than  any  of  its  sister  languages, 
and  rank  equal  to  the  best  of  them.  (Applause.)  It  is  well  ascertained  now  that  of 
the  so-called  Aryan  race,  the  Celts  were  the  first  to  enter  Europe,  and  of  these  Celts 
themselves,  the  Gaelic  branch  was  the  first — the  pioneer  of  all  the  civilisation  of  the 
East.  (Hear,  hear.)  Nor  must  we  think  that  these  early  Gaels  were  savages — far 
from  it.  They  were  even  a  civilised  people,  having  homes  and  families,  houses  and 
domestic  animals,  knowledge  of  metals  and  agriculture.  They  had,  too,  a  highly 
organised  language — a  language  that  then  was  superior  to  Latin  in  inflectional  power, 
and  superior  to  Greek  in  flexibility  of  structure.  For  the  last  two  thousand  years  it 
has  not  fared  so  well  with  our  mother  tongue.  It  has  been  sadly  shorn  of  its  inflec- 
tions in  the  struggle  which  the  European  languages  entered  on  in  the  middle  ages  to 
get  rid  of  all  grammar.  Nor  have  we  kept  up  to  the  old  literary  forms  of  our 
ancestors.  The  old  Gaels  must  have  possessed  a  vast  and  important  literature.  We 


see  that  from  the  Irish.  They  preserved  much  of  it  from  the  wreck  of  time  through 
their  monasteries  and  men  of  learning  and  leisure,  and  valuable  MSS.  still  exist  of 
poems,  which,  through  the  ravages  of  time,  have  just  escaped  the  epic  power  and  the 
reputation  of  Homer.  Our  language  here  is,  however,  more  popularised  and  less 
learned.  We  have  but  scraps  of  the  old  literature  and  the  old  inflections  ;  we  are  in 
consequence  more  homely  and  more  near  the  heart  both  in  language  and  literature, 
for  both  are  a  people's  tongue,  as  opposed  to  a  mere  literary  instrument.  We  may 
console  ourselves  in  this  matter  by  the  reflection  that  the  English  would  have  been 
the  same  had  it  not  stolen  29,000  Latin  words — two-thirds  of  its  vocabulary  !  Our 
literature  and  language  are  therefore  of  the  people  and  for  the  people,  and  for  every 
individual  of  it.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  extent  of  our  literature  in  such  circumstances  is 
not  great,  but  its  depth  is  great  -it  is  steeped  in  the  feelings  of  the  people  ;  it  is  com- 
posed mostly  of  songs  and  elegies  and  lyrics  that  gush  from  a  nation's  heart,  warm  and 
instinct  with  life.  (Applause.)  It  is,  therefore,  concrete  and  personal ;  laudations  of 
persons  living,  or  some  dear  one  recently  dead,  are  found  in  the  language ;  these 
laudations  and  praises  are  extended  also  to  natural  objects — a  hill,  a  river,  or  a  vale, 
and  their  description  is  entered  into  with  a  minuteness  and  gusto  that  is  quite  dis- 
tinctive of  the  Gael.  No  language  can  express  better  strong  emotion  ;  the  passionate 
outburst  of  the  lover  or  the  pathetic  wail  of  the  widowed  and  distressed.  We  must 
not  expect  in  such  a  literature  Matthew  Arnold's  "Criticism  of  Life"  to  enter  very 
much  ;  we  do  not  claim  any  philosophical  or  learned  height  for  Gaelic  literature.  It 
expresses  the  feelings,  aspirations,  and  wishes  of  the  people  much  as  Burns'  poems  do 
those  of  the  Lowland  Scotch,  rising  at  times  to  heights  such  as  Burns  attained  in  his 
"  Cottar's  Saturday  Night"  or  his  "  Mary  in  Heaven,"  equal  to  him  in  the  love  songs, 
and,  I  venture  to  say,  superior  to  him  in  satiric  power.  Satire  is  a  special  feature  of 
Gaelic  literature.  The  prose  literature  naturally  runs  into  the  groove  of  conversations, 
as  popular  prose  compositions  must  do  ;  but  the  literature  in  popular  tales  is  something 
to  boast  of.  Campbell's  collection  of  Highland  tales  is  the  envy  of  every  nation  in 
Europe.  They  cannot  beat  us  on  that  point,  not  even  in  Germany.  (Applause.) 
I  cannot  but  refer  to  the  recent  opening  of  the  Celtic  Class  in  Edinburgh.  (Cheers.) 
We  may  congratulate  ourselves  in  the  choice  made,  for,  judging  from  the  start 
Professor  Mackinnon  made  in  his  excellent  address,  we  may  have  every  confidence  in 
his  success.  That  speech,  which  in  pamphlet  form  makes  thirty-six  pages,  and  which 
travelled  over  the  whole  Celtic  ground,  ethnologically  and  philologically,  is  an  ad- 
mirable specimen  of  accuracy  and  learning.  I  do  not  believe  that  one  error  can  be 
pointed  out  in  it — a  new  thing  almost  in  Scotland  for  a  man  to  speak  an  hour  on 
general  Celtic  subjects,  and  make  no  rash  assertions.  For,  if  anything,  we  are  too 
inclined  not  to  study  our  language,  our  literature,  and  our  history  with  that  care 
which  modern  science  insists  on,  and  without  which 'we  are  laughed  at  beyond  our 
own  borders.  We  have  done  all  that  can  be  done  in  a  popular  way.  We  must  now 
submit  to  scientific  treatment,  and  we  shall  find  our  language  and  literature  will  stand 
that  too.  But  we  are  not  here  in  Inverness  quite  idle  in  this  matter.  (Applause.) 
No  man  has  been  busier  or  more  successful  than  the  gentleman  with  whose  name 
I  have  the  honour  to  couple  this  toast,  Mr  Alexander  Mackenzie  of  the  Celtic  Magazine. 
(Cheers)  Not  to  speak  of  the  success  and  excellence  of  his  histories  of  several  of  the 
Highland  clans,  and  of  his  collections  of  traditions,  the  Celtic  Magazine  is  itself  a 
monument  of  his  industry  and  genius.  (Applause.)  Now  in  its  looth  number, 
having  thus  lived  longer  than  any  other  previous  Gaelic  or  Celtic  periodical,  or  truly 
Highland  paper,  it  happily  augurs  the  success  of  his  forthcoming  paper — "The 
Scottish  Highlander."  (Loud  cheers.) 


Mr  Alexander  Mackenzie,  Editor  of  the  Celtic  Magazine,  in  reply,  said — I  need 
not  tell  you  that  I  feel  very  highly  honoured  in  being  asked  to  respond  to  this 
important  toast ;  and  especially  so,  proposed  as  it  has  been,  by  a  gentleman  like  Mr 
Macbain,  whose  information  in  the  Celtic  literary  field  is  very  extensive,  and  who  treads 
very  closely,  in  the  matter  Celtic  scholarship,  on  the  heels  of  the  foremost  men  of  the 
day.  (Hear,  hear.)  It  is  gratifying  that  we  should  have,  in  the  Highland  capital, 
a  man  of  that  stamp.  (Applause.)  He  has  the  advantage  of  many  men  who  dabble 
in  this  question,  in  his  having  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  classical  languages — 
Latin,  Greek,  Sanscrit,  and  Old  Irish,  which,  I  need  hardly  say,  is  of  immense  value 
in  pursuing  Celtic  studies.  I  am  not  going  to  inflict  a  speech  upon  you,  but  referring 
shortly  to  other  matters,  I  may  be  allowed  to  say  how  pleased  I  am  to  see  you,  sir, 
occupying  that  chair  ;  and  let  me  say  that  I  never  heard  you  speaking  at  a  gathering 
of  this  kind,  but  I  admired  the  fine  Celtic  spirit  which  always  pervaded  your  speeches. 
(Applause.)  At  the  same  time,  I  may  be  permitted  to  say  that  the  Society  ought  to 
feel  pleased  that  perhaps  the  only  peer  of  the  realm  who  can  speak  the  Gaelic  lan- 
guage correctly  and  fluently,  holds  the  position  of  present  chief  of  the  Society. 
A  Member — Sir  Kenneth  speaks  Gaelic. 
Mr  Mackenzie — He  is  not  yet  a  peer,  however.  (Laughter.) 

A  Member— Lord  Lovat,  the  Duke  of  Athole,  the  Duke  of  Argyll 

Mr  Mackenzie — We  will  take  "  him"  some  other  time.  (Laughter and  applause.) 
Well,  I  think  it  is  a  good  thing  to  have  such  a  man  as  the  Earl  of  Dunmore  as  our 
chief,  and  I  am  quite  satisfied  that  he  will  not  make  the  same  use  of  his  Gaelic  as  he 
infers  others  have  been  making  of  their  knowledge  of  it  recently  in  the  Highlands — 
(laughter) — and  especially  in  the  Western  Isles ;  but  this  is  a  matter  to  which  I  need 
not  here  further  refer.  I  will  not  say  that  I  am,  in  one  sense,  very  sorry  that  we  have 
not  his  lordship  here  to-night,  because  I  think  we  have  quite  as  good-  a  man  in  the 
chair  as  we  could  possibly  wish  to  have— (hear,  hear)— and  one  who  has  done  more 
in  the  Celtic  field  than  most  people  are  aware  of.  (Applause.)  I  may  tell  you  in  that 
connection  that  considerable  additions  have  been  made  to  our  store  of  Celtic  literature, 
even  within  the  last  twelve  months.  A  volume  of  Gaelic  poetry  has  been  issued,  since 
our  last  meeting,  by  Mr  Neil  Macleod,  a  native  of  Glendale — (cheers)— where  we 
had  some  good  men.  Neil's  uncle  left  that  famous  glen  some  years  ago  as  a  common 
soldier,  and  has  recently  retired,  with  honours,  as  Major  Macleod  of  the  Royal 
Artillery.  (Applause. )  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  Neil  Macleod's  volume 
is  about  the  most  correct  specimen  of  Gaelic  printed  in  modern  times — (hear,  hear) 
— and  not  only  so,  but  that  the  volume,  notwithstanding  the  great  discussion  which  is 
reported  to  have  taken  place  at  a  recent  meeting  of  the  Celtic  Society  of  Edinburgh— 
(laughter) — contains  sentiments,  beautifully  and  poetically  expressed,  equal  to  some  of 
the  best  poets  of  a  bye-gone  age.  (Applause. )  I  had  also  a  very  handsome  volume  of  500 
pages  sent  me  only  last  week  from  the  City  of  Toronto,  the  compositions  of  a  bard 
famous  in  this  country  so  long  ago  as  1838  -  Evan  Maccoll,  the  "  Bard  of  Loch-Fyne," 
who  was  described  by  Hugh  Miller,  in  the  Inverness  Courier  at  the  time,  as  "The 
Moore  of  Highland  Song."  (Cheers.)  Another  poet,  who  started  under  very  dis- 
advantageous circumstances,  from  Argyle-shire,  some  years  ago  for  South  Australia 
has  also  issued  a  volume  of  poems,  printed  in  Australia.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
the  field  of  Celtic  literature  is  expanding ;  that  the  labourers  in  it  are  increasing 
at  a  very  rapid  rate.  (Hear,  hear.)  I  have  not  included  the  excellent  volume  by 
Mary  Mackellar,  our  own  Society  Bard,  as  it  was  published  in  the  previous  year. 
We  shall  soon,  if  I  may  be  permitted  to  let  let  you  into  a  dead  secret — (laughter) — 


have  a  new  addition  to  Celtic  literature  in  the  town  of  Inverness,  my  friend  who  has 
asked  you  to  drink  this  toast  having  a  work  in  the  press,  which  we  shall  have  the 
honour  of  presenting  to  the  public  at  no  distant  date.  (Loud  applause.)  Another 
most  important  addition  to  our  store  of  Highland  literature,  which  we  are  expecting 
soon,  and  which  members  of  this  Society  had  a  hand  in  preparing,  is  the  forthcoming 
volumes  of  the  evidence  taken  before  the  Crofter  Royal  Commission — (laughter)  — 
and  the  report  of  the  Commissioners  on  the  present  state  of  the  Highlands.  (Laugh- 
ter and  cheers.)  I  well  believe,  sir,  that  this  will  prove  to  be  the  most  important 
addition  made  to  the  literature  of  the  Highlands  for  the  last  century  at  least.  (Hear, 
hear.)  There  is  a  fallacy  existing  about  Celtic  literature  even  in  Inverness,  which  will 
by-and-bye  be  removed.  There  are  more  people  taking  an  interest  in  that  subject  in 
the  town  than  the  public  are  aware  of.  Large  numbers  now  not  only  read  but  study 
it  carefully  ;  and  they  are  willing  even  to  pay  a  good  price  for  the  pleasure  of  perusing 
contributions  on  the  subject,  many  of  which  emanate,  though  in  general  anonymously, 
from  members  of  the  Society  that  I  am  now  addressing.  Kindly  reference  has  been 
made  to  my  own  little  venture  in  the  Celtic  field,  the  Celtic  Magazine.  (Cheers.)  I 
lay  little  claim  myself  to  the  good  which  it  has  admittedly  done.  Through  it  I  have 
been  able,  however,  to  give  many  writers,  among  whom  are  the  leading  authorities  of 
the  day,  an  opportunity  of  expressing  their  views  on  Celtic  questions.  I  have  been 
able  to  present  them,  as  it  were,  with  a  focus,  and  thus  we  are  together  able  to  show 
the  world  that  there  is  a  Celtic  literature  and  some  little  ability  in  our  midst.  (Applause. ) 
The  little  craft,  you  will  be  glad  to  hear,  is  at  present  in  excellent  order,  and  there  is 
not  the  slightest  fear  of  its  usefulness  being  in  any  way  impaired — (hear,  hear) — for 
it  was  never  so  able  to  weather  the  storm  as  at  the  present  moment.  (Laughter  and 
applause.)  The  Celtic  Magazine  is  now  longer  in  existence  than  any  Celtic 
publication  ever  published  in  this  country,  and  I  can  assure  you  that  there  is  not  the 
slightest  fear  of  any  mishap  or  rocks  ahead  at  present.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  I 
am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  kind  way  in  which  you  have  responded  to  the 
toast  of  Celtic  Literature,  as  well  as  for  your  reception  of  the  name  of  the  Celtic 
Magazine  and  the  looming  "Scottish  Highlander,"  which  I  hope  to  succeed  in 
making  a  worthy  labourer  in  a  congenial  field  not  very  far  removed  from  that  of  his 
elder  brother.  (Loud  cheers.) 

Councillor  Alex.  Ross  proposed  the  Agricultural  and  Commercial  Interests  of 
the  Highlands,  and  the  toast  was  acknowledged  by  Mr  Robert  Grant  of  the  Royal 
Tartan  Warehouse. 

Mr  John  Whyte,  Librarian,  proposed  Kindred  Societies,  and  mentioned  the  great 
advantages  to  be  derived  from  being  associated  with  Societies  such  as  the  Field 
Club,  the  Literary  Institute,  and  the  Mutual  Improvement  Society.  Many  old  Inver- 
ness boys,  who  had  distinguished  themselves  'n  afterlife  in  their  several  spheres,  had 
got  their  early  training  at  similar  Societies.  The  toast  was  coupled  with  the  name  of 
Mr  Findlater,  President  of  the_  Mutual  Improvement  Society,  who  made  a  very 
appropriate  reply. 

Mr  Duncan  Campbell,  of  the  Chronicle,  proposed  Highland  Education;  to  which 

Mr  Wm.  Morrison,  Dingwall  Academy,  who  was  well  received,  replied  as 
follows :  — 

Having  adverted  to  that  clause  of  the  constitution  of  the  Society  which  set  forth  as 
one  of  its  aims  the  vindication  of  the  rights  and  character  of  the  Scottish  Highlander, 
he  proceeded— I  think  the  latter  might  safely  be  left  to  the  testimony  of  individuals 
who  come  in  contact  with  the  Gael,  and  to  the  verdict  of  history.  They  were  character- 


ised  by  that  apostle  of  culture,  Mr  Matthew  Arnold,  in  his. attempt  to  account  for  the 
presence  of  so  much  colour  and  feeling  in  English  literature  not  to  be  found  in  its 
purely  Saxon  origin,  as  invested  by  a  spirit  of  idealism — a  spirit  for  ever  struggling 
with  the  matter-of-fact  realities  of  life,  and  which  he  termed  a  spirit  of  Titanism. 
That  might  do  well  for  a  theory  of  the  natural  history  of  poetry  in  Britain,  but  it  will 
scarcely  square  with  the  known  facts  of  history  that  Highlanders  who  have  had  the 
advantage  and  aid  of  the  intellectual  implements  and  tools,  which  it  is  the  birthright 
of  every  free-born  subject  of  this  realm  to  have  placed  in  his  hands,  have  shown  chat 
they  have  played  no  mean  part  in  the  extension  and  consolidation  of  the  mighty 
fabric  of  the  British  empire  over  all  the  habitable  globe.  (Applause.)  As  for  the 
vindication  of  their  rights,  it  is  the  duty,  as  well  as  the  interest  of  such  a  Society  as 
this  to  defend  such  rights  when  assailed.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  greater  part  of  our 
kinsmen,  ignorant  of  the  English  language,  cannot  formulate  their  grievances  so  as  to 
reach  the  understandings  and  touch  the  hearts  of  the  rest  of  their  fellow-subjects  con- 
versant with  that  language — (hear,  hear) — and  when  they  are  encouraged  by  sympa- 
thisers, they  are  reproached  as  "being  put  up  to  it;"  so  the  callous  and  unfeeling 
phrase  it.  Our  duty,  then,  is  to  see  that  at  least  the  means  of  expressing  themselves 
in  the  English  language  be  put  within  their  reach,  and  we  may  be  sure  they  will  not 
require  adventitious  aid  to  plead  their  own  cause  in  clear  and  forcible  terms.  (Cheers.) 
They  will  plead,  then,  to  use  Shakespeare's  language — 

"  Trumpet  tongued 

Against  the  deep  damnation  of  their  taking-off. " 

Hence,  the  sooner  this  power  is  given  them,  the  better  will  it  be  for  all  who  profess 
to  admire  a  noble  but  ill-used  race.  (Cheers.)  The  cause  of  school  education  in  the 
Highlands  at  present  requires  all  the  enlightened  aid  and  sympathy  which  this  and 
kindred  societies  can  render  it.  I  refer  particularly  to  the  cause  of  education  in  purely 
Gaelic-speaking  districts.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  point  ever  contended  for  by  this 
Society — that  of  employing  Gaelic  as  the  medium  of  instruction  in  schools  in  districts 
where  English  is  not  the  tongue  known  to  the  people — has  recently  been  held  pro- 
minently before  the  public.  Mr  Mundella — (cheers) — with  the  frankness  of  an  Eng- 
lishman, admitted  the  force  of  the  arguments  used  by  the  deputation  of  gentlemen 
interested  in  this  question  who  waited  upon  him  lately  in  Edinburgh,  and  what  is  of 
more  importance,  he  promised  to  consider  the  means  to  be  used  to  further  the  object 
of  that  deputation.  (Applause.)  The  problem  is,  doubtless,  hedged  round  with  diffi- 
culties—not the  least  of  these  being  the  apathy  of  Gaelic-speaking  parents,  and  what 
is  worse,  the  opposition  of  men  in  power  who  ought  to  know  better  what  their  duty 
in  this  matter  should  be.  After  Mr  Mundella's  admission  that  he  was  convinced  that 
knowledge  in  a  foreign  tongue  can  only  be  acquired  through  the  medium  of  the  one 
known,  we  shall  hear  less  of  this  opposition.  So  long  as  Mr  Mundella  represents  the 
Education  Department,  so  long  will  effect  be  given  to  that  conviction.  The  Minister 
of  Education,  backed  up  by  the  omnipotent  power  of  the  money  grant,  need  fear  no 
opposition  to  his  views.  So  true  is  it  that  force  is  a  remedy,  pace  Mr  Bright.  Pascal, 
who  is  believed  to  have  had  as  keen  an  insight  into  human  nature  as  our  great  financial 
reformer,  uttered  no  idle  words  when  he  said — La  force  fait  F  opinion.  I  never  could 
understand  the  mental  attitude  of  those  who  oppose  the  use  of  the  vernacular  in  purely 
Gaelic-speaking  districts  as  an  instrument  of  education.  (Hear,  hear.)  They  allege 
such  an  instrument  to  be  unnecessary,  seeing  that  English  is  making  its  way  among 
the  people.  I  admit  the  fact,  but  question  whether  the  process  might  not  be  more 
rapid  and  more  lasting  were  the  language  of  the  people  made  use  of  as  a  medium  of 



instruction.  I  refuse  to  term  the  process  "  Education."  ft  is  not  so  etymologically 
or  psychologically.  (Hear,  hear.)  You  may  charge  the  memory  with  meaningless 
symbols,  but  that  is  scarcely  "  Education."  You  can  educate  a  man  only  by  taking 
out  whatever  is  good  in  him,  but  how  that  can  be  done  without  getting  at  the  man 
through  the  medium  of  his  understanding  is  a  process  known  only  to  the  opponents 
of  Gaelic  in  the  schools,  and  of  those  Rosicrucians  whom  Hudibras  averred  — 

"  Understood  the  speech  of  birds 
As  well  as  they  themselves  did  words."     (Cheers.) 

They  possibly  have  an  exaggerated  idea  of  the  mental  equipment  of  the  young  High- 
lander. They  surely  do  not  imagine  that  Highlanders  have  access  to  a  royal  road  to 
knowledge  denied  to  the  rest  of  mankind.  If  not,  why  use  an  argument  which,  if 
applied  to  the  acquisition  of  French  and  German  by  an  English  speaking  youth,  would 
be  scouted  as  unworthy  of  any  one  outside  the  bounds  of  Bedlam.  To  add  anything 
further  would  be  to  throw  words  away  on  "a  self-convicted  absurdity."  I  shall  waste 
no  words  in  defending  an  opinion  fortified  as  this  one  now  is  by  common  sense  and  the 
"sinews  of  war."  (Applause.)  I  ever  held  that  the  problem  of  how  best  to  extend 
education  in  the  remote  parts  of  the  Highlands  was  one  that  money  mainly  could  solve. 
I  say  mainly,  for  there  is  an  alternative  method  to  which  I  shall  presently  refer.  To 
take  a  concrete  case,  I  shall  refer  to  the  Lews  as  fairly  typical  of  what  obtains  in  other 
parts  of  the  Gaelic  area.  Here  we  have  a  school-rate  which  for  amount  is  not  equalled 
by  that  of  any  part  of  the  British  Dominions,  so  far  as  I  know.  What  would  be  said 
of  a  tax  of  IDS.  in  the  £i,  as  in  the  parish  of  Barvas  two  years  ago,  and  this  year  of 
6s.  8d.?  or  even  of  53.  6d.,  as  is  the  case  in  the  parish  of  Lochs?  The  answer  would 
perhaps  be  much  like  that  of  the  Lancashire  gentleman  who  exclaimed,  when  I  told 
him  of  this  monstrous  tax,  levied  on  a  poor  peasantry — "  Why  don't  the  people  kick?" 
I  reply — "  They  don't  know  whom  to  kick,  and  they  are  afraid  of  making  a  mistake."  . 
(Hear,  hear.)  Unfortunately,  they  are  kicking  against  the  pricks,  and,  of  course,  to 
their  own  hurt.  I  am  informed  that  the  whole  School  Board  system  is  viewed  by  them 
with  hostility  as  a  new  form  of  intolerable  oppression.  The  tax  is  levied  for  most  with 
the  rent  by  the  estate,  and  this  perhaps  accounts  for  the  silent  patience  with  which  the 
burden  is  borne.  I  should  rather  say  the  sullen  patience  under  which  they  bear  up 
the  load.  Or  their  silence  may  be  owing,  however,  to  that  "nice  backwardness  of 
shame"  to  speak  against  a  cause  intrinsically  worthy  of  all  support.  That  dreadful 
load  of  taxation  should,  in  the  name  of  honour  and  justice,  be  lightened.  (Hear, 
hear,  and  applause.)  The  other  difficulty  is  that  of  securing  teachers  for  remote  dis- 
tricts with  a  knowledge  of  Gaelic.  A  knowledge  of  Gaelic  is  not  made  an  indispen- 
sable condition  in  the  appointment  of  teachers.  Permissive  legislation  has  done  that. 
The  best  class  of  Gaelic-speaking  teachers  naturally  go  where  the  best  salaries  are  '•> 
begot;  the  worst  are  dear  at  any  price.  (Hear.)  I  must  say  that  the  class  of  teachers 
secured  by  such  Boards  as  that  of  the  Lews,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  is  one  which 
any  district  in  Britain  might  be  proud  of.  They  have  obstacles  to  surmount  before 
which  many  men,  who  plume  themselves  as  their  superiors,  would  quail,  and  that  they 
successfully  meet  these  obstacles,  so  far  as  is  possible  in  the  peculiar  circumstances  of 
their  case,  one  need  only  look  at  the  high  results  tabulated  by  H.M.  Inspectors  in  their 
annual  reports.  How  many  or  how  few  of  these  excellent  teachers  make  use  of  Gaelic 
in  their  work  I  cannot  say.  Some  Boards  insist  upon  the  teacher  giving  Scripture 
first  in  Gaelic  and  the  next  day  in  English,  with  the  double  view,  as  it  is  expressed,  of 
"helping  the  children  to  learn  and  nnHorcton^  both  their  Bibles  and  English  better." 
Some  teachers,  I  am  informed,  allege  that  this  plan  does  not  work  well,  as  the  children 


needed  to  begin  with  Gaelic  primers,  and  required  Bibles  with  Gaelic  and  English  on 
alternate  pages  or  in  alternate  columns.  I  may  quote  the  words  of  a  Lews  gentleman, 
an  enlightened  and  patriotic  School  Board  member,  who  wrote  me  the  other  day  on 
this  question.  Referring  to  the  difficulty  of  procuring  Bibles  such  as  I  have  mentioned, 
he  says — "  It  occurs  to  me  that  the  difficulty  would  vanish  were  Government  to  concede 
a  grant  for  Gaelic  teaching,  and  supply  means  to  print  suitable  bi-lingual  extracts  of 
Scripture,  polyglot-fashion,  with  Gaelic  and  English  on  opposite  and  alternate  pages." 
This  gentleman  goes  on  to  suggest  that  the  Society  for  Propagating  Christian  Know- 
ledge might  be  induced  to  provide  this  want,  seeing  they  are  ready  to  endow  the 
teaching  of  Gaelic,  when  essential,  to  the  amount  of  £1$  or  ^20  per  annum  to  each 
such  school.  "This  bonus,"  he  continues,  "small  though  it  be,  we  hope  to  hold  out 
in  future  where  vacancies  demand  candidates  professing  Gaelic  among  their  classical 
attainments. "  (Applause. )  I  suggested  that  even  on  present  terms,  Gaelic-speaking 
teachers  of  a  more  aspiring  class  than  can  now  be  induced  to  take  service  under  High- 
land School  Boards  might  be  secured  if  arrangements  were  made  to  permit  them  to 
attend  University  classes  with  a  view  to  graduation,  or  to  pass  even  to  other  professions, 
providing  always  that  trained  substitutes  were  secured  for  the  schools  in  their 
absence.  My  correspondent  agrees  with  me  in  this  view.  I  am  persuaded  that  were 
School  Boards  in  purely  Gaelic  districts  to  see  their  way  to  adopt  such  a  plan,  they 
would  have  command  of  the  very  best  class  of  Gaelic-speaking  teachers,  even  with 
the  moderate  salaries  given.  Such  an  arrangement  would  also  put  heart  into  many 
Gaelic-speaking  teachers  now  engaged  under  these  Boards.  The  hope  of  rising  in 
their  profession  with  more  rapidity  than  is  now  possible  would  make  their  existence 
brighter  than  it  can  otherwise  be,  chained  as  they  are  to  the  oar  to  the  end  of  the 
voyage  of  their  life.  What  the  existence  of  "an  open  career  to  talent"  has  done  in 
other  professions  can  do  in  this  profession  with  the  most  beneficial  results  to  the 
public,  as  well  as  to  the  individual  immediately  concerned  who  is  pushing  his  way 
upwards  in  life.  There  are  prizes  in  the  teaching  profession,  but  the  way  to  them  is 
not  so  open  as  it  should  be.  The  loss  will  ultimately  fall  upon  the  public  that  this 
path  should  not  be  cleared  of  unnecessary  obstacles.  We  speak  of  the  importance  of 
educating  our  Highland  people,  and  we  declaim  upon  their  hard  lot,  while  few  voices 
are  raised  to  suggest  practicable  means  to  alleviate  their  miseries,  much  less  to  use 
effective  measures  to  put  into  their  hands  those  instruments  which  an  English  edu- 
cation alone  can  give  to  enable  them,  not  only  to  hold  their  own  in  competition  with 
their  more  fortunate  fellow-subjects,  but  to  give  scope  to  those  talents  and  capacities 
which,  when  developed,  prove  that  the  Scottish  Highlander  is  often  more  than  a 
match  for  any  man  of  his  height  and  weight  from  any  nation  under  the  sun.  (Cheers.) 
Now  that  Latin  is  no  longer  the  avenue  to  the  storehouses  of  wealth  in  European 
literature,  the  advocates  for  the  retention  of  this  noble  language  in  schools,  are  con- 
strained to  find  some  plausible  grounds  for  such  retention.  The  knowledge  of  Latin, 
in  and  by  itself,  is  not  necessary  towards  the  acquisition  of  English  as  is  commonly 
held.  In  fact  the  spirit  of  the  age  is  rather  against  a  style  of  English  formed  upon  a 
training  in  Latin.  The  study  of  Anglo-Saxon  and  our  English  classics  is  recom- 
mended by  our  best  scholars  as  more  conducive  to  that  end  than  the  study  of  the 
ancient  tongues.  The  advocates  for  the  continued  use  in  the  schools  of  Latin  and 
Greek  are  forced  therefore  to  maintain  that  the  logical  training  acquired  in  analysing 
the  grammatical  structure  of  those  learned  languages  is  worth  all  the  pains  bestowed 
upon  them.  I  am  not  disposed  to  cavil  at  this  argument.  I  admit  its  force,  but  I  do 
not  see  why,  if  that  be  the  chief  reason  for  so  using  these  time-honoured  instruments 
of  culture,  the  claims  of  Gaelic,  as  a  language  of  logical  texture  and  philogical  wealth, 


should  be  ignored — (cheers) — especially  in  districts  where  it  is  endeared  to  the  pupils 
as  the  language  associated  with  that  which  is  after  all  the  well-spring  of  all  that  is 
highest  and  noblest  in  man — the  emotions  of  his  soul.  (Applause.)  As  for  the 
destiny  of  Gaelic  as  a  spoken  language,  I  may  venture  to  express  the  hope  of  the 
Moidart  bard,  Alexander  Macdonald  ("Mac  Mhaighistir  Alastair"),  in  his  poem  in 
praise  of  Gaelic — 


'S  cha  te"id  a  gl&ir  air  chall, 

'Dh  'aindeoin  g6 

A's  mi-rdn  m6r  nan  Gall."     (Loud  cheers.) 

Dr  F.  M.  Mackenzie  proposed  the  "  Provost,  Magistrates,  and  Town  Council  of 
Inverness  ;"  replied  to  by  Provost  Macandrew. 

Mr  Colin  Chisholm  proposed  the  "  Non-Resident  Members,"  numbering,  he  said, 
about  four  hundred,  and  representing  all  ranks  and  conditions  of  Scotsmen  in  the 
Pulpit,  in  the  Army,  and  in  the  Navy— in  all  parts  of  the  world.  (Cheers.)  The 
Non- Resident  Members  were  in  fact  the  largest  and  most  important  portion  of  the 
Society.  (Hear,  hear.) 

Mr  Morrison,  Dingwall,  replied  in  a  humorous  and  laughable  speech. 

Councillor  Stuart  proposed  the  "  Clergy  of  all  Denominations,"  but  there  being 
no  clergyman  present  to  reply,  that  duty  was  well  performed  by 

Mr  Hugh  Rose,  solicitor,  who  also  proposed  the  "  Press,"  coupled  with  Mr  D. 
K.  Clark,  of  the  Inverness  Courier. 

Mr  Alexander  Mactavish  proposed  the  "Chairman,"  saying  that  the  Society  had 
just  spent  one  of  its  happiest  and  best  evenings  under  his  presidency.  The  toast  was 
drunk  with  full  Highland  honours  and  great  applause. 

Provost  Macandrew,  in  reply,  said— I  am  more  than  obliged  to  you  for  the  way 
in  which  you  have  drunk  my  health.  I  was  born  a  Highlander.  I  could  speak  the 
Gaelic  language  once,  but  I  have  lost  it  now.  If  Providence  gives  me  the  life  of  some 
of  my  forbears,  I  may,  however,  yet  learn  to  speak  it  as  I  did  before.  (Cheers.) 

Bailie  Mackay,  in  proposing  the  "  Croupiers"  said — I  may  be  allowed  to  say  that  I 
think  the  Committee  of  the  Society  have  made  a  very  good  selection  in  their  choice 
of  Croupiers.  One  of  them,  Mr  Mackenzie,  I  may  call  the  father  of  the  Society,  and 
the  other,  Mr  Macbain,  is  a  very  promising  son.  (Cheers.) 

Mr  Alexander  Mackenzie  replied,  and  referring  to  his  having  occupied  the  same 
position  for  the  last  two  years,  stated  that  at  the  meeting  for  the  nomination  of 
Office-bearers  for  next  year,  held  the  week  before,  he  refused  to  be  nominated 
again  for  the  office,  it  being  best,  in  his  opinion,  that  no  one  should  occupy  the 
highest  positions  in  the  Society  too  long.  Mr  Macbain  also  replied. 

The  evening  was  enlivened  by  songs  and  recitations  by  Councillor  Stuart,  Capt. 
O'Sullivan,  Bailie  Mackay,  William  Mackay,  Colin  Chisholm,  Fraser  Campbell,  and 
John  Whyte. 

The  Secretary  carried  out  the  arrangements  for  the  dinner  in  a  most  satisfactory 
manner,  and  the  meeting  was,  in  every  respect,  a  decided  success. 

NEW  WORK  BY  PROFESSOR  BLACKIE. -Professor  Blackie  has  at 
present  in  preparation,  and  expects  to  publish  in  May,  a  work  entitled,  "  The 
Scottish  Highlanders  and  the  British  Land  Laws."  The  present  time  is  peculiarly 
opportune  for  the  publication  of  such  a  work  as  Professor  Blackie  may  be  expected  to 
produce  on  this  subject. 

"Celtic  and  Literary  Notes"  and  other  Contributions,  including  a  Notice  of 
"  The  History  of  Civilisation  in  Scotland,"  by  Alexander  Mackintosh,  are  crushed 
out  by  the  report  of  the  Gaelic  Society. 




No.  CII.  APRIL  1884.  VOL.  IX. 

By  the  EDITOR. 


SIR  EWEN  CAMERON — Continued. 

LOCHIEL,  after  hearing  5rom  the  King,  as  described  in  our  last, 
spent  the  following  winter  projecting  measures  for  a  Confeder- 
ation of  the  Clans,  in  the  interest  of  James,  from  whom  he  received 
another  letter,  dated  the  29th  of  March  1689,  after  his  Ma- 
jesty had  arrived  in  Ireland,  requesting  him,  his  friends,  and  fol- 
lowers, to  be  ready  to  take  the  field,  at  a  place  to  be 'appointed, 
whenever  called  upon  to  do  so.  The  King  also  gave  strong 
assurances  of  his  devotion  to  the  Protestant  Religion  ;  stating 
that  he  would  respect  the  liberty  and  property  of  the  subject ; 
that  he  would  re-imburse  any  outlays  to  which  Lochiel  might  be 
put ;  and  send  him  at  the  proper  time  commissions,  signed,  with 
power  to  him  to  fill  them  in,  and  name  his  own  officers.  On 
receipt  of  the  document,  he  visited  all  the  Chiefs  near  him,  and 
wrote  to  those  at  a  distance,  seeking  their  co-operation  ;  and  he 
found  them  all  heartily  willing  to  join  in  any  efforts  to  restore 
the  King.  They  subsequently  convened,  in  general  meeting,  and 
agreed  so  well  among  themselves  as  to  the  details  of  what  they 
were  to  do,  that  they  arranged  to  rendezvous  on  the  I3th  of  May 



following  at  Dalmucomer,  near  Lochiel's  residence,  and  com- 
municated their  resolution  to  the  King,  requesting  him  to  send  a 
suitable  person  to  lead  them,  and  promising  to  hazard,  if  neces- 
sary, life  and  fortune  in  his  cause.  Matters,  however,  soon  took 
another  and  unexpected  turn. 

The  Privy  Council,  unanimous  in  favour  of  James,  made 
preparations  for  war,  and  expressed  their  gratitude  for  the  services 
offered  by  his  friends  ;  but  when  William  of  Orange  arrived  in 
London  the  Council  hesitated  for  a  time,  and  ultimately  the 
Convention  resolved  to  offer  him  the  Scottish  Crown,  though 
Viscount  Dundee,  Sir  George  Mackenzie  of  Rosehaugh,  and  a 
few  others,  opposed  it  with  great  power  and  eloquence.  What 
followed  is  so  well  known  to  the  student  of  Scottish  history  that 
it  shall  here  be  passed  over,  except  where  Lochiel  comes  promin- 
ently on  the  scene.  After  Viscount  Dundee  had  left  the  Con- 
vention he  sent  an  express  to  Sir  Ewen  Cameron  for  information 
as  to  the  state  of  feeling  in  the  North.  This  communication  was 
at  once  intimated  to  the  other  Chiefs  in  Lochiel's  neighbourhood, 
and  they  agreed  without  delay  to  dispatch  eight  hundred  men 
under  Macdonald  of  Keppoch  to  convey  Dundee  to  Lochaber  ; 
but  his  Lordship  meantime  made  a  detour  into  the  Highlands, 
on  the  way  getting  many  to  agree  to  join  him,  immediately 
they  were  called  upon  to  serve  their  King.  He  received  a  most 
favourable  communication  from  Lochiel,  for  himself  and  the  other 
Chiefs,  informing  him  of  their  having  sent  Keppoch  to  meet  him 
to  the  borders  of  the  Highlands.  Anxious  to  meet  his  friends  in 
the  North  as  soon  as  possible,  Dundee  changed  his  course,  and 
marched  for  Inverness,  where  he  found  Keppoch,  who,  instead  of 
executing  his  commission,  laid  siege  to  the  town,  arrested  the 
magistrates  and  the  most  wealthy  of  the  citizens,  compelling 
them  to  pay  a  heavy  ransom  before  agreeing  to  set  them  at 
liberty.  Dundee  rebuked  him  so  severely  for  his  bad  conduct, 
that  Keppoch  retired  to  his  own  country,  instead  of  conducting 
Dundee,  in  terms  of  his  commission,  from  the  other  Chiefs.  This 
proved  a  bad  beginning,  for  his  Lordship  had  to  return  to  the 
South,  where  he  found  letters  awaiting  him  from  the  King,  and  a 
Commission  appointing  him  Commander  of  his  Majesty's  troops 
in  Scotland.  He  also  received  letters  and  commissions  for  the 
Highland  Chiefs,  which  he  at  once  dispatched  to  them.  He  was 


strongly  urged,  in  letters  from  Lochiel,  to  visit  Lochaber,  and  he 
finally  decided  upon  doing  so,  marching  straight  through  Ran- 
noch.  When  he  arrived  he  was  received  by  Sir  Ewen  and  his 
people  with  every  possible  honour  and  consideration,  and  was 
furnished  with  a  place  of  residence  about  a  mile  distant  from 
Lochiel's  own  house.  Having  received  full  assurance  from  the 
other  Chiefs  of  their  readiness  to  join  him  at  the  appointed  place 
of  rendezvous,  he  wrote,  intimating  all  this  to  the  King,  who  was 
then  in  Ireland,  praying  him  to  come  to  Scotland  and  command 
them  in  person,  promising  that  he  would  have  the  support  of  the 
people  generally  in  regaining  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 

General  Mackay,  who  commanded  for  King  William,  made 
every  effort  to  induce  Lochiel  to  join  him,  offering  him  a  large  sum 
of  money,  the  government  of  Inverlochy,  and  the  command  of  a 
regiment,  with  whatever  titles  of  honour  and  dignities  he  might 
chose,  assuring  him  that  these  offers  were  made  with  William's  full 
authority.  Lochiel,  in  characteristic  fashion,  handed  Mackay's 
letter  unopened  to  Dundee,  requesting  that  his  lordship  would 
be  good  enough  to  dictate  the  proper  answer. 

Dundee  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  small  following 
of  1800  horse  and  foot,  "  whereof  one-half  belonged  to  Lochiel," 
and  with  these  he  marched  to  meet  Colonel  Ramsay,  one  of 
Mackay's  lieutenants,  on  his  way  from  Athole  to  join  his  Chief  at 
Inverness.  Hearing  of  Dundee's  advance,  he  blew  up  his  ammuni- 
tion, and  marched  at  his  best  speed,  night  and  day,  until  he  was 
clear  out  of  the  country.  In  May  1689,  Dundee  marched  back 
to  Lochaber,  when  Lochiel  invited  him  to  his  old  quarters  at 
Strone,  his  lordship  having  dismissed  his  men  for  a  time  in  con- 
sequence of  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  but  on  condition  that 
they  would  at  any  time  return  on  a  day's  notice  to  join  his 

While  here,  Macdonald  of  the  Isles  joined  him  with  about 
seven  hundred  men,  and,  being  thus  strengthened,  Dundee  pro- 
posed, to  a  Council  of  War,  that  they  should  employ  their  time 
until  the  arrival  of  the  other  clans,  in  disciplining  their  troops. 
The  younger  Chiefs  and  the  Lowland  officers  highly  approved 
of  this  proposal,  but  Lochiel,  now  an  experienced  officer,  in  the 
sixtieth  year  of  his  age,  held  an  opposite  opinion,  and  expressed 
himself  to  the  Council  in  the  following  eloquent  and  telling 


terms  : — "  That,  as  from  his  youth  he  had  been  bred  among  the 
Highlanders,  so  he  had  made  many  observations  upon  the  natural 
temper  of  the  people  and  their  method  of  fighting;  and  to  pretend 
to  alter  anything  in  their  old  customs,  of  which  they  were  most 
tenacious,  would  entirely  ruin  them,  and  make  them  not  better 
than  newly-raised  troops  ;  whereas,  he  was  firmly  of  opinion 
that,  with  their  own  Chiefs  and  natural  Captains  at  their  head, 
under  the  command  of  such  a  General  as  Viscount  Dundee,  they 
were  equal  to  a  similar  number  of  the  best  disciplined  veteran, 
troops  in  the  kingdom;  that  they  had  given  repeated  proofs  of 
this  during  the  wars  and  victories  of  Montrose  ;  and  that  in  the 
skirmishes  wherein  he  himself  had  been  engaged,  he  had  in- 
variably the  good  fortune  to  rout  the  enemy,  though  always 
superior  to  him  in  numbers.  Besides,  in  all  his  conflicts  with 
Cromwell's  troops,  he  had  to  do  with  old  soldiers  whose  courage 
had  been  fatal  to  the  King  and  Kingdom."  Having  described  an 
instance  of  the  bravery  and  success  of  the  Macleans  against  the 
enemy  in  a  recent  skirmish,  he  proceeded  : — "  That  since  his  lord- 
ship, and,  perhaps,  few  of  the  low-country  gentlemen  and  officers 
in  the  Council  never  had  an  opportunity  of  being  present  at  a 
Highland  engagement,  it  would  not  be  amiss  to  give  them  a 
general  hint  of  their  manner  of  fighting.  It  was  the  same  as  that 
of  the  ancient  Gauls,  their  predecessors,  who  had  made  such  a 
great  figure  in  Roman  history  ;  he  believed  all  the  ancients 
had  used  the  broadsword  and  targe  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Highlanders  did  then,  though  the  Romans  and  Grecians  taught 
their  troops  a  certain  kind  of  discipline  to  inure  them  to  obedi- 
ence. The  Scots,  in  general,  had  never  made  such  a  figure  in  the 
field  since  they  gave  up  these  weapons.  The  Highlanders  were 
the  only  body  of  men  that  retained  the  old  method,  excepting  in 
so  far  as  they  had  of  late  taken  to  the  gun  instead  of  the  bow  to 
introduce  them  into  action  ;  that  so  soon  as  they  were  led  against 
the  enemy,  they  came  up  within  a  few  paces  of  them,  and  having 
discharged  their  pieces  in  their  very  breasts,  they  threw  them 
down  and  drew  their  swords  ;  the  attack  was  so  furious  that 
they  commonly  pierced  the  enemy's  ranks,  put  them  into  dis- 
order, and  determined  the  fate  of  the  day  in  a  few  moments ; 
they  loved  always  to  be  in  action  ;  and  they  had  such  con- 
fidence in  their  leaders  that  even  the  most  daring  and  desper- 


ate  attempt  would  not  intimidate  them  if  they  had  courage 
enough  to  lead  them  on,  so  that  all  the  miscarriages  of  the  High- 
landers were  to  be  charged  to  some  defect  of  conduct  in  their 
officers,  and  not  for  want  either  of  resolution  or  discipline  on  the 
part  of  the  men.  He  further  added,  that  as  a  body  of  High- 
landers conducted  by  their  own  Chiefs  were  commonly  equal  to 
any  foot  whatever,  so  when  they  came  to  be  disciplined  in  the 
modern  manner,  and  mixed  with  regular  troops  under  strange 
officers,  they  were  not  one  straw  better  than  their  neighbours  ; 
and  the  reason  he  assigned  for  this  change,  was  that  being  turned 
out  of  their  ordinary  method,  and  not  having  the  honour  of  their 
Chief  and  clan  to  fight  for,  they  lost  their  natural  courage,  when 
the  causes  that  inspire  it  were  removed.  Besides,  when  by  the 
harsh  rules  of  discipline,  and  the  savage  severity  of  their  officers 
in  the  execution  of  them,  they  came  to  be  reduced  to  a  state  of 
servitude,  their  spirits  sank,  and  they  became  mere  formal 
machines,  acting  by  the  impulse  of  fear.  However  military  dis- 
cipline might  do  in  standing  armies,  yet,  since  it  was  not  proposed 
that  theirs  was  to  continue  any  longer  than  the  then  position  of 
affairs  rendered  it  necessary,  they  had  not  time  to  habituate  the 
men  to  it,  so  as  to  make  it  easy  and  useful  to  them  ;  and,  therefore, 
it  was  his  opinion  that,  in  all  events,  it  was  better  to  allow  them  to 
follow  the  old  habit  in  which  they  were  bred,  than  to  begin  to  teach 
them  a  new  method  which  they  had  not  time  to  acquire."  This 
was  the  address  of  a  wise  and  far-seeing  General,  founded  on  actual 
experience  ;  and  we  are  not  surprised  to  learn  that  "  Lochiel's 
opinion  determined  the  Council ;  and  my  Lord  Dundee,  recollect- 
ing all  that  he  had  said,  declared  that  as  he  was  certain  of  victory 
from  men  of  so  much  natural  courage  and  ferocity,  he  would 
not  have  made  the  proposal  had  he  been  as  well  acquainted  with 
them  as  Lochiel  had  now  made  him  ;  and  that,  as  everything  he 
had  advanced  carried  conviction  along.with  it,  so,  though  it  had 
not,  yet  as  there  is  no  argument  like  matter  of  fact,  he  thought 
himself  obliged  to  take  them  on  the  word  of  one  who  had  so  long 
and  so  happy  an  experience;"  and  so  the  Highlanders  were  allowed 
to  continue  their  ancient  tactics. 

While  waiting  for  the  return  of  those  of  his  followers 
who  had  been  permitted  to  go  home  for  want  of  provisions,  as 
already  stated,  and  for  others  who  were  to  be  with  him  by  the 


date  of  the  appointed  rendezvous,  a.  characteristic  incident  oc- 
curred, which,  but  for  Lochiel's  prudence,  might  have  terminated 
the  war  before  it  had  scarcely  began.  A  party  of  Camerons 
resolved  to  be  avenged  on  the  Grants  of  Glen-Urquhart,  who  had 
recently  hanged  two  or  three  of  their  men  on  what  was  considered 
a  slight  provocation  given  in  a  trifling  quarrel.  They  were  of 
opinion  that  neither  Lochiel  nor  Dundee  would  be  very  much 
opposed  to  their  expedition,  especially  if  they  succeeded  in 
bringing  in  supplies  for  their  half-starved  followers.  They 
would  not,  however,  run  the  risk  of  the  Commander's  re- 
fusal by  asking  permission  to  attack  the  enemy,  but  marched 
privately  to  the  Glen,  where  they  found  the  Grants  fully 
armed  ready  to  oppose  them.  One  of  the  Macdonalds  of  Glen- 
garry, who  lived  in  the  Glen,  thought  that  his  name  and  the  clan  to 
which  he  belonged  was  not  only  sufficient  to  secure  him  from 
personal  attack,  but  that  his  relationship  to  his  chief  was 
enough  to  protect  the  Grants,  among  whom  he  resided,  from  the 
revenge  of  the  Camerons.  Confident  of  this,  he  boldly  marched 
up  to  meet  them,  and,  intimating  his  name  and  genealogy,  desired 
that,  on  his  account,  they  would  peaceably  depart,  without 
injuring  the  inhabitants,  his  neighbours,  and  friends.  It  was  re- 
plied that,  "  if  he  was  a  true  Macdonald,  he  ought  to  be  with  his 
Chief  in  Dundee's  army,  in  the  service  of  his  King  and  country  ; 
that  they  were  at  a  loss  to  understand  why  they  should,  on  his 
account,  extend  their  friendship  to  a  people  who  had,  but  a  few 
days  before,  seized  on  several  of  their  men,  and  hanged  them 
without  any  other  provocation  than  that  they  served  King 
James,  which  was  contrary  to  the  laws  of  war  as  well  as  of 
common  humanity  ;  that  as  they  esteemed  him,  both  for  the 
name  he  bore  and  the  gentleman  to  whom  he  belonged,  so  they 
desired  that  he  would  instantly  separate  himself  and  his  cattle  from 
the  rest  of  his  company,  whom  they  were  determined  to  chastise 
for  their  insolence ;  but  Macdonald  replied  that  he  would  run 
the  same  fate  with  his  neighbours  ;  and,  daring  them  to  do  their 
worst,  he  departed  in  a  huff."  The  Camerons,  without  further 
preliminaries,  attacked  the  Grants,  killed  many  of  them,  and 
dispersed  the  remainder.  They  then  seized  their  cattle,  and 
drove  them  to  Lochaber  in  triumph.  Dundee  and  Lochiel  con- 
nived at  their  conduct,  as  they  expected  ;  but  Glengarry  became 
furious  about  the  death  of  his  clansman,  who  had  been  slain 


among  the  Grants,  and  he  demanded  satisfaction  from  Lochiel 
and  his  clan.  Macaulay  refers  to  this  episode  in  the  following 
terms  : — "  Though  this  Macdonald  had  been  guilty  of  a  high 
offence  against  the  Gaelic  code  of  honour  and  morality,  his  kins- 
men remembered  the  sacred  tie  which  he  had  forgotten.  Good 
or  bad,  he  was  bone  of  their  bone  ;  he  was  flesh  of  their  flesh  ; 
and  he  should  have  been  reserved  for  their  justice.  The  name 
which  he  bore,  the  blood  of  the  Lords  of  the  Isles,  should  have 
been  his  protection.  Glengarry  in  a  rage  went  to  Dundee  and 
demanded  vengeance  on  Lochiel  and  the  whole  race  of  Cameron. 
Dundee  replied  that  the  unfortunate  gentleman  who  had  fallen 
was  a  traitor  to  the  clan  as  well  as  the  King.  Was  it  ever  heard 
of  in  war  that  the  person  of  an  enemy,  a  combatant  in  arms,  was 
to  be  held  inviolable  on  account  of  his  name  and  descent?  And, 
even  if  wrong  had  been  done,  how  was  it  to  be  redressed.  Half 
the  army  must  slaughter  the  other  half  before  a  ringer  could  be 
laid  on  Lochiel.  Glengarry  went  away  raving  like  a  madman. 
Since  his  complaints  were  disregarded  by  those  who  ought  to 
right  them,  he  would  right  himself :  he  would  draw  out  his  men, 
and  fall  sword  in  hand  on  the  murderers  of  his  cousin.  During 
some  time  he  would  listen  to  no  expostulation.  When  he  was 
reminded  that  Lochiel's  followers  were  in  number  nearly  double 
that  of  the  Glengarry  men,  'No  matter,'  he  cried,  'one  Macdon- 
ald is  worth  two  Camerons.'  Had  Lochiel  been  equally  irritable 
and  boastful,  it  is  probable  that  the  Highland  insurrection  would 
have  given  little  more  trouble  to  the  Government,  and  that  all 
the  rebels  would  have  perished  obscurely  in  the  wilderness  by 
one  another's  claymores.  But  nature  had  bestowed  on  him  in 
large  measure  the  qualities  of  a  statesman,  though  fortune  had 
placed  those  qualities  in  an  obscure  corner  of  the  world.  He 
saw  that  this  was  not  a  time  for  brawling  :  his  own  character  for 
courage  had  been  long  established  ;  and  his  temper  was  under 
strict  government.  The  fury  of  Glengarry,  not  being  inflamed 
by  any  fresh  provocations,  rapidly  abated.  Indeed,  there  were 
some  who  suspected  that  he  had  never  been  quite  so  pugnacious 
as  he  had  affected  to  be,  and  that  his  bluster  was  meant  only  to 
keep  up  his  own  dignity  in  the  eyes  of  his  retainers.  However 
this  might  be,  the  quarrel  was  composed ;  and  the  two  chiefs  met 
with  the  outward  show  of  civility  at  the  General's  table,"*  and 
*  History  of  England,  pp.  340-342,  Vol.  iii.,  1855. 


the  parties  were  soon  as  good  friends  as  ever.  Macaulay,  who 
adapts  the  story  from  "LochieFs  Memoirs,"  does  not  tell  us  that, 
when  Glengarry  declared  that  the  courage  of  his  men  would 
make  up  for  the  disparagement  of  numbers  between  them  and 
the  Camerons,  "Lochiel  laughed  at  the  remark,  and  said  merrily 
that  he  hoped  a  few  days  would  give  Glengarry  an  opportunity 
of  exerting  that  superiority  of  valour  he  boasted  of  so  loudly 
against  the  common  enemy,  and  that  he  would  be  exceedingly 
well-pleased  to  be  out-done  in  the  generous  emulation  "  on  such 
an  occasion. 

Nothing  could  better  illustrate  the  peculiar  character  of  the 
material   of   which    Dundee's   army  was   composed    than   this 
squabble   between   two  of  his  bravest   and   most   distinguished 
leaders.       This    is    how   matters   stood   with   the    Highlanders 
about  the   middle   of  July  1689.     Mackay  soon  after  marched 
north  to  Athole,  and  Dundee,  at  the  head  of  about  1800  High- 
landers, proceeded  south  to  meet  him,  leaving  orders  for  the 
others  to  follow  him  as  quickly  as  possible,  as  soon  as  they  could 
be  got  together — though  the  day  arranged  for  the  general  gather- 
ing had  not  yet  arrived.     Lochiel,  at  this  time,  had  only  his 
Lochaber   men   with   him,   numbering  about   240,  but  he  dis- 
patched his  eldest  son,  John,  and  several  others  to  Morvern, 
Suinart,  Ardnamurchan,  and  the  surrounding  districts  to  bring 
up   his  followers  from  these  places  with  all  speed.      Dundee, 
however,  was   so   anxious   to   have  Lochiel  with   him  that  he 
requested  him  to  join  him  with  the  small  body  of  men  he  had, 
leaving  orders  for  his  son  to  follow  with  the  others  as  soon  as  he 
could  get   them  together.     Lochiel,  with  his  small  band  over- 
took Dundee  just  before  he  entered  Athole,  where  they  were 
soon  joined  by  300  Irish,  under  Major-General  Cannon.     They 
then  proceeded  on  their  way,  and  arrived  at  Blair  Castle  on  the 
27th  of  July,  where  they  obtained  intelligence  that  Mackay  had 
entered  the   Pass   of  Killiecrankie.     Dundee   at   once  called  a 
Council  of  War  to  consider  whether  they  should  stop  where 
they  were,  or  proceed   to  engage  the  enemy  before  he   could 
extricate  himself  from  the  Pass.      It   was  a  serious  question, 
for  his  main  body  had  not  yet  come  up,  the  appointed   day 
of  rendezvous  being  still  in  the  future.     The  old  officers,  who 
had  been  bred  to  the  command  of  regular  troops,  were  all  in 
favour  of  waiting,  as  their  force  was  only  about  half  the  number 


of  the  enemy,  and  the  result  of  the  campaign,  they  urged,  might 
depend  upon  whether  they  should  win  or  lose  the  first  battle. 
The  Highlanders,  though  hardy  and  brave,  these  young  gentle- 
men alleged,  were  only  raw  and  undisciplined  troops,  who  had 
not  seen  blood ;  that  they  were  much  fatigued  by  the  want  of  food, 
and  by  their  long  and  rapid  march  ;  not  having  had  even  the 
common  necessaries  of  life.  Various  other  reasons  were  urged 
for  continuing  on  the  defensive  where  they  were  for  the  present, 
and  their  arguments  were  stated  with  so  much  plausibility  and 
apparent  conclusiveness  that  they  were  silently  and  generally 
accepted,  until  Alexander  Macdonald  of  Glengarry  spoke  out, 
and  declared  that  though  it  was  quite  true  that  the  High- 
landers had  suffered  on  the  march,  as  had  been  so  eloquently  de- 
scribed, yet  these  hardships  did  not  affect  them  as  they  would 
soldiers  who  were  bred  in  an  easier  and  more  plentiful  mode  of 
life  ;  they  would  be  able  and  willing  to  engage  the  enemy  at 
once,  for  nothing  delighted  them  more  than  hardy  and  adventur- 
ous exploits.  If  they  were  kept  back  until  attacked  by  the 
enemy  they  would  lose  that  spirit  and  resolution  which  invariably 
characterised  them  when  they  were  the  aggressors.  The  High- 
land chiefs  generally  concurred  in  Glengarry's  remarks,  but 
Dundee,  observing  that  Lochiel  had  still  continued  silent,  with- 
held his  own  opinion  until  he  heard  what  the  experienced  Chief 
of  the  Camerons  had  to  say  on  the  all-important  subject  un- 
der discussion.  "  For  he  has  not  only  done  great  things  him- 
self, but  had  such  great  experience,  that  he  cannot  miss  to  make  a 
right  judgment  of  the  matter,  and,  therefore,  his  views  shall  deter- 
mine mine."  Lochiel,  in  reply,  depreciated  what  he  himself  had 
done  in  the  past,  and  modestly  urged  that  no  example  could  be 
taken  from  his  experience.  The  reason  why  he  had  not  spoken 
during  the  discussion,  was  that  he  had  already  determined  to  sub- 
mit to  his  lordship  in  all  things,  as  his  conduct  was  so  well  adapted 
to  the  genius  of  the  Highlanders,  but  as  he  commanded  him  to  ex- 
press his  opinion  it  was  in  one  sentence.  "  To  fight  immediately, 
for  our  men  are  in  heart ;  they  are  so  far  from  being  afraid 
of  their  enemies,  that  they  are  eager  and  keen  •  to  engage 
them,  lest  they  escape  from  their  hands,  as  they  have  so  often 
done.  Though  we  have  few  men,  they  are  good,  and  I  can  assure 
your  Lordship  that  not  one  of  them  will  fail  you."  He  strongly 
urged  the  propriety  of  fighting  at  once,  even  though  he  might 


only  have  one  man  to  the  enemy's  three,  and,  addressing  Dundee, 
he  said — "  Be  assured,  my  Lord,  that  if  once  we  are  fairly  engaged 
we  will  either  lose  our  army  or  secure  a  complete  victory.  Our 
men  love  always  to  be  in  action.  Your  Lordship  never  heard 
them  complain  of  hunger  or  fatigue  while  they  were  in  chase  of 
their  enemy,  which  at  all  times  were  equal  to  us  in  numbers. 
Employ  them  in  hasty  and  desperate  enterprises,  and  you  will 
oblige  them  ;  and  I  have  always  observed  that  when  I  fought 
under  the  greatest  disadvantage  as  to  numbers,  I  had  still  the 
completest  victory.  Let  us  take  this  occasion  to  show  our  zeal 
and  courage  in  the  cause  of  our  King  and  country,  and  that  we 
dare  attack  an  army  of  fanatics  and  rebels  at  the  odds  of  nearly 
two  to  one.  Their  great  superiority  in  numbers  will  give  a  neces- 
sary reputation  to  our  victory ;  and  not  only  frighten  them  from 
meddling  with  a  people  conducted  by  such  a  General,  and 
animated  by  such  a  cause,  but  will  encourage  the  whole  kingdom 
to  declare  in  our  favour."  Such  a  spirited  and  warlike  oration 
naturally  pleased  the  brave  Dundee,  whose  eyes  brightened  with 
a  sparkle  of  satisfaction  and  delight  during  its  delivery;  and 
he  pointed  out  to  the  other  officers  that  the  sentiments  and 
arguments  expressed  by  Lochiel  were  those  of  one  who  had 
formed  his  conclusions  and  judgment  from  the  infallible  test  of 
long  experience,  and  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  people 
and  the  subject  upon  which  he  had  so  eloquently  addressed 
them.  No  further  objections  were  offered  to  the  course  urged 
by  the  brave  Sir  Ewen,  and  it  was  unanimously  agreed  that 
they  should  fight  at  once,  a  resolution  received  with  exclama- 
tions of  joy  by  all  the  Highlanders,  to  the  great  gratification  of 
their  General.  Before  the  Council  of  War  separated,  however, 
Lochiel  begged  to  be  heard  once  more  while  he  addressed  a  few 
words  to  Dundee  himself,  which  he  did  in  these  terms  : — "  My 
Lord,  I  have  just  now  declared,  in  presence  of  this  honourable  com- 
pany, that  I  was  resolved  to  give  an  implicit  obedience  to  all  your 
Lordship's  commands  ;  but  I  humbly  beg  leave,  in  name  of  these 
gentlemen,  to  give  the  word  of  command  for  this  once.  It  is  the 
voice  of  your  Council ;  and  their  orders  are  that  you  do  not 
engage  personally.  Your  Lordship's  business  is  to  have  an  eye 
on  all  parts,  and  issue  your  commands  as  you  think  proper ;  it  is 
ours  to  execute  them  with  promptitude  and  courage.  On  your 
Lordship  depends  not  only  the  fate  of  this  brave  little  army,  but 


also  of  our  "King  and  country.  If  your  Lordship  deny  us  this 
reasonable  demand,  for  my  own  part,  I  declare  that  neither  I,  nor 
any  that  I  am  concerned  in,  shall  draw  a  sword  on  this  important 
occasion,  whatever  construction  may  be  put  upon  my  conduct." 
In  this  appeal  Lochiel  was  supported  by  the  whole  Council,  but 
Dundee  asked  to  be  heard  in  reply,  addressing  them  thus  : — 
"  Gentlemen,  as  I  am  absolutely  convinced,  and  have  had  repeated 
proofs  of  your  zeal  for  the  King's  service,  and  of  your  affection  to 
me,  as  his  General  and  your  friend,  so  I  am  fully  sensible  that  my 
engaging  personally  this  day  may  be  of  some  loss  if  I  shall  chance 
to  be  killed  ;  but  I  beg  leave  of  you,  however,  to  allow  me  to  give 
-one  harvest-day  to  the  King,  my  master,  that  I  may  have  an 
opportunity  of  convincing  the  brave  Clans  that  I  can  hazard  my 
life  in  that  service  as  freely  as  the  meanest  of  them.  Ye  know 
their  temper,  gentlemen,  and  if  they  do  not  think  that  I  have 
personal  courage  enough,  they  will  not  esteem  me  hereafter,  nor 
obey  my  commands  with  cheerfulness.  Allow  me  this  single 
favour,  and  I  promise,  upon  my  honour,  never  again  to  risk  my 
person  while  I  have  the  honour  of  commanding  you."  Finding 
him  so  determined,  the  Council  gave  way,  and  at  once  broke 
up  to  prepare  for  immediate  action. 

(To  be  continued.) 


THE  origin  of  the  many  proverbs,  of  which  the  Gaelic  language 
furnishes  such  a  store,  is  often  a  most  interesting  and  instructive 
study,  affording,  as  it  does,  so  many  glimpses  into  the  character 
and  customs  of  the  ancient  Highlander.  We  venture  to  present 
the  reader  with  three  little  stories  which  have  been  the  founda- 
tions of  the  same  number  of  Gaelic  proverbs. 

There  lived  in  Islay  a  certain  farmer,  who,  at  one  time, 
decided  to  remove  to  another  dwelling.  On  the  day  before  he 
intended  to  flit,  he  invited  some  of  his  neighbours  to  a  farewell 
gathering.  His  house  was  small,  and  while  the,  feast  was  pro- 
ceeding, the  guests  suffered  some  inconvenience  from  overcrowd- 
ing. Seeing  this,  their  host  told  his  son,  a  boy  about  ten  years 
old,  to  take  his  meat  away  to  a  corner,  so  as  to  give  the  rest  more 
room.  In  rather  reluctantly  obeying  this  order,  the  boy,  acci- 


dentally  or  intentionally,  spilt  a  portion  of  his  victuals  upon  the 
floor,  and,  being  rebuked  for  his  carelessness,  he  replied — "  Is 
iomadh  ni  a  chailleas  fear  na  h-imrich"  (Many  things  are  lost  by 
him  that  removes.)  The  force  of  this  observation,  in  his  own 
circumstances,  so  struck  the  father  that  he  resolved  not  to  re- 
move after  all,  and  the  boy's  words  have  passed  into  a  proverb, 
which  is  often  applied  to  those  about  to  make  a  flitting. 

Another  common  saying  is — "  Thugadh  gach  fear  coin  a 
cragaibh  dha  fein "  (Let  every  man  take  birds  from  rocks  for 
himself),  and  it  is  said  to  have  originated  as  follows  : — Two  men 
went  out  one  day  to  catch  sea-birds.  One  of  them  passed  a 
rope  round  his  body,  and  the  other  dropped  him  down  over  the 
edge  of  the  rocks  where  the  birds  nested.  The  man  at  the  top 
held  the  rope,  and  the  other  crept  along  the  ledges  and  caught 
the  birds.  When  he  had  secured  as  many  as  he  could  carry,  he 
shouted  to  his  companion  to  pull  him  up.  The  other  cried  out, 
and  asked  what  was  to  be  his  share  of  the  birds.  The  reply 
came  up  in  the  words  of  the  proverb.  "  Well,  well,"  said  he  who 
held  the  rope,  "  let  every  one  hold  a  rope  for  himself,"  and 
letting  go  his  hold,  his  companion,  with  the  birds,  fell  to  the  foot 
of  the  rocks,  where  he  was  instantaneously  killed. 

The  well-known  Alastair  MacCholla  Chiotaich,  who  fought 
under  Montrose,  is  credited  with  being  the  first  to  utter  the 
proverb — "  'S  truagh  nach  bu  cheaird  gu  leir  sibh  an  diugh  "  (I 
wish  you  were  all  tinkers  to-day.)  At  the  battle  of  Auldearn, 
Macdonald  was  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  his  men,  and  surrounded 
by  a  number  of  the  enemy  in  a  small  sheep  fold.  It  would  have 
gone  hard  with  him  but  for  a  poor  tinker  from  Athole,  named 
Stewart,  who,  seeing  Macdonald's  plight,  rushed  gallantly  to  his 
rescue,  and  used  his  broadsword  to  such  effect  that  the  enemy 
fled.  Alastair  thanked  his  preserver,  asked  him  who  he  was,  and 
where  he  came  from.  The  poor  man,  ashamed  to  avow  his  occu- 
pation, replied  that  he  was  not  worth  asking  about,  nor,  indeed, 
worthy  of  being  called  a  man  at  all.  Macdonald  assured  him 
that  what  he  had  done  that  day  would  make  up  for  anything  else, 
and  after  much  pressing,  Stewart  told  him  his  name  and  occupa- 
tion ;  upon  which  Macdonald  made  the  observation,  which  has 
been  handed  down  to  posterity  in  the  words  quoted. 

H.  R.  M. 



BY  J.  G.  MACKAY. 


WE  often  hear  the  question  asked,  Why  have  the  Highlanders 
discontinued  to  wear  their  own  national  dress?  There  are  many 
Cockneys  who  even  yet  imagine  that  in  Scotland  the  people  still 
wear  nothing  but  tartan,  speak  but  a  barbarous  language  which 
no  one  can  understand,  and  eat  only  Scotch  haggis,  and  drink 
whisky.  When,  therefore,  they  invest  their  brawny  limbs  in  the 
costume  of  the  clans,  and  start  out  to  "do  the  Highlands,"  imagin- 
ing themselves  the  prototype  of  Roderick  Mhic  Alpein  Duibh,  or 
some  such  Highland  chief,  and  find  themselves  the  only  repre- 
sentatives of  the  typical  Highlander,  while  every  one  around 
them  has  his  limbs  encased  in  the  ordinary  habiliments  of  the 
rest  of  the  world,  they  think  they  have  made  a  discovery  that  the 
whole  thing  is  a  delusion,  the  mendacious  fabrication  of  some 
modern  London  Celt,  anxious  to  get  up  the  name  of  his  country 
by  palming  his  own  fanciful  invention  on  a  credulous  public  as 
the  garb  of  his  race.  The  dress  is,  therefore,  pronounced  a  fancy 
dress,  and  of  modern  invention.  There  are  now  even  many 
Highlanders  who  know  so  little  about  it  that  they  cannot  name 
the  various  articles  constituting  the  dress,  while  there  are  very 
few  who  know  the  tartan  of  their  own  clan,  or  the  cause  of  the 
dress  being  discontinued. 

To  give  an  account  of  the  Disarming  Act  and  the  proscrip- 
tion of  the  dress,  it  is  necessary  to  go  back  to  the  time  of  the 
rebellion  of  1715.  The  Highlanders  played  such  a  prominent 
part  both  in  that  and  the  previous  struggle,  and  proved  such 
powerful  antagonists,  that  the  Government  found  it  necessary  to 
devise  some  means  of  reducing  them  to  order. 

In  1718  an  Act  was  passed  "declaring  it  unlawful  for  any 
person  or  persons  (except  such  as  were  therein  described)  to 
carry  arms  within  the  shires  of  Dumbarton,  Stirling,  Perth,  Kin- 
cardine, Aberdeen,  Inverness,  Nairn,  Cromarty,  Argyll,  Forfar, 
Banff,  Sutherland,  Caithness,  Elgin,  and  Ross ;"  but  that  Act  not 
being  sufficient  to  accomplish  the  ends  desired,  it  was  further 


enforced  by  an  enactment  made  in  the  year  1726,  "for  the  more 
effectual  disarming  of  the  Highlands,  in  that  part  of  Great  Britain 
called  Scotland."  This  Act  of  1726  was  only  intended  to  remain 
in  force  for  seven  years,  "  but  the  purpose  being  still  unattained," 
the  Government  came  to  the  conclusion  that  more  stringent 
means  must  be  adopted.  This  impression  turned  out  too  true, 
when,  on  the  landing  of  Prince  Charlie,  in  1745,  many  of  the 
Highlanders  again  joined  the  Standard,  and  the  country  that 
was  supposed  to  be  completely  stripped  of  its  armour,  was  found 
bristling  with  steel,  "frae  Maiden  Kirk  tae  John  o'  Groat's." 
The  Highlanders  did  not  see  the  force  of  giving  up  their  much- 
loved  weapons,  which  they  expected  to  be  of  use  to  them  again. 
All  the  serviceable  arms  were  carefully  secreted,  and  the  old  and 
useless  given  up,  so  that  the  second  rebellion  found  them  as  well 
prepared  as  the  first. 

Most  readers  will  be  familiar  with  the  history  of  that  un- 
fortunate but  brilliant  attempt  made  to  reinstate  Prince  Charlie 
on  the  throne  of  his  fathers.  Several  of  the  clans  took  up  arms 
on  his  behalf,  and  after  a  short  career  of  the  most  extraordinary 
successes,  having  penetrated  to  the  very  heart  of  England,  they 
may  be  said  to  have  shaken  the  British  throne  to  its  very  founda- 
tions. When  by  some  ill-advised  policy  they  retreated  to  Scot- 
land, then  began  their  troubles  ;  the  good  fortune  which  formerly 
smiled  upon  them  now  forsook  them  altogether,  till  on  the  disas- 
trous field  of  Culloden  their  last  ray  of  hope  was  extinguished 
for  ever.  It  was  now  that  the  poor  Highlanders  began  to  realise 
the  penalty  they  were  to  undergo  for  doing  what  they  considered 
their  duty.  They  were  always  supporters  of  the  Stuart  family, 
whom  they  considered  to  be  of  their  own  race,  and  their  chival- 
rous spirit  could  not  brook  the  idea  of  their  being  defrauded  of 
their  just  rights.  When,  on  the  field  of  Culloden,  the  followers 
of  Cumberland  found  victory  on  their  side  for  the  first  time,  their 
Commander  gave  them  unlimited  license  to  murder  and  pillage. 
Their  feelings  having  been  wrought  up  to  the  greatest  fury,  they 
determined  to  have  revenge ;  having  suffered  defeat  so  often  at 
the  hands  of  the  "half-naked  savages,"  as  they  termed  the  High- 
landers, now  that  fortune  had  turned  in  their  favour,  they 
were  determined  to  appease  their  blood-thirsty  appetites  to  the 
uttermost.  "  This  fiendish  conduct  of  the  English  soldiers,"  re- 
marks Sir  Walter  Scott,  formed  such  a  contrast  to  the  gentle 


conduct  of  the  Highlanders,  as  to  remind  him  of  the  Latin  pro- 
verb, "  That  the  most  cruel  enemy  was  a  coward  who  had  ob- 
tained success."  The  Duke  of  Cumberland  and  his  subordinates 
showed  little  discrimination  in  the  choice  of  their  victims,  bring- 
ing their  ruthless  vengeance  to  bear  on  Chief  and  people  alike. 
Guilty  or  not,  it  mattered  little,  if  the  unfortunate  wretches  bore 
sufficient  evidence  of  Highland  origin,  or  could  not  plead  their 
own  cause  in  English.  But  terrible  as  were  these  trials,  and  severe 
as  were  the  persecutions  they  had  to  undergo,  these  alone  would 
never  have  broken  the  independent  spirit  of  the  Gael.  They 
were  accustomed  to  war  and  all  its  consequences,  its  successes 
_and  reverses,  so  that  Cumberland,  with  all  his  bloodhounds  at  his 
back,  could  not  have  succeeded  in  bringing  them  into  entire 

Parliament,  however,  set  itself  to  design  means  by  which  to 
assimilate  the  Highlands  with  the  rest  of  the  country,  and  deprive 
the  Highlanders  of  the  power  to  combine  against  the  Govern- 
ment It  was  felt  that  such  a  measure  must  be  resorted  to  as 
would  make  it  impossible  for  a  repetition  of  these  offences  ever 
to  occur  again,  and  certainly  they  could  not  have  hit  upon  a  more 
successful  course  than  the  one  adopted.  Under  the  system  of 
clanship  existing  in  the  Highlands  in  these  days,  every  man  was 
trained  to  the  use  of  warlike  weapons ;  each  clan  lived  a  separate 
community  by  itself,  bound  together  by  the  ties  of  clanship 
whose  rights  they  were  bound  to  support,  "come  weal,  come 
woe."  Chief  and  people  being  clad  alike  in  their  own  distinctive 
tartan,  they  were  able  at  a  glance  to  know  friend  from  foe,  and 
act  with  all  the  advantages  of  military  discipline.  "  It  affords," 
says  Dr  Johnson,  "  a  generous  and  manly  pleasure  to  conceive  a 
little  nation  gathering  its  fruits  and  tending  its  flocks  with  fearless 
confidence,  though  it  is  open  on  every  side  to  invasion  ;  where, 
in  contempt  of  walls  or  trenches,  every  man  sleeps  securely,  with 
his  sword  beside  him  ;  and  where  all,  on  the  first  approach  of 
hostility,  come  together  at  the  call  to  battle,  as  the  summons  to 
a  festival  show,  committing  their  cattle  to  the  care  of  those  whom 
age  or  nature  has  disabled  to  engage  the  enemy  with  that  com- 
petition for  hazard  and  glory  which  operate  in  men  that  fight 
under  the  eye  of  those  whose  dislike  or  kindness  they  have 
always  considered  as  the  greatest  evil  or  the  greatest  good." 

The  previous  Act  for  disarming  the  Highlanders  not  having 


been  found  sufficient,  Government  was  now  determined  to  take 
most  stringent  measures,  immediate  action  being  necessary  from 
the  fact,  to  quote  the  words  of  the  Act,  "  That  many  persons 
within  the  said  bounds  and  shires  still  continued  possessed  of 
arms,  and  that  as  a  great  number  of  such  persons  had  lately 
raised  and  carried  on  a  most  audacious  rebellion  against  his 
Majesty  in  favour  of  a  Popish  Pretender,  and  in  prosecution 
thereof  did,  in  a  most  traitorous  and  hostile  manner,  march  into 
the  southern  parts  of  this  kingdom,  took  possession  of  several 
towns,  raised  contributions  upon  the  country,  and  committed 
many  other  disorders,  to  the  terror  and  great  loss  of  many  of  his 
Majesty's  faithful  subjects."  The  Statute  2Oth,  Geo.  II.,  chap. 
5 1,  was  enacted.  It  was  entitled — "  An  Act  for  the  more  effectual 
disarming  the  Highlands  in  Scotland,  and  for  more  effectually 
securing  the  peace  of  said  Highlands,  and  for  restraining  the  use 
of  the  Highland  dress,"  etc.  This  time  there  was  no  evading 
the  law  ;  a  certain  day  was  appointed  on  which  they  were  bound 
to  give  up  all  the.  arms  in  their  possession.  It  was  enacted — 

That,  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  August  1746,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the 
respective  Lord-Lieutenants  of  the  several  shires  above  recited,  and  for  such  other 
person  or  persons  as  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  or  successors  shall,  by  his  or  their  sign 
manual,  from  time  to  time,  think  fit  to  authorise  and  appoint  in  that  behalf,  to  issue 
or  cause  to  be  issued,  letters  of  summons  in  his  Majesty's  name  .  .  .  command- 
ing and  requiring  all  and  every  person  and  persons  therein  named,  or  inhabiting 
within  the  particular  limits  therein  described,  to  bring  in  and  deliver  up,  at  a  certain 
day  .  .  .  and  a  certain  place  ...  all  and  singular  his  and  their  arms  and 
warlike  weapons  unto  such  Lord-  Lieutenant  or  other  person  or  persons  appointed  by 
his  Majesty,  his  heirs  or  successors  ;  .  .  .  and  if  any  person  or  persons  in  such 
summons  mentioned  by  name,  or  inhabiting  within  the  limits  therein  described,  shall, 
by  the  oaths  of  one  or  more  credible  witness  or  witnesses,  be  convicted  of  having  or 
bearing  any  arms  or  warlike  weapons  after  the  day  prefixed  in  such  summons  . 
every  such  person  or  persons  so  convicted  shall  forfeit  the  sum  of  fifteen  pounds  ster- 
ling, and  shall  be  committed  to  prison  until  payment  of  the  said  sum  ;  and  if  any 
person  or  persons,  convicted  as  aforesaid,  shall  refuse  or  neglect  to  make  payment  of 
the  foresaid  sum  of  fifteen  pounds  sterling,  within  the  space  of  one  calendar  month 
from  the  date  of  such  conviction,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  any  one  or  more  of  his 
Majesty's  Justices  of  the  Peace,  or  to  the  Judge  Ordinary  of  the  place  where  such 
offender  or  offenders  is  or  are  imprisoned,  in  case  he  or  they  shall  judge  such  offender 
or  offenders  fit  to  serve  his  Majesty  as  a  soldier  or  soldiers,  to  cause  him  or  them  to 
be  delivered  over  (as  they  are  hereby  empowered  or  required  to  do)  to  such  officer 
or  officers  belonging  to  the  forces  of  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  or  successors,  who  shall 
be  appointed  from  time  to  time  to  receive  such  men  to  serve  as  soldiers  in  any 
of  his  Majesty's  forces  in  America  ;  .  .  .  and  in  case  such  offender  or  offenders 
shall  not  be  judged  fit  to  serve  his  Majesty  as  aforesaid,  then  he  or  they  shall  be  im- 
prisoned for  the  space  of  six  calendar  months,  and  also  until  he  or  they  shall  give 


sufficient  security  for  his  or  their  good  behaviour  for  the  space  of  two  years  from  the 
giving  thereof. 

The  Highland  ladies  had  espoused  the  Jacobite  cause  .so 
heartily  that  they  came  in  for  a  special  clause — "  If  the  person  con- 
victed shall  be  a  woman,  she  shall,  over  and  above  the  foresaid  fine 
and  imprisonment  till  payment,  suffer  imprisonment  for  the  space 
of  six  calendar  months,  within  the  Tolbooth  of  the  head  burgh 
of  the  Shire  or  Stewartry  within  which  she  is  convicted."  Things 
had  certainly  come  to  a  sad  pass  when  the  most  stringent  clause 
of  the  whole  was  reserved  for  the  weaker  sex  ;  but  the  Legisla- 
ture saw  the  great  power  wielded  by  the  Jacobite  ladies,  many  of 
whom,  when  their  husbands  were  either  too  irresolute,  or  too 
careful  to  risk  the  chance  of  offending  the  reigning  powers,  raised 
the  clansmen,  and  led  them  in  person  to  the  standard  of  the 
Prince.  But  the  harshest  clause  of  all  is  to  follow  !  It  was  hard 
enough  to  deprive  Highlanders  of  their  much-loved  weapons — 
the  trusty  claidheamh-mor,  in  which  they  took  such  a  pride,  which 
had  been  their  constant  companion  since  ever  they  were  able  to 
wield  it.  In  many  cases  it  was  a  sacred  heirloom,  handed  down 
from  father  to  son,  and  its  well-tempered  blade  showed  by  its 
numerous  notches  the  many  deadly  struggles  in  which  it  had 
been  engaged.  But  the  Highlander  must  throw  aside  his 
national  garb — the  very  type  of  his  own  free,  manly  spirit,  "  a 
dress  which  had  been  handed  down  to  him  from  a  period  reach- 
ing beyond  either  history  or  tradition,"  and  confine  himself  in  the 
contemptible  garb  of  his  enemy.  So  it  was  further  enacted — 

That  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  August  1747,  no  man  or  boy  within  that  part 
of  Great  Britain  called  Scotland,  other  than  such  as  shall  be  employed  as  officers  and 
soldiers  in  his  Majesty's  forces,  shall,  on  any  pretence  whatsoever,  wear  or  put  on  the 
clothes  commonly  called  Highland  clothes— that  is  to  say,  the  plaid,  philabeg,  or  little 
kilt,  trowse,  shoulder  belt,  or  any  part  whatsoever  of  what  peculiarly  belongs  to  the  High- 
land garb  ;  and  that  no  tartan  or  party-coloured  plaid  or  stuff  shall  be  used  for  great 
coats  or  for  upper  coats  ;  and  if  any  such  person  shall  presume,  after  the  said  first  day  of 
August,  to  wear  or  put  on  the  aforesaid  garments,  or  any  part  of  them,  every  such 
person  so  offending,  being  convicted  thereof  by  the  oath  of  one  or  more  credible  wit- 
ness or  witnesses,  before  any  Court  of  Justiciary,  or  any  other  or  more  Justices  of  the 
Peace  for  the  Shire  or  Stewartry,  or  Judge  Ordinary  of  the  place  where  such  offence 
shall  be  committed,  shall  suffer  imprisonment,  without  bail,  during  the  space  of  six 
months,  and  no  longer ;  and,  being  convicted  for  a  second  offence  before  a  Court  of 
Justiciary  or  at  the  Circuits,  shall  be  liable  to  be  transported  to  any  of  his  Majesty's 
plantations  beyond  the  seas— there  to  remain  for  the  space  of  seven  years." 

This  was  a  bitter  pill  to  swallow,  for,  as  to  the  clause  for- 
bidding the  carrying  of  arms,  the  Highlanders  could  not  but  see 



that  the  Government  was  acting  according  to  the  dictates  of 
common  prudence,  but  to  interfere  with  a  matter  so  simple  and 
personal  as  their  dress  was  clearly  carrying  the  thing  too  far ;  it 
seemed  as  if  the  Government  wished  to  degrade  and  insult  them 
to  no  purpose.  They  had  already  paid  dearly  for  their  un- 
fortunate allegiance  to  the  fallen  cause,  and  could  not  see  the 
purport  of  this  silly  oppression.  "  Had  the  whole  race  been 
decimated,"  remarks  General  Stewart,  "  more  violent  grief,  indig- 
nation, and  shame  could  not  have  been  excited  among  them, 
than  by  being  deprived  of  their  long  inherited  costume."  If  we 
may  judge  the  feelings  of  the  people  by  the  productions  of  the 
bards  of  the  day,  they  were  certainly  bitter  enough.  In  the  song 
"  He  'n  clo  dubh,"  by  Alexander  Macdonald,  this  feeling  is  very 
clearly  shown.  A  few  of  the  verses  run  thus: — 

Shaoil  leis  gun  do  mhaolaich  so 
Faobhar  nan  Gaidheal  tapaidh, 
Ach's  ann  a  chuir  e  geur  orr' 
Ni  's  beurra  na  deud  na  h-ealltainn. 
Dh-fhag  e  iad  Ian  mi-ruin 
Cho  ciocrasach  ri  coin  acrach  ; 
Cha  chaisg  deoch  an  iotadh, 

Ge  b'  fhion  i,  ach  fior  fhuil  Shasuinn. 

*  *  *  * 

Ge  d'  chuir  sibh  oirnne  buarach, 
Thiugh,  luaighte,  gu'r  falbh  a  bhacadh, 
Ruithidh  sinn  cho  luath, 
'S  na's  buaine  na  feidh  a  ghlasraidh. 

In  that  excellent  book  by  Professor  Blackie,  "  The  Language 
and  Literature  of  the  Scottish  Highlands,"  there  is  an  English 
translation  of  some  verses  of  this  song.  The  following  afford  a 
good  example  of  its  spirit : — 

A  coward  was  he  not  a  king  who  did  it, 
Banning  with  statutes  the  garb  of  the  brave  ; 
But  the  breast  that  wears  the  plaidie, 
Ne'er  was  a  home  to  the  heart  of  a  slave. 

Let  them  tear  our  bleeding  bosoms, 
Let  them  drain  our  latest  veins, 
In  our  hearts  is  Charlie,  Charlie  ! 
While  a  spark  of  life  remains. 

Donachadh  Ban  sings  with  equal  bitterness  when  he  says— 

O  tha  na  briogais  liath-ghlas 
Am  bliadhna  cuir  mulaid  oirnn, 
'Se  'n  rud  nach  fhacas  riamh  oirnn, 
'S  nach  iniann  leinn  a  chumail  oirnn  ; 


'S  na  'm  bitheamaid  uile  dileas 
Do  'n  righ  bha  toirt  cuireadh  dhuinn, 
Cha  'n  fhaicte  sinn  gu  dilinn 
A  striochda  do  'n  chulaidh  so. 

If  this  punishment  had  been  confined  to  the  clans  that  took 
part  in  the  rebellion,  it  would  not  have  been  so  cruel,  but  friend 
and  foe  were  treated  alike — with  equal  severity.  It  was  very  hard 
for  those  clans  who  remained  faithful  to  the  Government,  that 
they  should  have  io  suffer  this  degradation'  and  shame  as  the  re- 
ward of  their  fidelity — not  only  to  lay  aside  the  swords  they  had 
used  on  behalf  of  the  Government,  but  compelled  to  carry  the 
brand  on  their  very  backs  ;  it  looked  as  if  it  were  more  the  inten- 
tion to  outrage  their  feelings  as  a  race  than  the  act  of  a  wise  and 
just  administration.  "  It  is  impossible  to  read  this  Act,"  says  Dr 
Johnson,  "  without  considering  it  rather  as  an  ignorant  wanton- 
ness of  power,  than  the  proceeding  of  a  wise  and  beneficent 
Legislature."  Rob  Donn  expresses  the  sentiments  of  his 
countrymen  when  he  says  in 

Lamh  Dhe  leinn  a  dhaoine 
C'  uime  chaochail  sibh  fasan, 
'S  nach  'eil  agaibh  de  shaorsa 
Fiu  an  aodaich  a  chleachd  sibh, 
'S  i  mo  bharail  mu'n  6ighe, 
Tha  'n  aghaidh  feileadh  a's  osan, 
Gu'm  bheil  caraid  aig  Tearlach, 
Ann  am  Parlamaid  Shasuinn. 

Faire  Faire  ;  'Righ  Deorsa, 
'N  ann  a  spors'  air  do  dhilsean, 
Deanamh  achdachan  ura, 
Gu  bhi  dublachadh  'n  daorsa, 
Ach  on  's  balaich  gun  nails'  iad, 
'S  fearr  am  bualadh  no'n  caomhnadh, 
'S  bidh  ni's  lugh  g'  ad  fheitheamh, 
'N  uair  thig  a  leithid  a  ri'sd  oirnn. 

Ma  gheibh  do  namhaid  's  do  charaid, 
An  aon  pheanas  an  Albainn, 
'S  iad  a  dh-eirich  'na  t-aghaidh 
Rinn  an  roghainn  a  b'  fhearra  dhiubh. 

Rob  Bonn's  countrymen  took  up  arms  on  behalf  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, both  in  1715  and  in  1745,  and  it  was  certainly  galling 
to  be  subjected  to  such  treatment  as  this  for  their  pains. 
(To  be  continued.) 



I'll  sing  a  song  to  Highlanders,  wherever  they  may  be, 

A  song  of  love  and  friendship  to  my  kinsmen  o'er  the  sea, 

A  thousand  joys  I  wish  to  all  who  claim  the  mountain  land, 

A  thousand  times  I'd  love  to  shake  each  honest  Highland  hand  ; 

Our  Caledonia  silent  sits  upon  her  mountains  lone, 

Dark  mists  and  tempests  wild  rage  still  around  her  rocky  throne, 

Her  fountains  pour  their  music  hoarse,  her  rivers  sweetly  sing, 

Her  heather-bells  in  beauty  still  their 'fragrant  blossoms  fling. 

Come  sing  a  song  for  Caledon  !  the  home  we  love  so  well, 
In  every  distant  cot  or  hall  her  strains  of  beauty  swell, 
Howe'er  oppressors  crush  our  race,  our  hearts  are  ever  true 
To  Caledonia's  lonely  glens  and  rocky  mountains  blue. 

Her  wintry  blasts  sweep  loudly  o'er  her  children's  lowly  graves, 
'Mid  ruined  cots  their  melody  in  sorrow's  cadence  raves, 
Her  summer  winds  the  thistles  kiss,  and  sigh  in  sad  despair 
For  stalwart  men  and  bonnie  maids  who  once  were  dwelling  there  ; 
Her  glens  are  green  ;  but,  oh,  it  is  the  verdure  of  the  tomb  ! 
Cold  desolation  spreads  around  its  dark  and  deathly  gloom, 
The  laverock's  lilt  e'en  seems  a  song  of  anguish  or  of  pain, 
And  Caledonia  weeps  for  days  that  ne'er  will  come  again. 
But  sing  a  song  for  Caledon,  &c. 

Her  waves  still  leap  with  joyous  pride  around  her  rocky  shore, 
Or  break  their  swelling,  foamy  crests  in  anger's  sullen  roar 
That  rolls  to  heaven,  and  tells  the  tale  of  tyranny  and  blood, 
Which  clings  to  Caledonia's  name  and  cheerless  widowhood  ; 
Her  sons  that  dwell  around  her  now  no  more  are  tartan  clad, 
The  maidens  that  adorn  her  still  are  songless  now  and  sad. 
The  love  which  once  imbued  their  hearts  is  quenched  by  Saxon  scorn, 
And  chiefless  now  they  tread  her  hills  forsaken  and  forlorn. 
But  sing  a  song  for  Caledon,  &c. 

Denied  by  landlord  strangers  harsh,  the  simple  right  to  live, 
In  distant  lands  they  seek  the  joys  that  willing  toil  can  give, 
And  tho'  afar  from  hills  and  glens  their  love  they  ne'er  forget, 
Around  each  hearth  is  heard  the  songs  of  Caledonia  yet  ; 
Then  tho'  our  Fatherland  is  reft  of  ancient  might  and  worth, 
We  aye  will  show  that  Highlanders  are  foremost  on  the  earth. 
Our  love  of  home  can  never  die,  as  Gaels  our  boast  appears, — 
Where'er  we  live  we  proudly  stand  as  Freedom's  pioneers. 

Come  sing  a  song  for  Caledon  !  the  home  we  love  so  well, 
In  every  distant  cot  or  hall  her  dear  old  music  swell, 
Howe'er  oppressors  crush  our  race,  our  hearts  are  ever  true 
To  Caledonia's  lonely  glens  and  rocky  mountains  blue. 

Sunderland.  WM.   ALLAN. 



BIOGRAPHICAL  Sketches  of  prominent  Highlanders  have  from 
time  to  time  appeared  in  these  pages.  It  will  be  very  generally 
conceded,  whatever  differences  of  opinion  may  exist  on  minor 
matters  of  detail  in  his  public  career  hitherto,  that  the  sub- 
ject of  the  present  sketch  is  a  very  prominent  Highlander,  and 
that  he  well  deserves  a  very  high,  if  not  the  leading  place  among 
those  who  will  have  left  their  mark  on  the  history  of  the  High- 
lands, politically  and  socially.  A  notice  of  his  career  will  be 
specially  interesting  at  the  present  juncture,  when  the  labours  and 
the  result  of  the  Royal  Commission  of  Inquiry  into  the  state  of  the 
Highlands,  in  which  he  has  taken  such  a  distinguished  part  on 
the  side  of  the  people,  is  placed  before  the  country,  and  that  quite 
independently  of  whether  the  result  of  the  Inquiry  is  considered 
satisfactory  or  the  reverse. 

Mr  Fraser-Mackintosh  was  born  on  the  5th  of  June  1828  at 
Dochnalurg,  on  the  estate  of  Dochgarroch.  His  father,  Alex- 
ander Fraser,  a  cadet  of  the  family  of  Fraser  of  Kinneries,  was 
born  so  far  back  as  1764.  His  great-grandfather,  also  named 
Alexander,  lived  in  1708  at  Achnabodach,  now  Charleston,  on 
the  property  of  Kinmylies,  and  is  on  record  as  having  paid  a 
sum  of  money  to  the  Town  Council  of  Inverness  for  the  free- 
dom of  toll  over  the  old  stone  bridge,  carried  away  by  the  flood 
of  1849,  for  himself  and  for  his  heirs  for  ever.  Two  of  his  sons, 
having  been  "out"  in  1715,  were  among  the  first  Highlanders 
who  emigrated  to  South  Carolina ;  and  from  them  sprung  the 
numerous  and  wealthy  Frazers  (for  so  they  spell  their  surname) 
who,  for  the  last  century  and  a-half,  have  held  such  influential 
positions  in  the  city  of  Charleston,  and  were  so  prominent  in  the 
late  Federal  and  Confederate  war  in  the  United  States  of 

Alexander  Fraser,  Dochnalurg,  married  Marjory,  daughter 
of  Captain  Alexander  Mackintosh,  only  son  of  William,  only  son 
of  Duncan,  a  Captain  in  the  Mackintosh  Regiment  of  1715,  and 
third  brother  of  Brigadier  Mackintosh  of  Borlum,  who  com- 
manded the  Highlanders  in  the  first  Stuart  Rising.  Among  the 
issue  of  this  marriage  was  our  present  subject,  Mr  Charles  Fraser- 


Mackintosh,  M.P.,  F.S.A.,  Scot.  His  grandfather,  Captain  Alex- 
ander Mackintosh,  above  named,  married  his  cousin,  Janet,  eldest 
daughter  of  Charles  Maclean  of  Dochgarroch,  the  head  of  a 
family  for  several  generations  prominent  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  Inverness,  descended  from  Sir  Charles  Maclean  of 
Urquhart,  after  whom  they  were  styled  Clan  Tearlaich. 

Mr  Eraser-Mackintosh  received  his  early  education  under 
the  private  tutorship  of  the  Rev.  A.  Watson.  Later,  from  1836 
to  1840,  he  was  under  the  tuition  of  Mr  Forbes,  of  Dochgarroch 
School,  an  eminent  classical  scholar,  who  did  such  justice  to  his 
charge  that  in  his  eleventh  year  he  gained  prizes  at  a  great  High- 
land competiton,  held  in  1839  in  Inverness,  for  Latin  and  Greek. 
After  leaving  Dochgarroch  School  Mr  Eraser-Mackintosh  at- 
tended for  one  year  Messrs  Gair's  Seminary  at  Torbreck. 

It  had  been  first  intended  that  he  should  seek  hisTortune 
abroad,  but  an  elder  brother  having  then  recently  died  in  Calcutta, 
while  another  was  at  sea,  and  his  mother  having  the  bones  of  one 
uncle  and  of  three  brothers  resting  in  foreign  lands,  it  was  finally 
resolved  that  young  Mr  Charles  should  seek  his  fortune  at  home, 
in  the  legal  profession.  In  1842,  in  his  fourteenth  year,  he  en- 
tered the  office  of  Mr  John  Mackay,  solicitor,  Procurator- Fiscal 
for  the  county  ;  and  in  1 844  he  was  indentured  as  an  apprentice 
with  the  late  Patrick  Grant,  Sheriff-Clerk  for  the  county  of  Inver- 
ness, with  whom  he  remained  for  three  years.  From  1847  to 
1849  he  served  with  the  late  Mr  Charles  Stewart  of  Brin,  after 
which  he  went  to  Edinburgh,  where  he  served  in  the  office  of  a 
Writer  to  the  Signet,  meantime  attending  the  classes  of  Civil 
Law,  Scots  Law,  Conveyancing,  and  Rhetoric,  taking  an  honour- 
able position  in  nearly  all  of  them.  He  passed  as  a  Notary  Public 
in  May  1853  ;  and  in  the  following  month,  in  the  25th  year  of 
his  age,  was  admitted  a  Procurator  at  Inverness.  He  soon  made 
for  himself  a  good  position  in  his  profession  at  the  head  of  an 
extensive  and  lucrative  practice. 

In  1857  he  appeared  prominently  for  the  first  time  in  pub- 
lic life,  acting  as  one  of  the  agents  of  Alexander  Campbell  of 
Monzie,  who  in  that  year  unsuccessfully  contested  the  Inverness 
Burghs  as  an  Advanced  Liberal,  against  Mr  (now  Sir)  Alexander 
Matheson,  the  sitting  member. 

In  the  same  year  his  uncle,  Eneas  Mackintosh,  formerly  an 


officer  in  the  Royal  Navy,  who  died  in  August  1857,  by  his 
settlement — proceeding  on  the  narrative  that  he  was  the  last  de- 
scendant of  Duncan  Mackintosh,  third  son  of  William  Mackin- 
tosh of  Borlum,  and  for  the  keeping  up  of  the  family  name — 
requested  his  nephew,  the  subject  of  these  remarks,  to  assume 
the  additional  surname  of  Mackintosh,  to  whom  the  Royal  license 
for  that  end  was  duly  granted. 

The  same  year,  he  was  urged  to  become  a  candidate  for 
the  Town  Council,  and  he  stood  for  the  Third  Ward,  when  he 
was  returned  at  the  top  of  the  poll,  very  much  in  consequence  of 
his  energetic  and  warm  advocacy  of  the  popular  Parliamentary 
candidate,  Mr  Campbell  of  Monzie,  in  the  recent  contest;  and  this 
position  he  always  maintained  until  he  finally  retired  from  the 
Council  in  1862,  where  he  had  invariably  supported  the  advanced 
popular  and  reform  party,  then,  and  for  several  years  after,  in  a 

In  1859  he  again  supported  the  advanced  Liberal  party  in  the 
Burghs  in  their  second  attempt  to  return  Mr  Campbell  of  Monzie, 
on  this  occasion  giving  his  services  as  agent  gratuitously,  and 
subscribing  £100  towards  the  expenses  of  the  contest. 

In  1860  he  was  elected  Captain  of  the  4th  Inverness  Com- 
pany of  Rifle  Volunteers,  and  continued  in  command  for  the  next 
ten  years,  when  he  had  to  resign  in  consequence  of  other  press- 
ing engagements. 

In  1 86 1  he  was  associated  with  Messrs  G.  G.  Mackay,  C.E., 
Donald  Davidson,  and  Hugh  Rose,  solicitors,  in  bringing  about 
the  most  important  improvement  that  was  ever  made  in  the  town 
of  Inverness — the  great  Union  Street  Scheme,  which  has  so 
largely  benefited  and  beautified  the  town,  and  proved  so  lucrative 
to  the  projectors.  In  1863  he  bought  the  estate  of  Drummond 
in  the  neighbourhood,  which  had  once  belonged  to  his  great-great 
uncle,  Provost  Phineas  Mackintosh;  and  in  1864  that  of  Balli- 
feary,  both  now  important  and  populous  suburbs  of  Inverness. 

In  May  1867  he  retired  from  the  legal  profession,  when  he 
was  entertained  to  a  public  dinner  by  his  brother  townsmen,  and 
from  June  in  that  year  until  July  1868,  he  travelled  all  over 
Europe.  On  his  return  home  he  consented  to  act,  for  a  limited 
period,  as  Commissioner  for  the  late  Mackintosh  of  Mackintosh, 
but  he  gave  up  that  position  in  1873,  when  he  was  entertained  to 


a  public  dinner  by  the  tenantry,  at  which  the  late  Chief  and 
several  of  the  leading  farmers  and  smaller  tenants  spoke  of  his 
estate  management  in  the  highest  and  warmest  terms. 

In  1873  many  electors  in  Inverness  thought  that  a  change 
from  a  Whig  representative  to  one  who  would  more  distinctly 
and  actively  represent  the  real  opinions  of  the  Burghs  had  be- 
come necessary  in  their  political  life.  About  fifty  of  these  met 
together,  and  after  a  consultation  among  themselves  and  with  Mr 
Eraser-Mackintosh,  it  was  resolved  to  test  the  feeling  in  the  con- 
stituency in  favour  of  a  change,  more  decidedly,  by  a  requisition 
in  his  favour,  he  meantime  agreeing  to  contest  the  next  vacancy, 
should  the  requisition  prove  satisfactory.  The  proposal  was 
found  to  be  most  popular,  and  in  a  few  days  a  requisition,  signed 
by  about  six  hundred  electors,  was  presented  to  him,  when  he  at 
once  finally  consented  to  stand  as  an  Independent  candidate  at 
the  end  of  the  existing  Parliament.  In  the  meantime  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Algiers,  where  he  remained  until  Parliament  was  dis- 
solved in  1874.  After  a  keen  contest  in  the  four  Burghs,  he  was 
elected,  much  to  the  surprise  of  the  old  Whigs,  by  the  substantial 
majority  of  255,  and  has  continued  to  represent  the  Burghs 
with  increased  activity,  usefulness,  and  popularity,  without  a  con- 
test, ever  since.  In  the  first  speech  which  he  delivered,  as  a 
candidate  to  represent  the  Burghs  in  Parliament,  on  the  28th 
of  August  1873,  he  declared — "I  claim  your  suffrages  as  a 
Highlander — speaking  and  familiar  with  the  Gaelic  language,  and 
ready  to  advocate  in  the  highest  quarters  all  the  legitimate 
requirements  of  the  Highland  people — many  of  which  have 
hitherto  been  entirely  neglected,  and  grievously  overlooked  and 

Before  dealing  with  his  Parliamentary  career,  and  the 
manner  in  which  he  carried  out  this  pledge,  it  is  right  to  state 
that  he  had  already  made  for  himself  a  place  and  a  name  in  the 
literature  of  his  country.  In  1865  he  published  his  "  Antiquarian 
Notes,"  a  most  interesting  and  valuable  addition  to  the  literature 
of  the  Highlands,  and  now  so  rare  that  scarcely  a  copy  can  be 
procured  second-hand  at  four  or  five  times  its  original  published 
price.  In  1866  he  issued  "  Dunachton  Past  and  Present ;"  and  in 
1875  appeared  his  "  Invernessiana,"  being  "  Contributions  towards 
a  History  of  the  Town  and  Parish  of  Inverness,  from  1160  to 


1599,"  illustrated  by  excellent  engravings  and  lithographs  of 
some  of  the  most  interesting  buildings  and  antiquarian  relics  in 
or  connected  with  the  town.  The  work  is  invaluable  to  all  who 
take  any  interest  in  the  early  history  of  the  Highland  Capital, 
and  it  is  already  becoming  rare.  Mr  Eraser-Mackintosh  informs 
us  in  the  preface  that  he  was  induced  to  perform  this  important 
service  to  his  countrymen  "  from  a  desire  to  honour  Inverness, 
for,"  he  says — 

'  I  take  pleasure  in  her  stones,  and  favour  the  dust  thereof ;' 

and  also  from  having  been  favoured  with  a  perusal  of  many  valu- 
able old  papers  connected  with  the  burgh — in  their  original 
language  and  caligraphy  unintelligible  to  ordinary  readers — and 
which  are  nearly  all  unknown  to  the  public,  having  never  before 
appeared  in  print."  The  work  occupied  his  intervals  of  relaxation 
during  a  period  of  eight  years,  engaged  in  other  arduous  occupa- 
tions, by  which  he  preserved  many  valuable  literary  relics  and 
memorials  of  Inverness  and  the  North,  which  would  otherwise,  in 
course  of  time,  be  for  ever  lost. 

In  1876  he  had  placed  a  notice  of  motion  on  the  Books  of  the 
House  of  Commons  in  favour  of  teaching  Gaelic  in  Highland 
schools,  but  as  he  was  only  able  to  secure  for  it  a  second  place, 
and  in  consequence  of  the  motion  having  precedence  of  it  lead- 
ing to  a  long  debate,  he  was  unable  to  bring  it  on.  Mainly, 
however,  through  his  efforts  the  Education  Department  in  1877 
reluctantly  agreed  to  issue  circulars  to  Highland  School  Boards 
containing  queries  : — (i)  As  to  whether  or  not  the  School  Boards 
were  disposed  to  take  advantage  of  Gaelic  ;  (2)  whether  or  not 
Gaelic  teachers  could  be  got ;  and  (3)  the  number  of  children 
that  would  probably  attend  these  schools.  These  circulars 
having  been  returned  in  1877,  were  printed,  and  the  result 
was  considered  highly  satisfactory  to  the  advocates  of  Gaelic 
teaching  in  the  schools  ;  especially  so,  as  they  showed  that  there 
would  be  no  difficulty  in  getting  a  sufficient  number  of  teachers 
to  teach  the  language.  On  the  strength  of  this  return,  Mr  Eraser- 
Mackintosh  set  again  to  work,  with  the  result  that  in  the  Code 
for  1878,  Gaelic  was  recognised  to  the  extent  of  permitting  it  to 
be  taught  for  at  least  two  hours  a-week,  and  might  be  used  as  a 
means  of  instruction  in  other  branches.  Unfortunately,  however, 
the  Highland  School  Boards  took  no  advantage  of  the  concession 
secured,  and,  notwithstanding  Mr  Eraser-Mackintosh's  continued 


efforts,  little  actual  progress  has  been  made  beyond  the  advance- 
ment of  public  opinion,  and,  to  all  appearance,  the  conversion 
of  the  present  Minister  for  Education  to  common-sense  views, 
on  which  it  is  hoped  action  will  soon  fellow,  by  having 
Gaelic  placed  at  least  in  as  good  a  position  as  foreign  languages. 
On  the  1 3th  of  March  1878  he  delivered  a  paper  to  the  Gaelic 
Society  of  London,  urging  the  necessity  of  combination  among 
Highlanders  and  Celtic  Societies  to  advocate  the  common  in- 
terests of  the  race,  which  gave  an  impetus  to,  if  it  did  not  practi- 
cally originate,  the  movement  which  soon  after  brought  about 
the  Federation  of  Celtic  Societies,  an  Association  which,  in  some 
important  respects,  has  in  the  past  done  good  service  in  the 
people's  cause. 

Curiously  enough,  at  a  meeting  on  the  same  evening,  the 
Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness  resolved  to  recognise  in  some  public 
manner  the  services  rendered  by  Mr  Eraser-Mackintosh  in  con- 
nection with  Highland  education,  by  presenting  him  with  an 
address  and  entertaining  him  to  a  public  dinner  in  Inverness. 
This  was  done  on  the  24th  of  April  following,  when  what  has 
been  correctly  described  as  a  "  great  Celtic  demonstration  "  took 
place  in  the  Capital  of  the  Highlands,  attended  by  representatives 
from  nearly  all  the  Celtic  Societies  in  Britain.  A  meeting  took 
place  at  noon  in  the  Town  Hall,  when  Provost  Simpson,  who 
presided,  made  an  excellent  speech,  in  presenting  the  address  in 
name  of  the  Celtic  Societies,  in  which,  after  enumerating  Mr 
Eraser-Mackintosh's  services,  he  said,  amidst  enthusiastic  cheers — 
"All  this  shows  a  growing  sense  of  the  importance  of  the  subject 
you  have  done  so  much  to  promote,  which  has  earned  for 
you  the  well-deserved  and  honoured  designation  of  the  '  Member 
for  the  Highlands.'  I  trust  that  the  marked  success  which  has 
attended  your  efforts  in  the  past  will  stimulate  you  to  continue 
the  good  work — if  your  true  Highland  heart  needs  any  stimulus 
but  your  inborn  love  for  the  good  of  your  native  North.  I  do  not 
think  it  does  ;  still  one  enjoys  success,  and  others,  seeing  yours, 
will  more  readily  also  put  their  hands  to  the  work." 

The  Provost  then  read  and  handed  the  following  address 

To  Charles  Fraser- Mackintosh,  Esq.  of  Drummond,  M.P. 

SIR, — We  beg  to  congratulate  you  on  the  marked  success  which  has  attended 
your  efforts  since  you  entered  Parliament  to  secure  for  the  Gaelic-speaking  children  of 
the  Highlands  the  use  of,  and  instruction  in,  their  native  tongue  in  our  national  schools. 

You  have  this  session  obtained  a  recognition  in  the  Education  Code  for  Scotland 


of  the  principle  that  the  language  should  be  taught  in  the  schools  and  paid  for  out  of 
the  school  rates.  This  we  value  as  a  most  important  admission  by  Government  of  the 
educational  requirements  and  claims  so  long  contended  for  by  the  Gaelic-speaking 
people  of  the  Highlands ;  and  as  a  valuable  concession  that  places  the  teaching  of 
Gaelic  in  the  hands  of  the  School  Boards,  which  is  practically  to  give^to  the  ratepayers 
the  power  to  enforce  the  teaching  of  that  language  wherever  they  desire  it.  We  trust 
that  this  is  only  the  beginning  of  what  you  may  yet  be  able  to  accomplish,  if  properly 
supported  by  the  united  efforts  of  those  who  take  a  real  and  earnest  interest  in  the 
education  of  our  Highland  youth. 

You  well  deserve  the  honourable  designation  so  happily  accorded  you — "the 
Member  for  the  Highlands."  On  the  question  which  we,  as  representatives  of  the 
Celtic  Societies  throughout  the  country,  have  most  at  heart — the  interests  of  the  Gaelic 
people — you  are  undoubtedly  entitled  to  that  designation,  and  so  long  as  you,  the  only 
Gaelic-speaking  Member  in  the  House  of  Commons,  continue  our  representative,  and 
act  in  the  interests  of  the  Highland  people  as  you  have  done  hitherto,  you  will  always 
secure  the  sympathy  and  support  of  every  genuine  and  true-spirited  Highlander. 

We  desire  on  this  occasion  to  extend  to  you  our  hearty  sympathy  in  your  valuable 
advocacy  of  the  Gaelic  cause,  and  to  offer  you  every  encouragement  in  our  power  to 
persevere,  until  Gaelic  shall,  at  least,  occupy  that  place  in  our  educational  system 
which  is  already  accorded  to  other  ancient  and  modern  languages,  and  until  Highland 
education,  as  a  whole,  shall  be  such  as  to  fit  our  youth  for  that  position,  both  in  our 
own  and  in  other  lands,  which  they  are  entitled  to  occupy. 

We  tender  you  our  hearty  and  sincere  thanks  for  what  you  have  already  accom- 
plished for  your  Highland  countrymen,  and  wish  you  long  life  and  happiness,  and  that 
you  may  for  many  years  to  come  be  able  to  discharge  the  important  duties  of  your 

These  expressions  of  thanks  and  continued  confidence  we  now  most  heartily  accord 
to  you,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  our  respective  Societies ;  and  we  remain,  Sir, 
your  obedient  and  faithful  servants, 

(Signed)  ALEXANDER  SIMPSON,  Chieftain  of  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inver- 
ness, and  Provost  of  the  Burgh. 

WILLIAM  MACKENZIE,  Secretary  of  the  Gaelic  Society. 


A.  MACKENZIE,  for  the  Gaelic  Society  of  London. 

DAVID  MACDONALD,  for  Aberdeen  Highland  Association. 

A.  MACPHAIL,  Secretary  for  the  Aberdeen  Highland  Association. 

A.  MACKENZIE,  for  the  Hebburn  Highland  Association." 

DONALD  MACRAILD,  Chief  of  the  Greenock  Ossianic  Club,  and 
Vice-President  of  the  Greenock  Highland  Association. 

JOHN  MACPHERSON,  for  the  Edinburgh  University  Celtic  Society. 

HENRY  WHYTE,  for  Commun  Gaidhealach  Ghlaschu. 

WILLIAM  SUTHERLAND,  Vice-President  of  the  Glasgow  Suther- 
land Association. 

G.  J.  CAMPBELL,  for  the  Edinburgh  Sutherland  Association. 

D.  MACLACHAN,  Secretary  of  the  Ardnamurchan,  Morven,  and 
Suinart  Association. 

ALEX.  MACKENZIE,  for  the  Glasgow  Gael  Lodge  (Masonic),  and 
for  the  Glasgow  Lewis  Association. 

Dr  Macraild,  who  represented  the  Greenock  Highland  So- 
ciety, and  the  Greenock  Ossianic  Club,  gave  expression  on  the 
occasion,  not  only  to  the  sentiments  of  his  own  constituents,  but 
to  those  of  all  present  and  those  they  represented,  in  the  follow- 
ing terms  : — "  I  have  the  honour,"  he  said,  "  of  conveying  to  you, 
Mr  Charles  Eraser-Mackintosh,  their  deep  sentiments  of  gratitude, 
affection,  and  esteem  for  having  exerted  and  distinguished  your- 
self so  signally  in  their  behalf  in  your  political  capacity,  your  zeal 
for  the  honour  and  well-being  of  their  country,  and  your  lofty  en- 


thusiasm  for  preserving  and  cherishing  the  ancient  language 
which  records  the  exploits  of  their  heroic  ancestors  and  must 
always  remain  the  social  tie  of  the  Highland  race.  They  also 
congratulate  you  on  the  fact  that,  in  the  face  of  difficulties  and 
impediments  where  success  would  appear  to  be  most  unlikely,  you, 
by  your  force  of  genius  and  tact,  stimulated  by  genuine  patriotism, 
conducted  your  undertaking  step  by  step  to  a  triumphant  success." 

Immediately  after  the  presentation  of  the  address,  Mr 
Fraser-Mackintosh  presided  at  a  meeting  of  the  Representatives 
present,  at  which  the  "  Federation  of  Celtic  Societies  "  was  in- 
augurated, and  in  the  evening  he  was  entertained  to  a  public 
dinner  by  the  leading  citizens,  without  distinction  of  political 
creed,  under  the  presidency  of  the  Provost  of  Inverness,  who 
again  complimented  him  upon  his  valuable  services  to  the  whole 
Highlands  of  Scotland. 

On  the  25th  of  July  1881,  a  special  return  was  ordered  by 
Parliament,  on  his  motion,  of  the  number  of  Gaelic-speaking 
people  in  Scotland.  The  Gaelic  census  of  that  year  itself  had 
not  been  secured  without  considerable  pressure  beforehand,  and 
though  the  result  is  not  nearly  so  accurate  and  full  as  it  would 
have  been  had  the  Government  listened  to  his  original  applica- 
tion in  August  1880,  it  is  very  important,  and  deserves  recognition. 

While  addressing  his  constituents  at  Inverness  on  the  I7th 
of  October  1 877,  he  was  asked  by  the  writer  of  these  lines  if,  in 
the  following  session,  he  would  move  for  a  Royal  Commission  to 
inquire  into  "  The  impoverished  and  wretched  condition,  and,  in 
some  places,  the  scarcity  of  men  and  women  in  the  Highlands  ; 
the  cause  of  this  state  of  things  ;  and  the  most  effectual  remedy 
for  ameliorating  the  condition  of  the  Highland  crofters  generally?  " 
He  replied  that  if  such  a  demand  "  was  strengthened  by  a  general 
expression  of  feeling  in  its  favour  throughout  the  country,"  and 
"  so  pave  the  way  for  such  a  motion,  he  would  be  glad  to  make 
it."  The  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness  took  up  the  question  on  the 
5th  of  December  following,  discussing  it  at  length  on  that  evening, 
and  at  their  next  meeting  on  the  I2th  of  the  same  month,  when  a 
motion  was  carried  in  favour  of  inquiry.  The  minute,  as  printed 
in  the  "Transactions  of  the  Society,"  vol.  vii.,  page  52,  has  now 
become  interesting,  and  is  as  follows  : — "  Mr  Alexander  Mac- 
kenzie moved — '  That  the  Society  petition  Parliament  for  a  Royal 
Commission  to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  Crofters  in  the 


Highlands  and  Islands  of  Scotland,  with  a  view  of  devising  means 
for  its  amelioration.'  Mr  Wm.  Mackay  moved,  as  an  amendment, 
— '  That  in  the  meantime,  and  until  further  information  is  gathered 
as  to  the  condition  of  the  crofters,  and  until  the  Society  is  pre- 
pared to  indicate  what  steps,  if  any,  ought  to  be  taken,  the  So- 
ciety do  not  petition  Parliament'  A  vote  having  been  taken,  the 
Chairman,  Mr  Mackay  of  Benreay,  declared  Mr  Mackenzie's 
motion  carried  by  a  large  majority."  This,  the  first  petition  on  the 
subject,  was  duly  presented  to  Parliament  by  Mr  Eraser-Mackin- 
tosh, and  from  that  day  until  the  prayer  of  the  petition  was 
granted,  he  did  everything  in  his  power  to  obtain  it. 

All  this  time  petitions  were  being  sent  in  from  all  parts  of  the 
Highlands  in  support  of  a  Royal  Commission  to  inquire  into  the 
state  of  the  crofters.  A  large  public  meeting  was  held  in  Inver- 
ness, in  December  1880,  in  favour  of  the  movement,  when  Mr 
Eraser-Mackintosh  occupied  the  chair,  and  made  a  telling 
speech  in  support  of  such  an  inquiry.  Both  in  1881  and 
1882  he  gave  notices  of  motion  on  the  subject  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  but  failed  to  secure  a  suitable  opportunity  of  formally 
moving  them.  He,  however,  constantly  persevered,  publicly  and 
privately,  to  gain  the  object  he  had  laid  out  for  himself. 

He  tried,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  to  obtain  trial  by  jury 
for  the  Braes  crofters  charged  with  deforcing  the  Sheriff- 
officers  sent  to  remove  them  ;  and,  failing  in  this,  he,  with  Dr 
Cameron  and  five  other  Scottish  members  of  Parliament,  on  the 
9th  of  May  1882,  addressed  a  powerful  protest  to  the  Times  news- 
paper, against  the  conduct  of  the  Crown  authorities,  in  which  it  is 
declared  that  "  many  persons,  who  sympathise  with  the  men,  and 
desire  that  their  case  shall  be  fairly  heard,  openly  accuse  the  Exe- 
cutive of  resorting  to  unworthy  means  to  obtain  a  conviction,"  and 
concluding  by  saying  that  the  refusal  of  a  trial  by  jury,  "  in  this 
particular  case,  on  grounds  of  public  policy,  seems  particularly 
regretable,  and  we  beg  publicly  to  protest  against  it."  In  that 
act,  it  may  be  said,  without  the  slightest  fear  of  successful  contra- 
diction, that  he  had  the  full  sympathy  and  approval  of  the  whole 
people,  outside  landlord  and  official  circles. 

On  the  22nd  of  February  1883,  Mr  Eraser-Mackintosh  got 

up  a  memorial  to  the  Home  Secretary,  in  which,  referring  to 

what  had  recently  occurred  in  the  Isle  of  Skye,  it  is  urged  "that, 

i  under  existing  circumstances,  it  is  most  important  that  a  Royal 


Commission  of  Inquiry  into  the  condition  of  the  crofter  and 
rural  population  of  the  Highlands  and  Islands  of  Scotland  should 
be  granted  by  the  Government  without  delay."  This  memorial 
was  signed  by  twenty-one  Scottish  Members,  Mr  Fraser-Mack- 
intosh  being  the  only  Highland  representative  whose  name  was 
adhibited,  though  all  the  others  had  an  opportunity  to  sign  it.  It 
was  sent  to  the  Home  Office  on  the  following  day,  accompanied 
by  a  long  letter  urging,  for  reasons  stated,  that  a  Commission 
should  be  granted  at  once.  This  expression  of  opinion  had  the 
desired  effect,  and  intimation  was  given  that  a  Royal  Commission 
would  be  immediately  granted.  Mr  Fraser-Mackintosh  was,  as 
a  matter  of  course,  a  member  of  it;  and  the  manner  in  which  he 
justified  that  position  by  his  subsequent  action,  in  the  interest  of 
the  Highland  people,  is  so  fresh  in  the  memory  of  all,  that  any- 
thing like  detailed  reference  here  is  quite  unneccessary.  No  one 
knows  better  than  the  present  writer  the  great  anxiety  and 
difficulty  of  Mr  Eraser-Mackintosh's  position,  and  the  endless 
trouble  and  i'nconvenience  to  which  he  was  put  to  enable  him  to 
get  at  the  facts,  from  witnesses,  most  of  whom  were  afraid  to  tell 
what  they  knew  ;  but  the  time  has  not  yet  arrived  for  stating 
these  difficulties  in  detail.  This  much,  however,  may  and  ought 
to  be  said, — (i)  that  to  him  credit  is  largely  due  for  securing  that 
the  stories  of  the  Crofters  themselves  were  so  fully  brought  out, 
and  presented  in  their  simplicity  to  the  Commission  ;  (2)  that 
the  effect  of  hostile  questions  was  generally  neutralised  by  re- 
examination  ;  and  (3)  that  the  carefully  prepared  rebutting  state- 
ments of  factors  and  other  estate  officials,  who  generally  managed 
to  secure  the  great  advantage  of  having  the  last  word,  were,  then 
and  there,  inquired  into,  and  had  their  general  one-sidedness  and 
inaccuracy  exposed. 

If  no  other  immediate  good  should  come  of  the  Commission, 
and  of  Mr  Fraser-Mackintosh's  labours,  than  the  mere  placing 
of  the  evidence  taken  before  the  world,  the  author  of  it  will  have 
made  for  himself  a  name  in  the  history  of  the  country,  and  will, 
more  than  ever,  deserve  his  well-earned  titles  of  "  The  Member 
for  the  Highlands,"  and  The  Crofter's  Friend. 

In  July  1876  he  married  Eveline  May,  only  child  of  Richard 
D.  Holland,  of  Brooklands,  Surrey,  and  of  Kilvean,  Inverness, 
by  his  late  wife,  Helen,  daughter  of  John  Macgregor,  for  many 
years  resident  in  Charter  House  Square,  London.  A.  M. 




THE  Welsh  Hades  was  known  as  Annwn.  It  possessed  kings, 
chiefs,  and  commons,  somewhat  like  those  of  this  world,  only 
vastly  superior — "  the  comeliest  and  best  equipped  people  ever 
seen."  Pwyll,  Prince  of  Dyved  (South-west  Wales),  while  one 
day  out  hunting,  lost  his  companions  in  his  eager  pursuit  of  a 
stag.  Hearing  a  cry  of  hounds  near  him,  he  approached,  and  saw 
the  stag  brought  down  by  other  dogs  than  his  own.  "  Then  he 
looked  at  the  colour  of  the  dogs,  staying  not  to  look  at  the  stag,  and 
of  all  the  hounds  that  he  had  seen  in  the  world,  he  had  never  seen 
any  that  were  like  unto  these.  For  their  hair  was  of  a  brilliant 
shining  white,  and  their  ears  were  red  ;  and  as  the  whiteness  of 
their  bodies  shone,  so  did  the  redness  of  their  ears  glisten."  He 
drove  them  from  the  stag,  and  set  on  it  his  own  dogs.  Immedi- 
ately there  came  upon  him  a  man  dressed  all  in  grey  and  mounted 
on  a  grey  horse,  and  he  reviled  Pwyll  for  his  discourtesy  in  turn- 
ing off  his  hounds.  Pwyll  offered  to  make  reparation,  and  his 
offer  was  accepted.  The  stranger  said  that  he  was  Arawn,  King 
of  one-half  of  Annwn,  and  he  was  at  war  with  Havgan,  the  other 
King.  Pwyll,  if  he  liked,  could  overthrow  Havgan,  who  was  to 
come  exactly  a  year  thereafter  against  Arawn.  Would  Pwyll 
change  places  with  him  and  meet  Havgan?  He  would  give  him 
his  own  personal  appearance,  and  assume  Pwyll's,  and  they  could 
govern  each  other's  kingdoms  for  a  year.  This  was  agreed  on. 
Pywll  took  the  form  of  Arawn,  and  came  to  Annwn.  He  never 
saw  anything  like  the  beauty  of  Arawn's  city  and  the  appoint- 
ments of  his  court,  "  which  of  all  the  courts  on  earth  was  the  best 
supplied  with  food  and  drink,  and  vessels  of  gold  and  royal 
jewels."  Suffice  it  to  say  that  he  ruled  well  during  the  year,  and 
at  the  end  of  it  slew  Havgan,  "  at  the  ford,"  in  single  combat, 
and  thus  made  Arawn  undisputed  master  of  Hades.  Arawn  had, 
meanwhile,  conducted  the  kingdom  of  Dyved  as  it  never  had 
been  before  ;  his  wisdom  and  justice  were  unsurpassable.  And 


these  two  kings  made  an  eternal  bond  of  friendship  with  each 
other,  and  Pywll  was  called  "  Chief  of  Annwn  "  henceforward. 

The  dogs  of  Annwn,  mentioned  in  the  above  tale,  are  a  com- 
mon feature  in  mythology.  Ossian,  on  his  way  to  Tir-nan-og, 
saw  a  hornless  fawn  bounding  nimbly  along  the  wave-crests 
pursued  by  a  white  hound  with  red  ears.  The  Wild  Huntsman 
and  his  dogs  of  Teutonic  myth  belong  to  the  same  category ;  and 
these  dogs  of  Annwn  were  similarly  said  to  rush  through  the  air, 
and  evil  was  the  omen.  These  are,  undoubtedly,  the  wind-dogs 
of  Hermes,  the  conductor  of  souls  ;  the  Wild  Huntsman  is  none 
other  than  Odin,*  sweeping  up  the  souls  of  the  dead  in  his  path. 
Annwn,  or  the  Lower  Regions,  possess,  in  the  myth,  the  same 
characteristics  as  this  world  ;  only  things  are  on  a  grander  scale 
there  altogether.  The  other  reference  of  importance  to  this 
Earthly  Other-world  is  in  the  story  of  Arthur.  Dying  on  the 
battle-field  of  Camlan,  he  is  carried  away  to  heal  of  his  wounds  to 
"  the  vale  of  Avilion,"  which  Tennyson,  catching  the  true  idea  of 
the  Welsh  mythic  paradise,  describes  thus  :  Arthur,  dying,  speaks 
to  Bedivere ; 

"  I  am  going  a  long  way — 
To  the  island-valley  of  Avilion  ; 
Where  falls  not  hail,  or  rain,  or  any  snow, 
Nor  ever  wind  blows  loudly  ;  but  it  lies 
Deep-meadow'd,  happy,  fair  with  orchard  lawns 
And  bowery  hollows  crowned  with  summer  sea." 

And  here  Arthur  still  lives  on,  destined  one  day  to  appear  and 
set  free  his  Cambrians  from  the  hateful  yoke  of  the  Saxon. 

The  myths  in  Ireland  bearing  on  the  existence  of  a  happy 
western  land  are  very  numerous  and  important.  The  names 
given  to  this  land  vary,  but  they  have  a  general  reference  to 
happiness,  all  save  the  name  Tir-fa-tonn,  the  %"  Under-wave 
Land."  The  names  generally  met  with  are  Tir  Tairngire,  "Land 
of  Promise";  Mag  Mell,  "Plains  of  Happiness";  Tir-nam-beo, 
"  Land  of  the  Living  ";  Tir-nin-og,  "  Land  of  the  Young  ";  and 
O'Breasail,  "  ^reasal's  Isle."  Whether  there  is  any  distinction 
implied  in  the^e  names  cannot  well  be  said.  There  would  seem 
to  be  somethi  ^  of  a  difference  between  the  Under-wave  Land 
and  the  Plains  o"  Happiness;  the  latter  may  have  rather  been 
the  abode  of  the-  gods,  where  Manannan  lived  with  Fann  his 
wife,  as  the  myths  have  it.  Tir-fa-tonn  looks  rather  like  the 


Gaelic  Hades,  the  abode  of  the  dead.  The  Gaelic  version  of 
Diarmat's  sojourn  there  gives  strong  colour  to  such  a  supposition, 
and  the  early  Middle  Age.  legends  in  regard  to  St  Patrick's 
Purgatory  below  Lough  Dearg — the  precursors  of  Dante  and 
Milton's  descriptions — lend  great  countenance  to  such  a  distinc- 
tion between  Tir-fa-tonn  and  Mag  Mell. 

The  myths  may  be  grouped  in  three  divisions.  There  are, 
first,  the  myths  where  a  mortal  is  summoned,  in  an  enchanting 
song,  by  a  fairy  being  who  has  fallen  in  love  with  the  mortal,  to  a 
land  of  beauty  and  happiness  and  ever-youthful  life  ;  second, 
there  are  myths  which  tell  how  a  hero  has,  Ulysses-like,  paid  a 
business  visit  to  the  other  world  ;  and,  thirdly,  the  accounts  of 
many  voyages  of  discovery  in  search  of  the  Happy  Isles,  and  the 
"  Traveller's  Tales  "  of  the  wonders  seen.  To  the  first  class 
belong  three  very  remarkable  Irish  myths:  the  Courtship  of 
Etain,  the  Story  of  Condla  Cam,  and  Ossian  in  Tir-nan-og 
The  outline  of  the  story  is  as  follows : — There  suddenly  appears 
before  a  kingly  company  a  fairy  being  who  chants,  for  some 
particular  person  in  the  company  loved  by  the  fairy,  a  song  de- 
scriptive of  the  glories  and  pleasures  of  the  Land  of  the  Ever- 
young.  The  person  so  addressed  cannot  choose  but  love  the 
fairy,  and  go  to  the  wonderful  land.  In  Ossian's  case  alone  have 
we  got  an  account  of  the  career  of  the  enchanted  one  in  Tir-nan- 
og.  Niam  of  the  Golden  Hair  suddenly  presents  herself  before 
the  Feni,  tells  her  love  for  Ossian,  and  says:  "  I  place  you  under 
obligations  which  no  true  heroes  break  through — to  come  with 
me  on  my  white  steed  to  Tir-nan-og,  the  most  delightful  and 
renowned  country  under  the  sun.  Jewels  and  gold  there  are  in 
abundance,  and  honey  and  wine ;  the  trees  bear  fruit  and  blos- 
soms and  green  leaves  all  the  year  round.  Feasting  and  music 
and  harmless  pastimes  are  there  each  day.  You  will  get  a  hun- 
dred swords,  and  robes  of  richest  loom;  a  hundred  steeds,  and 
hounds  of  keenest  scent;  numberless  herds,  and  sheep  with 
flecres  of  gold ;  a  hundred  maioens  merry  and  young,  sweeter 

of  mouth  than  the  music  of  birds;   a  hundred     uits  of  armour, 


and  a  sword,  gold  handled,  that  never  missed  a  stroke.  Decline 
shall  not  come  on  you,  nor  death,  nor  decay.  '  ihese,  and  much 
more  that  passeth  all  mention,  shall  be  yours  and  myself  as  your 
wife!"  Needless  is  it  to  recount  how  O  ;;m  went,  the  wonders  he 



saw  by  the  way,  and  the  feats  he  did;  how  he  found  Tir-nan-og  all 
that  it  was  painted  by  the  Princess  Niam;  how,  after  three  hundred 
years,  he  returned  to  earth  on  the  white  steed,  from  whose  back 
he  was  forbidden  to  dismount;  how  he  fell  from  the  steed  when 
helping  the  poor  weakly  mortals  that  he  found  then  on  earth  to 
raise  a  huge  stone ;  and  how  the  steed  rushed  off  and  left  him, 
old  and  withered  and  blind,  "  among  little  men." 

Visits  of  the  nature  of  that  undertaken  by  Ulysses,  in 
Homer,  to  the  Land  of  Shades,  were  made  by  at  least  three 
great  champions  of  the  Gael.  These  are  Cuchulainn,  Cormac 
Mac  Art,  and  Diarmat  O'  Duinn.  We  have  already  referred  to 
Cuchulainn's  helping  of  Fand,  wife  of  Manannan.  The  story 
says  that,  like  a  wise  man,  Cuchulainn,  when  invited  to  assist 
Fand,  deserted  as  she  was  by  her  husband,  sent  his  charioteer 
Loeg  to  "  prospect  "  and  report  as  to  the  safety  of  such  a  journey. 
Loeg  and  his  fairy  guide  "  proceeded  until  they  reached  the  side 
of  the  island,  when  they  saw  the  bronze  skiff  waiting  for  them. 
They  then  stepped  on  to  the  ship  and  landed  on  the  island." 
There  they  found  Fand  and  her  father  waiting  them.  Professor 
Rhys  very  properly  compares  this  passage  to  the  well-known 
boat  and  ferry  of  Charon  in  classical  mythology.  "  There  can  be 
no  mistake,"  he  says,  "  as  to  its  [the  Isle  of  the  Blest]  being  the 
Elysium  of  the  dead,  and  that  going  into  it  meant  nothing  less 
than  death  to  ordinary  mortals  ;  it  was  only  by  special  favour 
that  a  mortal  might  enter  it  otherwise."  Passing  over  Cormac 
Mac  Art's  visit  to  Manannan,  and  rescue  from  death  of  his  wife 
and  two  children,  we  find  a  double  account  of  Diarmat's  visit  to 
Tir-fa-tonn — one  Irish,  one  Gaelic.  The  Irish  one  is  in  its  main 
features  the  counterpart  of  the  Welsh  Mabinogion,  "  The  Lady 
of  the  Fountain."  Diarmat  fights  with  the  Knight  of  the 
Fountain,  and  in  wrestling  with  him  they  both  fall  into  the 
fountain.  Diarmat,  arriving  at  the  bottom  of  it,  finds  himself  in 
a  most  beautiful  territory,  where  he  does  many  deeds  of  valour, 
and  helps  a  distressed  prince  to  a  throne.  The  Highland  tale 
represents  him  as  sheltering  a  loathly  creature  that  turns  out  to 
be  a  most  beautiful  lady  under  spells.  She  is  the  danghter  of 
the  King  of  the  Land  under  the  Waves.  After  presenting 
Diarmat  with  a  fairy  castle,  and  living  with  him  some  time,  she 
left  him  for  her  own  country,  a  slight  quarrel  having  occurred. 


He  followed  her,  crossed  on  the  "  Charon  "  boat,  much  as  already 
described  in  Loeg's  case,  and  arrived  at  an  island,  where  down 
went  the  boat  to  a  land  under  the  sea !  Here  Diarmat  found  his 
love,  but  she  was  deadly  sick,  to  be  cured  only  by  a  drink  from 
a  magical  cup  in  the  possession  of  the  King  of  Wonderland. 
This  he  procured  by  the  help  of  "the  messenger  of  the  other 
world,"  who  advised  him  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  King's 
silver  or  gold,  or  even  with  the  daughter,  an  advice  which  Diarmat 
took,  for  after  healing  her,  "  he  took  a  dislike  to  her."  Diarmat, 
therefore,  was  allowed  to  return  from  the  realms  of  death. 

The  "  Voyagers'  Tales  "  of  Ireland  can  compare  for  sensuous 
imagination  very  favourably  with  any  other  country's  "Travellers' 
Tales."  Naturally  enough,  the  tales  deal  altogether  with  sea- 
voyages,  generally  to  some  western  islands,  and  they  must  and 
do  contain  many  reminiscences  of  the  Happy  Isles,  where  the 
dead  live  and  the  gods  reign.  Despite  the  monkish  garb  they 
at  times  assume,  for  two  of  the  most  important  are  undertaken 
by  monks,  the  old  heathenism  peeps  out  at  every  turn.  Some- 
times we  hear  of  a  man  living  in  a  happy  island  with  the  souls  of 
all  his  descendants  as  birds  giving  music  around,  him.  Some- 
times we  get  a  glimpse  of  the  earthly  paradise,  where  the  travel- 
lers saw,  "  a  great  number  of  people,  beautiful  and  glorious-look- 
ing, wearing  rich  garments  adorned  and  radiant  all  over,  feasting 
joyously  and  drinking  from  embossed  vessels  of  red  gold.  The 
voyagers  also  heard  their  cheerful  festive  songs,  and  they  mar- 
velled greatly,  and  their  hearts  were  full  of  gladness  at  all  the 
happiness  they  saw  and  heard.  But  they  did  not  venture  to 
land."  They  pass  occasionally  into  the  regions  of  spirits,  and  are 
brought  into  contact  with  the  living  and  the  dead.  The  wonders 
they  meet  with  often  point  a  moral,  for  there  are  punishments 
for  wickedness.  On  one  island  was  found  a  man  digging  with  a 
spade,  the  handle  of  which  was  on  fire,  for  on  earth  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  dig  on  Sunday.  On  another  island  was  found  a  burly 
miller  feeding  his  mill  with  all  the  perishable  things  of  which 
people  are  "  so  choice  and  niggardly  in  this  world."  Islands  of 
lamentation  and  islands  of  laughing  are  visited ;  gorgeous  palaces 
and  towns,  both  above  and  below  the  waves,  are  seen,  and  duly 
described.  The  principal  voyagers  \\  ere  St  Brendan,  the  sons  of 
Ua  Corra  and  Maelduin. 

No  argument  as  to  the  character  or  the  inhabitants  of  the 


next  world  can  be  drawn  from  the  modern  names  given  to  it. 
Flaithemnas  or,  Gaelic,  Flaitheamhnas,  meant  "glory"  in  its 
original  sense,  being  derived  from  the  word  "  Flaithem,"  a  lord, 
with  the  abstract  termination — as.  "  Innis,"  an  island,  forms  no 
part  of  the  word,  so  that  the  old  derivation  and  its  consequent 
theories — "  Island  of  chiefs  " — fall  to  the  ground.  In  the  same 
way  do  the  many  weird  speculations  upon  the  place  of  pain,  fail. 
Uffern,  in  Welsh,  and  Ifrinn  or  lutharn,  in  Gaelic,  are  both 
borrowed  from  the  Latin  word,  Infernum,  much  to  the  misfortune 
of  those  Druidic  theories  that  make  the  Celtic  hell  an  "  Isle  of 
the  Cold  Waves."  Both  Flaitheamhnas  and  Ifrinn  are  Christian 
ideas,  and  have  no  counterpart  in  the  Pagan  Mythology  of  the 
Celts.  Our  Celtic  myths  warrant  us  to  speak  but  of  an  earthly 
Paradise,  a  home  of  sensuous  ease  for  the  departed  soul.  The 
glimpses  of  places  of  woe  in  the  "  Voyagers'  Tales"  are  too  much 
inspired  by  Christian  thought  to  render  speculation  upon  the 
Celtic  "prison-house"  for  the  soul  possible. 

What  character  of  body  did  the  spirits  of  the  dead  possess, 
according  to  the  opinions  of  the  Celts?  The  sensuous  paradise 
argues  a  material  body  capable  of  both  physical  enjoyments  and 
sorrows.  The  gods,  of  course,  had  bodies  somewhat  analogous  to 
those  of  men ;  these  bodies  were  celestial,  but  yet  quite  as  sub- 
stantial as  human  bodies.  The  difference  was  that  they  were  not 
subject  to  the  trammels  of  gravitation  and  visibility,  unless  they 
chose.  Their  persons  were  more  beautiful  and  majestic  than 
those  of  men;  a  "sublimated"  humanity  characterised  them. 
They  appeared  among  mortals — sometimes  all  of  a  sudden  in  the 
midst  of  an  assembly;  ate,  drank,  and  acted,  like  mortals,  in  every 
respect.  Sometimes  they  were  seen  only  by  one  person  in  the 
company,  though  heard  by  all,  as  in  the  story  of  Condla  Cam, 
whom  the  fairy  enchanted  and  abducted.  These  are,  however, 
the  Pagan  gods  as  seen  in  Christian  myth.  Yet  we  find  the 
ghosts  of  departed  heroes  appearing  in  much  the  same  way  as  the 
Side  and  Tuatha-De-Danann.  The  ghost  of  Caoilte  is  met  with  in 
one  or  two  myths  representing  different  times — in  St  Patrick's 
time  and  King  Mongan's  time — and  on  each  occasion  he  appears 
in  "his  habit  as  he  lived,"  full  of  life  and  colour,  not  pale  and 
shadowy.  Besides,  these  ghosts  can  appear  in  the  day  time,  as 
Caoilte  used  to  do.  The  great  poem  of  the  Tain  Bo  Chuailgne 
had  been  lost  by  the  6th  century  and  it  could  be  recovered  only 


by  raising  its  composer,  Fergus  MacRoy,  from  the  dead.  And 
this  the  Saints  of  Erin  were  able  to  accomplish.  "  Fergus  him- 
self," we  are  told,  "appeared  in  a  beautiful  form,  adorned 
with  brown  hair,  clad  in  a  green  cloak,  and  wearing  a  collared 
gold-ribbed  shirt,  a  gold-hilted  sword,  and  sandals  of  bronze." 
He  was  evidently  a  very  substantial  apparition!  St  Patrick  was 
also  able,  though  indirectly,  to  raise  the  spirit  of  the  great 
Cuchulainn  himself,  to  meet  King  Loegaire.  The  famous  cham- 
pion appeared  to  him  one  morning  splendidly  dressed,  with  his 
chariot,  horses,  and  charioteer,  the  same  as  when  alive.  All  is 
minutely  described  :  the  charioteer,  for  instance,  was  a  "  lank, 
tall,  stooped,  freckle-faced  man.  He  had  curling  reddish  hair 
upon  his  head.  He  had  a  circlet  of  bronze  upon  his  forehead 
which  kept  his  hair  from  his  face  ;  and  cups  of  gold  upon  his  poll 
behind,  into  which  his  hair  coiled  ;  a  small  winged  cape  on  him, 
with  its  buttoning  at  his  elbows  ;  a  goad  of  red  gold  in  his  hand, 
by  which  he  urged  his  horses." 

The  substantial  ghosts  of  dead  he'roes  are  in  the  myths 
generally  classed  as  Side,  among  whom  also  the  gods  were  classed. 
This,  of  course,  arose  from  a  confusion.  The  Side,\  take  it,  were 
the  ghosts  of  the  glorious  dead  dwelling  in  their  barrows  or 
tumuli  (the  sid.}  At  these  barrows,  doubtless,  they  were  wor- 
shipped in  accordance  with  the  customs  of  ancestor  worship. 
This  cannot  be  proved  with  satisfaction  from  the  Gaelic  myths 
alone,  but  if  we  refer  to  the  belief  and  rites  of  the  Norse  peoples, 
we  shall  see  plenty  evidence  of  the  worship  of  the  dead  in  their 
barrows.  In  the  Land  nama-bok  we  read  that  at  one  place 
"  there  was  a  harrow  ('  high  place ')  made  there,  and  sacrifices 
began  to  be  performed  there,  for  they  believed  that  they  died  unto 
these  hills."  The  editors  of  the  lately  published  work  "  Corpus 
Poeticum  Boreali  "  bring  forward  quite  an  array  of  evidence  in 
proof  of  the  sacredness  of  these  "  houses  "  and  barrows,  and  the 
belief  that  dead  ancestors  lived  another  life  there,  and  took  an 
interest  in  the  living.  "  Of  the  spirit  life  and  the  behaviour  of 
the  dead,"  they  say,  "  there  is  some  evidence.  In  the  older  ac- 
counts they  are  feasting  happily,  and  busying  themselves  with 
the  good  of  their  living  kindred,  with  whom  they  are  still  united 

in    intense   sympathy Of  the  ritual  names  of  the 

worshipped  dead,  the  oldest  we  know  is  '  Anse,'  which  survived 
in  Iceland  into  the  Middle  Ages,  in  the  sense  of  guardian  spirit 


or  genius  of  a  hill.  '  Elf  is  another  name  used  of  spirits  of  the 
dead — of  divine  spirits  generally — as  the '  Anses '  and  the  '  Elves  ' 
of  Loka-Senna.  Later,  in  Christian  times,  it  sinks  in  Scandinavia 
to  mean  '  fairy.'  ....  There  were  evil  spirits — spirits  of 
bad  men — and  even  vampires  and  the  like,  such  as  the  dreadful 
glam  and  unhallowed  spirits  and  monsters."  We  may  thus 
argue  that  the  Side  or  Aes-side  (compare  Anse  or  Aesir  above) 
were  properly  the  divine  ancestors,  and  that  the  gods,  originally 
in  Pagan  times  quite  distinct  from  them,  were  afterwards  confused 
with  the  "  side,"  as  we  have  them  in  the  myths.  But  a  still 
greater  confusion  overtook  these  names  and  ideas  as  time  and 
Christianity  advanced.  The  "  side "  got  mixed  up  with  the 
"elves,"  the  earth  and  wood  powers,  just  as  they  did  among  the 
Norse ;  and  the  modern  "  sith  "  is  a  mixture  of  tumulus-dweller 
and  wood-nymph.  The  gods  have  almost  entirely  left  the 
scene  ;  only  the  Lares — the  Gruagachs  and  Brownies  are  left.  Of 
old,  among  the  Pagan-Gael,  there  were,  doubtless,  ghosts  some- 
what analagous  to  those  of  present  superstitions,  but  they  were 
clearly  those  of  unhallowed  men,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  case  of 
the  Norse  beliefs.  The  modern  ghosts  follow  the  analogy  of  the 
dwellers  in  the  Greek  Hades,  and  not  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Earthly  Paradise  of  the  Gaels,  that  "  Land  of  the  Leal  "  where 
the  sun  sinks  in  the  west.  They  grew  up  during  the  Middle  Ages 
under  the  shadow  of  the  Roman  Church. 

(To  be  continued.) 



SIR, — Will  you  kindly  enable  me  to  ask,  through  the  columns  of  your  journal,  for 
descriptive  particulars,  with  engravings,  drawings,  or  photographs  of  celebrated  chairs 
in  family  residences  of  the  nobility  and  gentry ;  with  information,  also,  of  notable 
chairs  in  cathedrals,  churches,  colleges,  town-halls,  and  public  institutions  at  home  or 
abroad.  I  am  preparing  an  illustrated  account  of  Historical  Chairs,  from  available 
literary  sources,  but  knowing  that  there  are  many  interesting  ones  which  have 
escaped  my  search,  as  well  as  some  others  in  private  possession  but  little  known,  and 
wishing  to  make  the  proposed  work  as  copious  as  possible,  I  thus  beg  your  esteemed 
assistance  on  that  behalf,  with  my  best  thanks  for  such  valuable  favour. 
Letters  to  be  addressed  to 

C.  B.  STRUIT, 
34  East  Street,  Red  Lion  Square,  London,  W.C. 



DEAN  OF  GUILD  MACKENZIE,  anticipating  that  his  position  and 
remarks,  as  chairman  at  Mr  Henry  George's  recent  lecture  in 
Inverness,  would  be  misrepresented  by  interested  parties,  took 
the  precaution  to  secure  a  verbatim  report  of  what  he  said  from 
two  professional  reporters.  In  the  circumstances,  he  thinks  it 
best  that  this  report  should  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
readers  of  the  Celtic  Magazine.  Mr  Henry  George's  views  are 
already  before  the  public  ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  action 
of  the  Highland  proprietors  will  be  wisely  guided  in  such  a  direc- 
tion as  will  make  the  adoption  by  the  people  of  such  extreme 
remedies  as  he  purposes,  not  only  impossible,  but  quite  un- 
necessary. Introducing  the  Lecturer,  Mr  Mackenzie  said  : — 

Gentlemen, — I  have  been  pressed  to  take  the  chair.  (Cheers.)  Highlanders  were 
always  celebrated  for  their  hospitality— (applause)  — they  have  always  shown  the  greatest 
courtesy  and  civility  to  strangers  coming  amongst  them.  (Applause.)  I  am  satisfied 
that  I  need  not  ask  an  Inverness  audience — the  men  of  the  Capital  of  the  Highlands  — 
to  extend  these  characteristics  of  the  race  to  the  gentleman  who  is  about  to  address  us. 
Mr  George  is  a  gentleman  who  has  the  distinguished  honour  of  having  been  highly 
abused  by  almost  everybody — at  any  rate,  on  one  side  of  the  house  — from  the  Marquis 
of  Salisbury  down  to  the  lowest  rag  of  newspaper  in  the  country.  (Applause  and 
hisses. )  But  abuse  is  not  confined  to  that  side ;  we  have  had  abuse  from  very  dis- 
tinguished gentlemen  on  the  other  bide.  (Hear,  hear.)  I  think  it  may  fairly  be 
assumed  that  when  a  gentleman — whoever  he  may  be— succeeds  in  bringing  upon 
himself  the  abuse  of  such  great  men,  and  such  a  large  number  of  them,  it  is  unmistake- 
able  proof  that  he  is  distinguished,  and  is  doing  some  good.  (Applause.)  A  man,  of 
whose  book,  "  Progress  and  Poverty,"  a  quarter  of  a  million  has  been  sold  in  about  a 
year — a  number  of  any  book,  I  believe,  almost  unprecedented  in  Great  Britain — 
(Hear,  hear,  and  cheers) — must  be  a  man  worth  listening  to,  whether  we  agree  with 
him  or  not.  (Cheers.)  It  is  possible  that  Mr  Henry  George  is  an  extreme  man  on 
one  side  of  the  house,  and  we  have  gentlemen  of  extreme  opinions  on  the  other  side  ; 
but  here  (pointing  to  himself)  is  the  happy  medium  for  you.  (Applause,  laughter,  and 
hisses.)  I  beg  to  introduce  to  you  Mr  Henry  George.  (Loud  cheers,  and  slight  hisses. ) 

In  moving  a  vote  of  thanks,  the  Chairman  said — 

Gentlemen, — I  think  that  you  will  all  agree  that  we  have  just  listened  to  a  very 
powerful  and  interesting  address.  (Cheers  and  hear.)  I  am  quite  sure  that  whatever 
our  opinions  may  be,  we  will  all  admit  that  the  address  was  interesting,  and  calcu- 
lated to  lead  to  thoughtfulness  on  the  question  discussed.  There  are  many  here  who 
possibly  came  to  be  instructed  ;  others,  as  they  thought,  to  be  amused.  (Laughter.) 
Perhaps  the  lecturer  has  not  converted  the  whole  of  us.  (Laughter.)  [Mr  George — 
I  hope  you  will  convert  yourselves.]  (Cheers.)  Mr  Mackenzie — But  at  any  rate, 
ladies  and  gentlemen — for  I  am  glad  to  see  a  few  ladies  present-  (cheers) — I  think 


you  will  all  admit  that  you  have  heard  a  discussion  which  is  worthy  of  the  considera- 
tion— the  weighty  and  careful  consideration — not  only  of  every  one  here  but  also  of 
every  one  who  has  arrived  at  maturity  throughout  the  whole  Highlands  of  Scotland. 
(Cheers.)  Mr  George  appears  to  me  to  be  like  some  of  those  pioneers  who  have  pre- 
ceded great  events  in  the  history  of  this  country.  (Cheers  and  interruption. )  I  have 
already  said,  in  my  opening  remarks,  that  he  has  secured  for  himself  the  abuse  of  both 
sides  of  the  house,  and  of  almost  every  newspaper  in  the  country  and,  I  say  again, 
that  the  man  who  has  succeeded  in  doing  that  must  be  doing  some  good  — (cheers) — 
and  I  must  confess  that  I  greatly  envy  him  that  position.  (Laughter.)  I  consider 
that  a  man  who  has  attained  to  such  a  position  is,  depend  upon  it,  a  felt  power  in  the 
country — (cheers) — and  a  power  which  I  would  strongly  urge  upon  my  friends,  the 
Highland  lairds,  to  take  very  carefully  and  very  seriously  into  their  consideration — 
(cheers) — because  I  know  that  nothing  would  please  men  of  his  calibre — of  the 
earnestness  and  intellectual  power  that  you  have  seen  displayed  this  evening — 
I  say  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  world  men  like  Mr  Henry  George  would  like 
so  much  to  see  as  the  Highland  landlords  being  stubborn  and  shutting  their 
eyes  to  what  is  going  on,  until  that  revolution,  which  has  become  inevitable,  shall 
come  upon  them  when  they  least  expect  it.  If  the  landlords  would  only  take  my 
advice,  which,  I  fear,  they  are  not  at  all  likely  to  do— (laughter) — I  would  strongly 
advise  them  to  come  my  length  at  once,  or  else  the  probability  is  that  before  many  years 
they  will  have  to  go  the  length  of  Mr  Henry  George.  (Hear,  hear. )  Look  at  what  is 
going  on  around  us.  To  me  it  appears  as  clear  as  the  sun  at  noonday  that  there  is  no 
question  whatever  that  something  will  have  to  be  done.  (Cheers.)  But  I  hold  that 
it  is  fair  and  just  that  compensation  should  be  given  if  it  be  found  necessary  to  take 
the  land  in  the  interest  of  the  whole  public.  Many  of  us  are  of  that  opinion  now,  but 
if  the  landlords  hold  out  and  refuse  to  make  concessions,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  pre- 
dicting that  the  great  mass  of  the  people  will  not  stop  where  they  now  are, 
but  will  go  over  and  follow  Mr  Henry  George.  (Cheers  and  hisses.)  I  would 
fain  hope  to  get  a  little  of  the  ear  of  even  the  Highland  proprietors  on  this  question 
before  the  people  are  carried  any  further.  The  atmosphere  is  being  cleared  in  a  great 
measure.  (Cheers.)  I  have  had  it  dinned  into  my  ears  over  and  over  again  during 
the  last  fortnight  that  Mr  Henry  George  was  advocating  the  proposal  of  having  the 
land  divided  into  squares — (laughter)  giving  a  square  to  this  man  and  that  man,  but 
as  Mr  George  himself  told  you  to-night  he  proposes  to  do  nothing  of  the  kind.  That 
would  be  an  insane  proposal — (hear,  hear) — and  in  Mr  George's  case  that  false  view 
of  his  position  is  only  derived  from  those  absurd  one-sided  newspaper  articles,  written 
by  people  who  never  read  his  great  book,  and  which  cannot  be  depended  upon,  and  a 
class  of  one-sided  reports  which  no  one  here  has  suffered  from  more  than  I  have  done 
myself — (cheers  and  laughter)— reports  where  you  only  get  the  bit  that  tells  against 
you,  or  what  suits  the  view  of  newspapers  looking  at  the  subject  from  a  different  stand- 
point. They  just  report  what  suits  them  or  what  makes  the  speaker  appear  ridiculous.* 
Mr  Henry  George  tells  you  that  he  does  not  want  to  take  the  land  from  the  landlords. 
(Oh,  and  laughter.)  What  he  wants  is  that  the  increased  revenues  produced  by  your 
energies  in  town  and  country  should  be  directed  from  the  landlords  and  made  the  pro- 

*  When  the  above  statement  was  spoken  it  could  not  be  anticipated  that  it  would 
be  so  soon  and  so  completely  illustrated  and  confirmed  by  the  one-sided  reports  which 
appeared  in  our  local  party  papers  of  the  political  meetings  recently  held  at  Stornoway, 
and  the  angry  correspondence,  from  the  various  persons  aggrieved,  addressed  to  the 
respective  editors.  And  yet  the  public  are  expected  not  only  to  pay  for  these  partisan 
reports,  but  also  to  continue  to  believe  them  and  those  who  supply  them  !  The  prac- 
tice is  becoming  lamentably  common  amongst  us. 


perty  of  the  people  who  produce  the  wealth  of  the  country.  Take  as  an  illustration  the 
neighbourhood  of  Inverness.  The  landed  estates  in  the  immediate  vicinity  are 
improving  in  value  every  day,  by  and  through  the  enterprise  of  the  citizens  of 
Inverness  extending  the  town  in  every  direction.  Who  should  reap  the  benefit 
of  this  increased  revenue,  those  who  create  it — the  people  of  Inverness — or  the 
proprietors  of  land  in  the  neighbourhood? — (hear,  hear)— asks  Mr  Henry  George. 
They  should  not  get  it  he  says  ;  it  should  all  go  to  the  reduction  of  the  taxes  to  the  whole 
of  the  people  of  Inverness  who  have  created  it — in  the  form  of  reduced  rates.  (Cheers. ) 
This  may  be  right  or  it  may  be  wrong,  but  as  I  apprehend  it,  this  is  what  Mr  Henry 
George  wishes  us  to  understand.  (Applause ;  and  indications  of  assent  from  Mr 
George. )  And,  now,  permit  me  to  say,  and  I  think  you  will  admit  it,  that  it  requires  a 
great  deal  of  moral  courage  on  my  part  to  stand  where  I  stand  to-night.  (Hear,  hear, 
cheers,  and  laughter.)  I  know  that  there  are  many  here — prominent  citizens,  too— 
who  are  far  more  extreme  on  this  question  than  I  am,  but  who  are  afraid  of  their 
shadows,  and  dare  not  give  public  expression  to  their  opinions.  (Laughter  and  cheers.) 
This  state  of  matters  will  continue,  unless  leaders  are  backed  up  by  Associations,  and 
by  public  opinion.  I,  myself,  even  had  considerable  hesitation  in  taking  the  chair 
this  evening,  but  I  am  now  glad  that  I  have  done  it  -(loud  cheers) — and  I  say  with- 
out hesitation  that  any  man  in  trade  taking  this  position  would  almost  be  certain  to  be 
ruined  in  his  business,  if  landlord  influence,  and  lawyer  influence,  speaking  generally, 
coulddoit.  (Cheers.)  But  thank  goodness  they  cannot  touch  me  in  my  business  (Cheers.) 
I  hope  that  we  shall  be  a  little  more  outspoken  in  future.  As  you  all  know,  I  am  suffer- 
ing persecution  at  this  moment  at  the  hands  of  landlord  representatives  and  agents  in 
the  Town  Council  of  Inverness,  admittedly  because  of  the  position  I  have  taken  up  — 
because  of  the  stand  I  have  made — in  connection  with  the  condition  of  the  Highland 
people.  (Hear,  hear.)  But  let  them  persecute  me  till  they  are  black  in  the  face. 
(Cheers.)  The  more  they  try  to  put  me  down,  the  more  determinedly  and  the  more 
strongly  I  shall  speak  out  on  this  question,  in  the  interest  of  my  fellow  countrymen. 
(Loud  cheers.)  Now,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  I  ask  you  to  join  in  according  a  most 
hearty  vote  of  thanks  to  Mr  Henry  George.  (Loud  and  prolonged  cheers.) 



SIR, — I  have  just  been  reading  "The  Gaelic  Etymology  of  the  Languages  of 
Western  Europe,  etc.,"  by  Dr  Charles  Mackay,  and  I  find  under  the  word  Hearse 
the  following  : — "  The  origin  is  the  French  herce,  a  harrow,  an  instrument  which  in 
France  is  made  in  a  triangular  form.  Hence  the  name  of  /terse  or  herche  was  given 
to  a  triangular  frame-work  of  iron  for  holding  a  number  of  candles  at  funerals  and 
church  ceremonies." 

Now,  I  must  claim  this  herse — this  "  triangular  frame-work  of  iron  for  holding  a 
number  of  candles"— as  a  relation  of  my  "  Peer  Men."  I  would  greatly  like  to  get 
more  information  about  this  instrument,  and  if  possible  to  see  one,  if  any  be  still  in 
existence.  I  don't  know  where  I  am  more  likely  to  get  the  information  I  want  about 
the  herse  or  herche  than  from  the  readers  of  the  Celtic  Magazine,  so  as  you  have 
befriended  the  "  Peer  Men"  before — both  Mrs  Mary  Mackellar's  and  mine — I  am 
sure,  if  you  have  space  at  all  in  the  Celtic  Magazine  for  March  you  will  let  this  short 
appeal  for  "more  light"  appear. — lam,  &c.,  JAMES  LINN. 

Geological  Survey,  Keith,  I4th  February  1884. 

[This  letter  was  crushed  out  of  the  March  issue.] 


"  Clarsach  nam  Beann,"  with  a  Biographical  Sketch  of  the  Author,  by  A. 
MACKENZIE,  F.S.A.,  Scot.  Toronto  :  Rose  &  Co.  Edinburgh  :  Maclachlan 
and  Stewart,  Inverness  :  A.  &  W.  Mackenzie. 

HIGHLANDERS  have  so  long  been  familiar  with  the  name  of  Evan  MacColl,  "  the  Loch- 
fyne  Bard, "  that  it  will,  no  doubt,  create  surprise  in  the  minds  of  many  readers  to  be 
informed  that  this  is  a  complete  collection  of  his  English  poems,  issued  under  the  impri- 
matur and  the  careful  revision  of  the  veteran  poet  himself,  who  still,  in  his  seventy- 
sixth  year,  we  are  pleased  to  say,  enjoys  the  "gloaming  of  life"  in  happy  content 
in  the  bosom  of  his  family  in  the  great  Dominion  of  Canada.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  Mr  MacColl  is  the  only  member  now  living  of  that  galaxy  of  Gaelic  poets  whose 
productions  found  a  place  in  John  Mackenzie's  great  and  excellent  collection  of  Gaelic 
poetry,  "  Sar  Obair  nam  Bard  Gaidhealach. "  The  compiler  of  that  work  very  highly 
appreciated  the  poetic  gifts  of  our  author,  and,  speaking  of  his  compositions,  pays  him 
the  following  high  tribute,  to  which  we  subscribe  our  hearty  amen  : — 

"  MacColl  ranks  very  high  as  a  poet.  His  English  pieces,  which  are  out  of  our 
way,  possess  great  merit. .  His  Gaelic  productions  are  chiefly  amorous,  and  indicate  a 
mind  of  the  most  tender  sensibilities  and  refined  taste.  The  three  poems  annexed  to 
this  notice  are  of  a  very  superior  order  ;  one  of  them  comes  under  that  denomination 
of  poetry  ca.\\e&  pastoral  or  descriptive,  and  evinces  powers  of  delineation,  a  felicity  of 
conception,  and  a  freshness  of  ideality  not  equalled  in  modern  times.  The  second  is 
an  elegiac  piece,  before  whose  silver,  mellifluent  tones  we  melt  away,  and  are  glad  to 
enjoy  the  luxury  of  tears  with  the  weeping  Muse.  The  love  ditty  is  a  natural  gush  of 
youthful  affection,  better  calculated  to  show  us  the  aspirations  of  the  heart  than  the 
most  elaborate  productions  of  art.  MacColl  imitates  no  poet,  he  has  found  enough  in 
Nature  to  instruct  him — he  moves  majestically  in  a  hitherto  untraversed  path  ;  and, 
if  we  are  not  continually  in  rapture  with  him,  we  never  tire — never  think  long  in  his 
company.  But  we  are  reminded  that  praise  bestowed  on  a  living  author  subjects  us 
to  the  imputation  of  flattery — long  may  it  be  ere  Evan  MacColl  is  the  subject  of  any 
posthumous  meed  of  laudation  from  us  !" 

The  panegyrist  in  this  extract  dismisses  the  English  pieces  as  being  "out  of  his 
way,"  but  in  the  work  before  us  now  it  is  the  English  productions  of  Mr  MacColl 
alone  that  are  in  our  way,  and  we  could  scarcely  express  our  opinion  of  them  in  more 
appropriate  terms  than  the  talented  and  tasteful  editor  of  the  "  Beauties  "  applied  to 
the  Gaelic  poems  which  evoked  his  enthusiastic  admiration.  In  saying  this,  we  do 
not  wish  to  imply  that  all  the  pieces  found  in  this  collection  are  up  to  the  high  stand- 
ard which  Mr  MacColl  has  fixed  for  himself,  and  which  he  so  frequently  attains  to. 
A  number  of  them  are  mere  ephemeral  and  impromptu  rhymes  called  into  existence  by 
some  event  of  comparatively  little  importance,  and  probably  considered  by  his  muse 
unworthy  of  her  wonted  attention.  There  are,  however,  in  the  book  a  very  large 
number  of  compositions  of  great  merit,  some  of  which  are  worthy  of  living  side  by 
side  with  the  shorter  compositions  of  Shelley  and  the  lyrical  effusions  of  Burns.  Mr 
MacColl's  poems  belong  more  to  the  subjective  school  than  those  of  Highland  poets 
in  general.  Their  works  are,  for  the  most  part,  descriptive  or  hortatory  in  their 
character  ;  Mr  MacColl's  are  of  a  much  higher  order,  and  are,  in  a  great  degree,  a 
reflex  of  the  thoughts  and  feelings  of  a  mind  strung  to  a  high  pitch  of  admiration  of 
the  works  of  Nature  and  an  appreciation  and  assimilation  of  the  lessons  of  all  that  is 
beautiful  and  true  and  good  in  the  world-life  around  him. 

There  are  various  pieces  in  the  book  which  we  might  point  out  as  exemplifica' 
tions  of  his  style,  but  we  should  prefer  that  the  reader  should  procure  the  book  for 


himself.  Mr  MacColl  has  travelled  much  in  all  parts  of  the  Highlands  of  Scotland, 
and  there  is  scarcely  a  quarter  of  the  country  that  has  not  furnished  some  scene  to 
move  his  harp  strings.  The  Findhorn  receives  neat  and  graceful  treatment  in  a  short 
and  musical  composition,  designed  for  the  album  of  Lady  Gordon-Gumming  of 
Altyre.  Here  are  some  of  its  stanzas  : — 

"  Findhorn  the  Beautiful  ! 

Fain  would  I  sing  thee  ; 
Praise  is  the  dutiful 
Homage  I  bring  thee. 

' '  Child  of  the  Mist  and  Snow, 

Nursed  'mong  the  mountains, 
Well  loves  the  red  deer  to 
Drink  at  thy  fountains. 

"  Glassing  the  skies  above, 

Yonder  thou  glidest  ; 

Now,  in  some  piny  grove, 

Sudden  thou  hidest. 


"  Here,  with  a  rushing  might, 

Rocks  thou  art  rounding  ; 

There,  like  a  flash  of  light, 

Over  them  bounding  !" 

Glen-Urquhart  justly  evokes  intense  admiration,  but  it  is  scarcely  fair  to  depreciate 
Stratherrick  to  supply  a  dark  background  for  setting  off  the  author's  fairy  picture. 
Addressing  the  Glen,  he  says — 

"  Hail,  thou  Arcadia  of  the  North  ! 

Glen-Urquhart  lovely,  well  I  trow 
Yon  sun  above  thee  ne'er  looked  forth 
On  any  landscape  fair  as  thou. 

"  When  Nature's  seeming  negligence 

Left  rough  Stratherrick  what  we  see, 
Meseems  as  if  in  recompense 
She  made  a  paradise  of  thee  ! 

When  admiring  the  beauties  of  his  native  Highlands,  Mr  MacColl  does  not  forget 
her  worthy  sons.  In  verses  addressed  to  Mr  J.  F.  Campbell  of  Islay,  our  poet 
compliments  that  worthy  Celt  in  language  that  is  as  true  in  fact  as  it  is  beautifully  ex- 
pressed : — 

"  What  though  a  stranger  lords  it  now 

O'er  that  fair  isle  so  dear  to  thee, 
Still  lord  o'er  all  its  hearts  art  thou — 
The  land  alone  hath  he. 

"  Fortune  hath  wronged  thee  much — yet  still 

A  heritage  more  rich  remains 
Than  any  subject  to  her  will — 
Thy  place  in  Thought's  domains. " 

The  gem  of  Mr  MacColl's  book  we  take  to  be  its  opening  piece,  "A  May  Morning  in 


Glen-Shira."     True  to  her  Celtic  character  his  muse  seems  to  revel  with  special  de- 
light among  the  scenes  of  the  poet's  early  youth.     We  give  a  few  stanzas  :  — 
"  Lo,  dawning  o'er  yon  mountain  grey 

The  rosy  birth-day  of  the  May  ! 
Glen-Shira  knoweth  well  'tis  Beltane's  blissful  day. 

"  Hark  !  from  yon  grove  that  thrilling  gush 
Of  song  from  linnet,  merle,  and  thrush  ! 
To  hear  herself  so  praised,  the  morning  well  may  blush. 

"  O  May  !  thou'rt  an  enchantress  rare — 

Thy  presence  maketh  all  things  fair  ; 
Thou  wavest  but  thy  wand,  and  joy  is  everywhere. 

"  Thou  comest  and  the  clouds  are  not — 

Rude  Boreas  has  his  wrath  forgot — 
The  gossamer  again  is  in  the  air  afloat. 

"  The  foaming  torrent  from  the  hill 

Thou  changest  to  a  gentle  rill— 
A  thread  of  liquid  pearl,  that  faintly  murmurs  still. 

"  Around  me  in  this  dewy  den 

Wild  flowers  imparadise  the  scene- 
Some  look  up  to  the  Sun — his  worshippers,  I  ween." 

The  volume  is  prefaced  by  a  short  biographical  sketch  of  the  author  by  the  Editor  of 
the  Celtic  Magazine.  The  pleasing  fact  that  Mr  MacColl  is  alive  and  hearty,  leaves  the 
biography  happily  unfinished.  Long  may  it  be  ere  any  equally  enthusiastic  admirer 
will  be  called  upon  to  add  the  final  chapter.  The  volume  is  very  neatly  got  up, 
and  is  one  that  ought  to  be  in  every  Highlander's  library.  The  author  deserves  it ; 
the  poetry  merits  it;  and  the  book  will  be  in  every  respect  an  ornament,  and  ought 
to  be  a  treasure  in  the  possession  of  the  sons  of  the  Gael  wherever  located.  We  trust  soon 
to  welcome  .a  complete  collection  of  Mr  MacColl's  Gaelic  poems,  now,  we  understand, 
passing  through  the  press. 

MACKINTOSH.     Vol.  III.     Aberdeen  :  A.  Brown  &  Co. 

MR  MACKINTOSH,  in  the  third  volume  of  his  "  History  of  Civilisation  in  Scotland," 
deals  practically  with  the  seventeenth  century  epoch,  the  period  between  the  union  of 
the  Crowns  and  the  union  of  the  Parliaments.  He  does,  indeed,  give  the  History  of 
Scotland  down  to  the  end  of  the  Rebellion  of  1745,  because  he  believes  the  separate 
"  political  "  history  of  Scotland  ends  there  ;  and  in  the  next,  which  is  also  the  last 
volume,  he  will  deal  only  with  the  social,  religious,  and  philosophical  aspects  of 
Scottish  history.  At  the  period  at  which  Mr  Mackintosh  takes  up  the  thread  of  his 
narrative  in  this  volume,  King  James  the  VI.  was  firmly  established  on  the 


English  Throne.  The  kingdom  had  passed  through  the  struggle  between  the  King 
and  the  oligarchy,  which  almost  all  the  European  nations  of  Aryan  descent  had  to 
undergo,  but  without  the  kingly  power  yielding  finally  to  the  power  of  the  nobles. 
In  fact,  under  James,  the  Royal  prerogative  was  more  firmly  established  than  ever. 
This  was  due  to  the  despotic  power  bequeathed  him  by  the  Tudors  from  the  ex- 
hausting Wars  of  the  Roses  ;  a  power  which  he  extended  over  Scotland  from  his 
wider  and  more  independent  sway,  acquired  by  his  position  as  King  of  England.  He 
was,  therefore,  enabled  with  comparatively  little  resistance  to  introduce  more  than  the 
edge  of  the  Episcopal  wedge  into  Scottish  ecclesiastical  matters  ;  but  this  he  did,  not  by 
force,  but  by  his  acquired  Imperial  position  and  his  cunning.  Charles,  his  son,  was  a 
more  honest  but  far  rasher  man,  and  he  soon  ran  tilt  against  the  prejudices  of  the 
people  by  his  bold  innovations.  The  incident  in  St  Giles'  Cathedral,  when 
Jenny  Geddes  threw  the^stool  at  the  prelate's  head,  was  one  of  the  turning  points  of 
the  struggle.  The  great  English  King  was  set  at  defiance ;  a  covenant  was  signed 
by-  the  Scottish  Presbyterians  which  it  defied  the  King  to  overthrow.  Cromwell 
allowed  the  Scots  to  have  their  own  way,  after  punishing  them  for  their  allegiance  to 
the  youthful  prince.  But  when  that  prince  was  restored  to  his  throne  he  entered  into 
a  most  cruel  persecution  of  theTPresbyterian  Church — as  short-sighted  and  disgraceful 
a  persecution  as  exists  in  any  history.  It  is  quite  astonishing  how  they  did  not 
succumb  to  such  a  fearful  and  exterminating  process.  The  only  good  result  we  may 
claim  from  it  is  its  effect  on  the  Scottish  character.  There  is  little  question  that 
the  sturdy  individualism  characteristic  of  the  Scot,  is  due  to  the  history  of  the  seven- 
teenth contury.  His  constant  appeal  to  private  judgment,  his  conservatism  in 
matters  relating  to  religion  itself,  and  his  determined  liberalism  in  regard  to  central 
authority  and  most  social  matters,  are  features  of  his  character  due  to  his  struggles  for 
religious  independence  in  the  seventeenth  century. 

Combined  with  all  this  defiance  of  kingly  authority,  the  Scot  professed  great 
reverence  for  the  Crown  in  the  abstract.  BuT^it  was  left  for  the  Celt  to  vindicate  the 
kingly  right  in  the  concrete  and  the  Stuart  dynasty  in  particular.  The  Highlanders 
did  not  feel  the  oppressions  of  the  century;  they,  indeed,  were  called  down  to  oppress 
Lowland  Presbyterianism  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II.  What  the  religious  state  of  the 
Highlands  then  was,  we  cannot  gather  from  Mr  Mackintosh's  pages ;  he  has  left  the 
seventeenth  century  history  of  the  Highlands  yet  to  be  written,  both  ecclesiastically 
and  politically.  The  history  of  the  two  Rebellions  he  has  traced  well  and  graphically 
within  the  limits  he  could  devote  to  the  matter,  but  they  belong  to  the  last  century 
and  not  to  the  period  of  history  to  which  the  volume  is  devoted,  and  where  we  should 
wish  to  have  some  idea  of  the  ecclesiastical  state  of  the  Highlands.  We  quite  acknow- 
ledge the  difficulty  of  gathering  the  necessary  information.  The  records  of  the  period 
lie  still  unpublished  in  the  Presbytery  records  of  our  northern  parishes.  Mr  Mackin- 
tosh gives  merely  what  he  can  get  from  already  printed  material,  and  we  can  only 
testify  to  the  excellent  use  he  has  made  of  it. 

He  details  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  seventeenth  century 
in  the  first  half  of  his  book,  and  describes  fairly  and  graphically  all  the  weary 
details  of  that  long  period  of  strife — the  Acts  of  Parliament,  the  persecutions,  the 
wars  and  the  miseries  of  the  time.  He  goes  to  the  fountain-head  ;  he  quotes  the  his- 
torians of  the  time,  and,  the  Acts  of  Council,  Parliament,  and  Assembly.  It  is  an 
excellent  historical  account ;  but  it  is  lacking  in  the  fact  that  though  he  "  adorns  the 
tale,"  he  "  does  not  point  the  moral ;"  at  least  not  with  that  fulness  and  clearness  which 
we  would  like  to  see  done  by  a  historian  of  civilisation.  We  have  indicated  what  we 


believe  the  effect  of  that  history  has  been  on  the  subsequent  Scottish  character,  but  it 
is  not  found  in  Mr  Mackintosh's  pages.  His  chapter  on  the  social  state  of  the 
country  is  the  most  interesting  in  the  volume  Not  merely  is  the  subject  interesting, 
per  se,  but  the  author  has  showed  himself  at  his  best  in  his  presentment  of  it  and  in 
his  selected  examples.  Every  considerable  town  in  Scotland  is  laid  under  contribution 
to  supply  him  with  material;  nor  does  Inverness  escape.  "In  the  year  1659,  the 
tailors  of  Inverness,"  we  are  told,  "  petitioned  the  Magistrates  that  they  were  much 
injured  in  their  trade  by  its  being  encroached  upon  and  taken  away  by  outlandish  men 
dwelling  around  the  borough  and  evading  the  taxes,  and  yet  they  came  and  stole  away 
the  trade  of  the  place,  'to  our  great  and  apparent  ruin.'  The  authorities  listened  to 
their  complaint,  and  empowered  them  to  restrain  all  outlandish  tailors  and  seize  their 
work. "  But  to  no  avail ;  they  had  to  make  another  appeal  two  years  later  against  "  un- 
freemen  "  keeping  apprentices  and  employing  servants.  That  is  a  specimen  of  the 
manners  of  the  century  in  regard  to  trade  ;  guilds  and  monopolies  were  supreme. 
Church  discipline  was  greatly  exercised,  but  its  effect  was  but  too  often  counteracted 
by  lawlessness  and  force.  Sabbath  desecration  was  strenuously  battled  with  ;  in  1609 
the  town  piper  of  Aberdeen  was  forbidden  to  play  his  pipes  on  Sunday,  and  sport  of 
all  kinds,  especially  fishing,  was  successfully  put  ^own.  Mr  Mackintosh  gives  inter- 
esting details  about  the  towns,  their  lighting  and  their  sewerage  (non-existent),  and 
about  postal  arrangements  :  "  Till  1635  there  had  been  no  constant  intercourse  between 
England  and  Scotland  ;"  "till  1669  there  was  no  regular  postal  communication  between 
Aberdeen  and  Edinburgh,"  and  in  the  same  year  "afoot-post  was  established  be- 
tween Edinburgh  and  Inverness,  and  was  to  go  and  return  twice  a  week  to  Aberdeen, 
and  once  to  Inverness,  '  if  wind  and  weather  served.'  "  The  charge  for  a  letter  to  In- 
verness from  Edinburgh  was  four  pence. 

Mr  Mackintosh  gives  a  good  and  concise  account  of  the  literature  of  the  century, 
which  consisted  mainly  of  ballad  poetry  and  ecclesiastical  pamphlets  and  histories. 
He  further  extends  his  sketch  of  the  ballad  literature  so  as  to  include  the  "Jacobite 
ballads,"  to  whose  pathos  and  Celtic  characteristics  of  natural  description,  colour,  and 
humour  he  does  justice.  The  chapter  on  education  is  cleverly  written  and  exceedingly 
interesting  in  its  details  of  the  subjects  taught  in  the  higher  schools.  The  vernacular 
tongue  was  a  nuisance,  which  had  to  be  endured  in  the  school  curriculum,  because 
without  it  Latin  could  not  be  learnt.  The  volume  closes  with  a  chapter  of  some  eighty 
pages  on  European  philosophy  in  the  seventeenth  century,  intended  as  an  introduction 
to  the  history  of  Scottish  philosophy,  and  to  Mr  Mackintosh's  next  volume.  We 
cannot  help  admiring  the  success  with  which  he  has  compressed  into  his  space  the 
philosophic  tendencies  of  the  age,  and  the  accuracy  and  grasp  with  which  he  has 
sketched  the  leading  features  of  the  doctrines  of  Descartes,  Spinoza,  Locke,  and 
Berkeley.  The  volume  is  superior  both  in  spirit  and  style  to  Mr  Mackintosh's  former 
two,  and  that  means  giving  the  highest  praise  to  its  excellence  as  a  work  of  industry, 
great  research,  and  unmistakable  genius. 


THE  recent  visit  of  Mr  Mundella,  the  Minister  for  Education  to  Scotland,  is  likely 
to  prove  of  great  importance  to  the  cause  of  education  in  the  Highlands.  The  con- 
cession made  in  the  Code  a  few  years  ago,  of  permission  to  teach  Gaelic  during  school 
hours,  though  hailed  at  the  time  as  an  important  step  in  the  proper  direction,  was,  how- 


ever,  felt  by  many  of  those  who  knew  the  circumstances, .  to  be,  after  all,  of  little 
practical  value  in  the  absence  of  any  inducement  to  the  teachers  to  teach  the  language, 
and  still  further,  from  the  inability  of  many  of  them  to  use  it,  even  were  more  tang- 
ible encouragement  held  out  to  them.  Various  important  Highland  Societies  con- 
sequently availed  themselves  of  Mr  Mundella's  visit,  and  waited  upon  him,  by  deputa- 
tion, to  urge  the  matter  still  further  upon  his  attention.  The  spirit  and  manner  in 
which  they  were  received,  and  the  intelligent  and  favourable  view  which  Mr  Mundella 
takes  of  the  whole  situation,  leaves  little  room  to  doubt  that  very  important  changes 
will  be  introduced  into  the  Code,  at  no  distant  date,  to  give  full  effect  to  the  view  of 
those  who  have  all  along  maintained  the  reasonableness  and  the  propriety  of  using 
the  native  language  of  the  people,  as  well  as  the  employment  of  native  teachers,  in 
communicating  instruction  in  the  Highlands.  Mr  Mundella  quite  admitted  the 
absurdity  of  the  system  at  present  prevailing,  and  promised  to  give  the  matter  his 
careful  and  early  attention. 

The  Committee  in  Inverness,  charged  with  the  selection  of  the  Ettles  lecturer, 
have  this  year  made  a  singularly  appropriate  choice.  The  gentleman  chosen  is  Dr 
Joseph  Anderson,  the  learned  Secretary  of  the  Scottish  Society  of  Antiquaries,  and  the 
subject  of  his  lectures  will  be  one  which  will  be  looked  forward  to  with  keen  interest, 
and  one  which  he  has  made  specially  his  own — Celtic  Art. 

A  specific  grievance,  requiring  the  most  earnest  attention  of  our  educational 
authorities,  is  the  ruinously  high  rate  of  fees  which  the  sparseness  of  the  population 
renders  it  necessary  to  impose  in  certain  Highland  districts,  notably  the  Island  of 
Lewis,  where  it  has  actually  been  known  to  amount  to  los.  in  the  pound.  Attention 
was  called  to  this  fact  in  a  most  pointed  and  forcible  manner  at  the  recent  dinner  of 
the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness,  by  Mr  Morrison,  of  Dingwall  Academy.  •  One  con- 
sequence of  such  a  state  of  matters  is  that,  instead  of  the  Education  Act  and  the  school 
and  schoolmaster  being  regarded  as  advantages,  they  are  looked  upon  as  a  grievous 
burden  which  impinges  much  more  upon  poor  people  than  would  the  absence  of  the 
complete  educational  machinery  which  now  covers  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land 

Another  matter,  not  perhaps  connected  directly  with  education,  but  which  comes 
under  the  cognisance  of  Mr  Mundella,  and  to  which  attention  has  been  directed  in  Parli- 
ment,  is  the  attempts  made,  in  the  case  of  the  Lewis  at  least,  to  enlist  the  aid  of 
the  Board  School  teachers  in  support  of  candidates  for  election  to  Parliament.  A 
circular  was  recently  addressed  by  Mr  Mackay,  Chamberlain  of  the  Lewis,  and 
Chairman  of  all  the  School  Boards  in  the  Island,  appealing  to  the  teachers  for  their 
assistance  in  promoting  the  political  interests  of  one  of  the  candidates  for  Ross-shire. 
The  unwisdom  and  impropriety  of  such  interferences  with  public  officials  is  so  con- 
spicuous that  we  wonder  at  the  infatuation  of  those  who  practise  them. 

The  whole  subject  of  the  present  condition  of  Highland  education  is  under  in- 
vestigation of  a  committee  of  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness,  with  Mr  Alexander 
Macbain,  M.A.,  as  convener.  The  task  imposed  upon  the  committee  is  to  collect 
information,  and  report  to  a  meeting  of  the  Society. 

Classes  for  the  teaching  of  Gaelic  are  being  conducted  in  Raining's  School,  In- 
verness, by  members  of  the  Gaelic  Society.  There  are  upwards  of  100  pupils  in  all 
stages  of  advancement,  and  of  both  sexes,  and  admirable  progress  is  being  made. 
The  class-books  used  are  Professor  Mackinnon's  Collection,  Mr  Lachlan  Macbean 
and  Mr  D.  C.  Macpherson's  Grammars,  and  the  New  Testament. 


An  important  paper,  on  the  subject  of  the  "  Druidical "  Circles,  which 
are  so  frequently  met  with  over  the  face  of  the  country,  was  read  before  the 
Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness  last  month,  by  Mr  Alexander  Macbain,  M.A., 
Mr  Macbain  believes  that  the  Circles  in  question  are  neither  Druidic  nor  Celtic, 
but  are  the  work  of  a  pre-Celtic  race,  probably  the  Finnish  or  Pictish,  and  were 
erected  for  purposes  of  worship  and  burial  ;  his  opinion  being  that  the  people 
who  erected  them  were  ancestor  worshippers.  He  illustrated  his  various  positions  by 
pictorial  and  descriptive  references  to  stone-circles  in  other  countries  which  are  de- 
voted to  similar  purposes,  even  at  the  present  day.  The  interest  of  the  paper  was  much 
increased  by  the  aid  of  several  illustrations  supplied  by  Mr  P.  H.  Smart,  artist,  Inverness. 

A  metrical  English  translation  of  the  poems  of  Dugald  Buchanan  is  in  the  press, 
and  will  appear  early  this  month.  The  translator  is  Mr  Lachlan  Macbean,  well  known 
in  Celtic  circles  as  the  author  of  a  very  handy  and  useful  Gaelic  grammar,  and  a  suc- 
cessful translator  of  Gaelic  poetry.  Several  of  his  productions — very  favourably  noticed 
at  the  time— appeared  in  Vol.  I.  of  the  Celtic  Magazine,  under  the  nom  de  flume  of 
"  Minnie  Littlejohn." 


WE  are  daily  receiving  batches  of  subscribers  for  the  proposed  "  Scottish  Highlander," 
often  from  very  unexpected  quarters  It  must,  however,  be  kept  in  mind  that  the 
number  required  is  large,  and  cannot  be  got  without  the  active  aid  of  every  friend  of 
the  Highland  cause  in  their  respective  districts  and  among  their  friends.  It  must  be 
distinctly  understood  that  the  paper  cannot  be  proceeded  with  unless  the  necessary 
number  of  subscribers  send  in  their  names,  and  this  cannot  be  expected  without  an 
effort  on  the  part  of  leading  men  throughout  the  Highlands  to  secure  names  in  their 
several  localities.  Many  gentlemen  have  already  done  handsomely  in  this  way,  and 
we  most  heartily  thank  them.  The  following  are  a  few  extracts  from  hundreds  of 
of  letters  received,  in  a  similar  strain,  from  gentlemen  sending  in  their  names  : — 

Cluny  Macpherson  of  Cluny  says  :  —  "  It  affords  me  much  pleasure  to  add  my  name 
to  your  list  of  subscribers  to  the  'Scottish  Highlander,'  and  I  wish  you  every  success. " 

M^r  Joseph  Dunbar,  of  the  Huntly  Express,  writes: — "I  trust  you  may  receive 
many  thousand  signatures,  and  every  encouragement.  Your  object  is  worthy  of  all 
support  and  sympathy,  and  ought  specially  to  commend  itself  to  Highlanders  — nay, 
to  every  true  Scotchman." 

Mr  Evan  MacColl,  "The  Bard  of  Lochfyne,"  writing  from  Kingston,  Canada, 
says  : — "  I  wish  you  joy  of  your  brave,  patriotic  undertaking — one  which  all  true 
Highlanders  should  look  upon  with  favour,  and  do  their  best  to  make  it  a  success. 
With  such  outside  literary  support  as  you  are  sure  to  command,  added  to  your  own 
indomkable  pluck  and  ability,  I  feel  quite  confident  that  you  will  be  able  to  make  the 
'  Scottish  Highlander'  such  a  paper  as  all  good  Scotsmen  should  be  proud  to  patronise." 

Mr  \Vill'::im  Allan.  Sunderland,  writes  :  — '•  This  is  a  step  in  the  right  direction, 
and  merits  the  support  of  all  Highlanders  who  have  a  heart  and  love  their  country. 
I  wish  you  all  success — my  son  of  the  soil." 

Mr  John  Macrae,  Ballintian.  Kingussie,  writes:— "I  trust  your  proposal  of 
starting  an  independent  newspaper  will  meet  with  every  success.  Every  individual 
having  a  drop  of  Highland  blood  in  his  veins  should  put  his  shoulder  to  the  wheel  to 
support  such  an  arduous  and  patriotic  undertaking,  so  that  the  Highlanders  may  have 
an  organ  of  their  own  to  help  them  in  exposing  the  injustice  done  to  them  for  the  last 
century,  and  to  make  a  repetition  of  these  impossible  in  future.  I  am  confident  that 
there  is  no  other  man  in  broad  Scotland  who  can  advocate  the  various  claims  of  High- 
landers with  the  same  effect  that  you  can." 





No.  CIII.  MAY  1884.  VOL.  IX. 

By  the  EDITOR. 




DUNDEE  having  made  his  arrangements,  marched  forward  to 
meet  the  enemy,  and  never  halted  until  within  a  musket  shot  of 
Mackay's  army,  numbering  about  3500  foot  and  two  troops  of 
horse.  After  some  preliminaries  on  the  ground,  necessary  by  the 
enemy's  formation,  his  Lordship,  in  a  very  short  time,  arranged 
his  brave  little  army  in  battle  order. 

Sir  John  Maclean,  then  a  youth  of  eighteen  years,  with  his 
men,  occupied  the  extreme  right  ;  next  him,  on  his  left,  were 
the  Irish,  under  Colonel  Cannon  ;  on  their  left  again  were  the 
Tutor  of  Clanranald  and  his  brave  Macdonalds,  and  next  to  them 
came  Glengarry  and  his  men.  Then,  in  the  centre,  were  the  few 
horse  they  had,  including  about  forty  of  Dundee's  old  troops,  in 
very  poor  condition.  To  the  left  of  the  horse  was  placed  Lochiel 
at  the  head  of  his  Camerons  ;  while  next,  on  the  extreme  left, 
was  Sir  Donald  Macdonald  leading  his  Islesmen.  "  Though 
there  were  great  intervals  between  the  battalions,  and  a  large 



void  space  left  in  the  centre,  yet  Dundee  could  not  possibly 
stretch  his  line  so  as  to  equal  that  of  the  enemy;  and  wanting 
men  to  fill  up  the  void  in  the  centre,  Lochiel,  who  was 
posted  next  the  horse,  was  not  only  obliged  to  fight  Mackay's 
own  regiment,  which  stood  directly  opposite  to  him,  but  also  had 
his  flank  exposed  to  the  fire  of  Leven's  battalion,  which  he  had 
not  men  to  engage,  whereby  he  thereafter  greatly  suffered.  But 
what  was  hardest  of  all,  he  had  only  240  of  his  clan  with  him,  and 
even  of  these  sixty  were  sent  as  Dundee's  advance  guard,  to  take 
possession  of  a  house  from  which  he  apprehended  the  enemy 
might  gall  them  if  they  put  men  into  it.  But  there  was  no  help- 
ing the  matter.  Each  clan,  whether  small  or  great,  had  a  regi- 
ment assigned  to  it,  and  that,  too,  by  Lochiel's  advice,  who  at- 
tended the  General  while  making  his  dispositions.  His  design 
was  to  keep  up  their  spirit  of  emulation  in  point  of  bravery  ;  for 
as  the  Highlanders  put  the  highest  value  upon  the  honour  of 
their  families  or  clans,  and  the  renown  of  glory  acquired  by 
military  actions,  so  the  emulation  between  clan  and  clan  inspires 
them  with  a  certain  generous  contempt  of  danger,  and  gives 
vigour  to  their  hands  and  keenness  to  their  courage." 

By  the  time  Dundee  got  his  army  in  order,  it  was  well  on  in 
the  afternoon,  and  his  men,  aggravated  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy 
from  the  low  ground,  were  anxious  to  be  led  into  action  ;  but  as 
the  sun  was  shining  straight  in  their  faces,  they  were  held  back 
until  near  sunset.  During  this  interval  Lochiel  visited  his 
men,  and  appealed  personally  to  each  of  them,  every  one  of 
whom  declared  to  him  in  turn  that  they  should  conquer  or  die 
that  day.  He  then  told  them  to  make  a  great  noise  by  shouting 
as  loudly  as  they  could.  This  they  did  with  a  hearty  good  will  ; 
it  was  at  once  taken  up  by  the  whole  Highland  army  to  right  and 
to  left  of  them,  and  returned  by  the  enemy.  The  noise  of  the 
cannon  and  muskets,  "  with  the  prodigious  echoing  of  the  adjacent 
hills  and  rocks  in  which  there  are  several  caverns  and  hollow 
places,"  made  the  Highlanders  fancy  that  their  shouts  were  much 
louder  and  more  spirited  than  those  of  the  enemy,  when  Lochiel, 
taking  advantage  of  this,  exclaimed,  "  Gentlemen,  take  courage, 
the  day  is  ours,  I  am  the  oldest  commander  in  the  army,  and 
have  always  observed  something  ominous  and  fatal  in  such  a 
dead,  hollow,  and  feeble  noise  as  the  enemy  made  in  their  shout- 


ing.  Ours  was  brisk,  lively,  and  strong,  and  shows  that  we  have 
courage,  vigour,  and  strength.  Theirs  was  low,  lifeless,  and  dead, 
and  prognosticates  that  they  are  all  doomed  to  die  by  our  hands 
this  very  night."  These  words  went  through  the  little  army 
like  lightning,  and,  coming  from  Lochiel,  greatly  encouraged 
and  animated  the  officers  and  men. 

At  seven  o'clock  Dundee  gave  the  order  to  advance,  com- 
manding that  as  soon  as  the  Macleans  moved  on  the  right,  the 
whole  body  should  instantly  march  forward  and  charge  straight 
in  among  the  enemy.  "It  is  incredible  with  what  intrepidity 
the  Highlanders  endured  the  enemy's  fire ;  and  though  it  grew 
more  terrible  on  their  nearer  approach,  yet  they,  with  a  wonder- 
ful resolution,  kept  up  their  own,  as  they  were  commanded,  till 
they  came  up  to  their  very  bosoms,  and,  then  pouring  it  in  upon 
them  all  at  once,  like  one  great  clap  of  thunder,  they  threw  away 
thejr  guns,  and  fell  in  pell-mell  among  the  thickest  of  them  with 
broadswords.  After  this  the  noise  seemed  hushed  ;  and  the  fire 
ceasing  on  both  sides,  nothing  was  heard  for  some  few  moments 
but  the  sullen  and  hollow  clashes  of  broadswords,  with  the  dismal 
groans  and  cries  of  dying  and  wounded  men."  The  brave 
Dundee  fell,  mortally  wounded,  by  a  shot  about  two  hand- 
breadths  within  his  armour  on  the  lower  part  of  his  left  side, 
from  which  it  was  concluded  that  he  must  have  received  his 
wound,  "  while  he  raised  himself  in  his  stirrups  and  stretched  his 
body  to  hasten  up  his  horse"  at  a  point  in  the  engagement,  to 
turn  him  to  the  right,  to  enable  himself  to  wave  his  hat  for  some 
of  the  men  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  the  Earl  of  Dunfermline, 
and  sixteen  brave  horsemen,  who  had  succeeded  in  routing  the 
enemy's  cavalry  by  a  most  brilliant  charge.  The  Highlanders 
though  they  lost  about  a  third  of  their  men,  secured  a  complete 
victory,  and  few  of  the  enemy  escaped;  but  having  lost  their 
brilliant  Commander,  it  was  dearly  bought,  and  the  war  may  be 
said  to  have  been  practically  finished,  before  it  was  well  com- 
menced, by  a  Highland  victory,  perhaps  the  most  brilliant  on 

Lochiel,  after  having  ordered  his  men  to  advance,  seems  to 
have  been  much  encumbered  by  the  use  of  what  Macaulay  de- 
scribes as  "  the  only  pair  of  shoes  in  his  clan  ;"  for  not  being 
able  to  keep  up  with  his  men,  he  commended  them  to  the  protec- 


tion  of  God,  sat  down  by  the  way,  and  deliberately  pulling  off 
the  encumbrances  that  pinched  and  crippled  him,  had  the  agility 
to  get  up  to  his  men  as  they  were  drawing  their  swords,  in 
close  quarters  with  the  enemy. 

Stewart  states  that  Lochiel  was  attended  in  this  battle 
by  the  son  of  his  foster-brother,  who  saved  him  at  Achadalew,  by 
receiving  the  shot  intended  for  his  chief  in  his  own  mouth.  "  This 
faithful  adherent,"  says  the  General,  "  followed  him  like  his 
shadow,  ready  to  assist  him  with  his  sword,  or  cover  him  from  the 
shot  of  his  enemy.  Soon  after  the  battle  began,  the  chief  missed 
his  friend  from  his  side,  and,  turning  round  to  look  what  had 
become  of  him,  saw  him  lying  on  his  back,  with  his  breast  pierced 
by  an  arrow.  He  had  hardly  breath  before  he  expired  to  tell 
Lochiel  that  seeing  an  enemy,  a  Highlander  in  General  Mackay's 
army,  aiming  at  him  with  a  bow  and  arrow  from  the  rear,  he 
sprung  behind  him,  and  thus  sheltered  him  from  instant  death."* 

Macaulay's  description  of  the  brilliant  charge  of  the  High- 
landers and  its  results  is  so  spirited  that  we  give  it,  though  it  is 
entirely  based  on  the  "Memoirs  of  Sir  Ewen  Cameron,"  from  which 
we  have  already  given  the  details  at  such  length.  Macaulay 
says — "  It  was  past  seven  o'clock.  Dundee  gave  the  word.  The 
Highlanders  dropped  their  plaids.  The  few  who  were  so  luxuri- 
ous as  to  wear  rude  socks  of  untanned  hide  spurned  them  away.  It 
was  long  remembered  in  Lochaber  that  Lochiel  took  off  what  pro- 
bably was  the  only  pair  of  shoes  in  his  clan,  and  charged  barefoot 
at  the  head  of  his  men.  The  whole  line  advanced  firing.  The 
enemy  returned  the  fire,  and  did  much  execution.  When  only 
a  small  space  was  left  between  the  armies,  the  Highlanders 
suddenly  flung  away  their  firelocks,  drew  their  broadswords,  and 
rushed  forward  with  a  fearful  yell.  The  Lowlanders  prepared  to 
receive  the  shock ;  but  this  was  then  a  long  and  awkward  process, 
and  the  soldiers  were  still  fumbling  with  the  muzzles  of  their 
guns  and  the  handles  of  their  bayonets,  when  the  whole  flood  of 
Macleans,  Macdonalds,  and  Camerons  came  down.  In  two 
minutes  the  battle  was  lost  and  won.  The  ranks  of  Balfour's 
regiment  broke.  He  was  cloven  down  while  struggling  in  the 
press.  Ramsay's  men  turned  their  backs  and  dropped  their 
arms.  Mackay's  own  foot  were  swept  away  by  the  furious  onset 

*  Sketches  of  the  Highlanders,  Vol.  i.,  p.  70. 


of  the  Camerons.  His  brother  and  nephew  exerted  themselves 
in  vain  to  rally  the  men.  The  former  was  laid  dead  on  the 
ground  by  the  stroke  of  a  claymore.  The  latter,  with  eight 
wounds  in  his  body,  made  his  way  through  the  tumult  and  the 
carnage  to  his  uncle's  side.  Even  in  that  extremity  Mackay  re- 
tained all  his  self-possession.  He  had  still  one  hope.  A  charge 
of  horse  might  recover  the  day  ;  for  of  horse  the  bravest  High- 
landers were  supposed  to  stand  in  awe.  But  he  called  on  the 
horse  in  vain.  Belhaven,  indeed,  behaved  like  a  gallant  gentle- 
man ;  but  his  troopers,  appalled  by  the  rout  of  the  infantry, 
galloped  off  in  disorder  ;  Annandale's  men  followed,  all  was  over, 
and  the  mingled  torrents  of  red  coats  and  tartans  went  raving 
down  the  valley  to  the  Gorge  of  Killiecrankie."  *  Mackay's 
whole  army  had  vanished,  all  the  men  he  could  collect  after  the 
battle  being  a  few  hundred. 

Next  morning  the  Highlanders,  who  had  retired  during  the 
night,  returned  to  the  field  of  the  recent  carnage,  where,  Drum- 
mond  informs  us,  the  dreadful  effects  of  the  fury  appeared  in 
many  horrible  figures.  The  enemy  lay  in  heaps  almost  in  the 
order  in  which  they  were  posted,  but  so  disfigured  with  wounds, 
and  so  hashed  and  mangled,  that  even  the  victors  could 
not  look  upon  the  amazing  proofs  of  their  own  agility  and 
strength  without  surprise  and  horror.  Many  had  their  heads 
divided  in  two  halves  by  one  blow  ;  others  had  their  skulls 
cut  off  above  their  ears,  by  a  back  stroke,  like  a  night-cap. 
Their  thick  buff  belts  were  not  sufficient  to  defend  their  shoulders 
from  such  deep  gashes  as  almost  disclosed  their  entrails,  several 
pikes,  small  swords,  and  the  like  weapons,  were  cut  quite  through, 
and  some  that  had  skull-caps  had  them  so  beat  into  their  brains, 
that  they  died  upon  the  spot.-f*  It  was  noticed  that  few,  if  any, 
of  the  Highlanders  were  killed  after  they  drew  their  swords,  and 
that  the  majority  of  those  of  them  who  fell  were  slain  within  a 

*  History  of  England,  pp.  360-361,  Vol.  iii. 

t  "An  Officer  of  the  army,"  present  at  Killiecrankie,  in  a  rare  pamphlet,  entitled 
"Memoirs  of  the  Lord  Viscount  Dundee,"  describes  the  terrible  effects  of  the  High- 
land claymore,  in  very  similar  language  to  the  above.  He  says  that  before  the 
battle  "The  Highlanders  threw  away  their  plaids,  haversacks,  and  all  other  utensils, 
and  marched  resolutely  and  deliberately  in  their  shirts  and  doublets,  with  their  fusils, 
targets,  and  pistols  ready,  down  the  hill  on  the  enemy,  and  received  Mackay's  third 
fire  before  they  pierced  his  lines,  in  which  many  of  the  Highlanders  fell,  including 


few  paces  of  their  enemies  before  they  fled  and  fired  their  last 
volley,  as  the  Highlanders  came  to  close  quarters.  Lochiel  lost 
one-half  of  his  entire  force,  mainly  through  a  furious  fire,  directed 
on  his  flank  as  he  charged,  by  Leven's  battalion,  which,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  had  no  Highlanders  against  it  to  engage  it 
in  front. 

In  this  connection,  General  Stewart  of  Garth  records  the  fol- 
lowing : — At  the  same  time  that  Sir  Ewen  was  distinguishing 
himself  so  brilliantly  in  the  service  of  King  James,  his  second 
son,  Donald,  was  a  Captain  in  the  2ist  Scots  Fusiliers,  serv- 
ing with  Mackay  in  the  army  of  King  William.  As  General 
Mackay  observed  the  Highland  army  being  drawn  up  on  the  face 
of  the  hill  to  the  westward  of  the  Pass,  he  turned  round  to  young 
Lochiel,  who  stood  next  to  him,  and,  pointing  to  the  Camerons, 
said — "  There's  your  father  with  his  wild  savages ;  how  would  you 
like  to  be  with  them  ?"  "  It  signifies  little,"  replied  Captain 
Cameron,  "  what  I  would  like  ;  but  I  recommend  you  to  be  pre- 
pared, or  perhaps  my  father  and  his  wild  savages  may  be  nearer 
to  you  before  night  than  you  would  like."  And  so,  indeed,  it 
turned  out. 

Dundee  had  such  complete  confidence  in  the  experience, 
judgment,  and  prudence  of  Sir  Ewen,  that  he  unfailingly  consulted 
him  on  every  important  occasion,  and  he  openly  expressed  the 
opinion  that  "  he  was  the  fittest  person  in  the  kingdom  "  to  com- 
mand the  Highland  army. 

Cannon,  being  the  next  highest  officer  in  rank,  on  the  fall  of 
Dundee  assumed  command.  Having  buried  their  great  com- 
mander and  the  leading  officers  who  fell  with  him,  in  the  church 
of  Blair-Athole,  a  large  body  of  Highlanders  joined  the  army,  just 
three  days  after  the  Battle  of  Killiecrankie — the  very  day  ap- 
pointed, before  Dundee  left  Lochaber,  for  the  general  rendezvous 

Dundee,  the  terror  of  the  Whigs,  the  supporter  of  King  James,  and  the  glory  of  his 
country.  Then  the  Highlanders  fired,  threw  down  their  fusils,  rushed  in  upon  the 
enemy,  with  sword,  target,  and  pistol,  who  did  not  maintain  their  ground  two  minutes 
after  the  Highlanders  were  amongst  them ;  and  I  dare  be  bold  to  say,  there  were 
scarce  ever  such  strokes  given  in  Europe  as  were  given  that  day  by  the  Highlanders. 
Many  of  General  Mackay's  officers  and  soldiers  were  cut  down  through  the  skull  and 
neck  to  the  very  breasts ;  others  had  their  skulls  cut  off  above  their  ears  like  night- 
caps ;  some  soldiers  had  both  their  bodies  and  cross-belts  cut  through  at  one  blow  ; 
pikes  and  small  swords  were  cut  like  willows." 


of  the  clans.  Of  this  new  body  500  were  Camerons,  under 
Lochiel's  eldest  son,  John,  and  his  cousin,  Cameron  of  Glendes- 
seray.  It  was,  however,  all  too  late.  The  war  was  already 
virtually  over.  Cannon  mismanaged  everything.  The  chiefs 
had  no  confidence  in  him.  He  sent  a  party  on  an  expedi- 
tion to  Perth,  but  they  were  so  badly  led  that  Mackay  easily 
overtook  and  defeated  them.  The  Lowland  officers  and  the 
Highland  chiefs  disagreed  in  Council.  Lochiel  and  the  High- 
landers proposed  fighting  Mackay  at  once.  The  Lowland  officers, 
who  had  scarcely  any  personal  following,  opposed  this  as  impru- 
dent, though  Lochiel  declared  that  he  was  prepared  to  fight  the 
enemy  by  his  own  clan,  with  the  assistance  only  of  three  hundred 
horse  which  had  just  joined  them.  In  spite  of  this  and  the 
urgent  appeals  of  the  other  Highland  chiefs,  the  Lowland  officers 
who  all  had  a  vote  in  the  Council  of  War,  carried  their 
proposal,  that  the  army  should  march  north  into  Aberdeen- 
shire  ;  the  only  reason  given  for  this  cowardly  conduct  being 
the  expectation  of  increasing  their  forces  by  the  accession  of 
more  of  their  northern  friends.  Lochiel  was  disgusted,  and  retired 
sullenly  to  Lochaber,  leaving  the  command  of  his  .clan  to  his 
eldest  son,  John,  but  the  Highlanders  became  so  dispirited,  and 
Cannon,  the  commander,  got  into  such  disrepute,  that  after  a  few 
skirmishes  the  army  gradually  melted  away,  and  Cannon  followed 
the  Camerons  to  Lochaber,  where  he  remained  during  the  winter. 
On  the  ist  of  November  1689,  James  wrote  a  letter  to 
Lochiel,  from  Ireland,  acknowledging  his  services,  and  that  of  the 
other  chiefs,  in  his  cause,  promising  to  send  over  the  Earl  of  Sea- 
forth,  then  in  Ireland,  "  to  head  his  friends  and  followers,"  and 
at  the  same  time  to  send  the  Duke  of  Berwick  with  consider- 
able forces.  These  were  never  sent.  The  Earl  of  Seaforth 
arrived  in  the  following  Spring,  but  brought  nothing  with  him 
except  letters  and  commissions  for  the  chiefs.  The  one  to 
Lochiel  is  dated  "At  our  Court  at  Dublin,"  on  the  3ist  of  March 
1690.  The  usual  liberal  but  empty  promises  of  reward  were 
repeated  by  the  King,  but  never  redeemed  ;  he  never  had  the 
opportunity.  A  Council  of  War  was  held  on  the  arrival  of  General 
Buchan,  who  had  come  from  Ireland,  Cannon  and  other  high 
officers  being  present,  to  decide  as  to  their  future  movements. 
At  this  meeting  several  of  the  leaders  proposed  to  make  their 


submission  to  King  William  on  such  favourable  terms  as  they 
then  knew  they  would  be  sure  to  obtain.  Cogent  and  many  were 
the  reasons  urged  for  the  adoption  of  this  course,  but,  as  usual, 
Lochiel  was  implacable.  He  was  supported  by  Sir  Donald  Mac- 
donald  of  Sleat,  Sir  John  Maclean  of  Duart,  and  Clanranald,  in 
his  determination  to  hold  out  and  fight  for  the  ungrateful  James, 
though  it  was  admitted  by  all  that  he  sent  them  nothing  but  empty 
promises ;  and  some  doubted  his  inclination  to  redeem  them,  even 
should  he  ever  possess  the  power  to  do  so.  Lochiel  addressed 
them,  and  concluded  an  eloquent  and  spirited  appeal  to  their 
patriotism  and  loyalty  in  the  following  terms — "  For  my  own 
part,  gentlemen,"  he  said,  "  I  am  resolved  to  be  in  my  duty  while 
I  am  able :  and  though  I  am  now  an  old  man,  weakened  by 
fatigue,  and  worn  out  by  continual  trouble,  yet  I  am  determined 
to  spend  the  remainder  of  my  life  after  my  old  manner,  among 
mountains  and  caves,  rather  than  give  up  my  conscience  and 
honour  by  a  submission,  let  the  terms  be  never  so  inviting,  until  I 
have  my  master's  permission  to  do  it ;  and  no  argument,  or  view 
of  interest  or  safety,  shall  prevail  with  me  to  change  this  resolu- 
tion, whatever  may  be  the  event."  On  the  conclusion  of  these 
remarks  all  opposition  vanished,  and  it  was  agreed  that  General 
Buchan  should  in  the  meantime  march  south  to  the  border  of  the 
Lowlands,  with  twelve  hundred  men,  but  that  the  Highlanders, 
except  such  as  should  volunteer  to  join  Buchan,  should  remain 
until  they  laid  down  their  crops  in  the  Spring.  None 
of  the  Highland  chiefs  joined  him.  He  started  about  the 
middle  of  April  towards  Strathspey,  and  was  defeated  by  Sir 
Thomas  Livingstone,  at  Cromdale,  early  in  May,  with  consider- 
able loss.  After  this,  on  the  i6th  of  June,  two  of  the  leaders — 
Macdonald  of  Largo  and  MacAlastair  of  Loup — made  their  sub- 
mission, and  the  Government  sent  emissaries  to  the  Highlands 
to  sound  the  other  chiefs  as  to  whether  they  would  submit  on 
any  reasonable  terms.  They,  however,  with  one  voice,  refused 
to  listen  to  any  proposal,  though  they  were  all  much  disposed  for 
peace,  without  the  full  consent  of  King  James.  But  they  agreed 
to  meet  the  Earl  of  Bread albane,  who  had  been  appointed  by 
Government  to  negotiate  with  them,  and  consider  terms,  in  view 
of  their  obtaining  the  permission  of  James  to  give  up  the  war;  and 
they  had  several  meetings  with  the  Earl  at  Achallader,  near  his 


own  property,  where  they  agreed  upon  the  following  articles,  as 
the  only  terms  on  which  they  would  give  up  the  struggle  and  lay 
down  their  arms  : — 

1st.  As  a  preliminary  article,  they  demanded  full  power  and  liberty  to  send  such 
a.  person  as  they  should  choose  to  the  Court  of  St  Germains  upon  the  Government's 
charges,  in  order  to  lay  the  state  of  their  affairs  before  King  James,  and  to  obtain  his 
permission  and  warrant  to  enter  into  that  treaty. 

2nd.  This  article  being  granted,  they  next  demanded  the  sum  of  £20,000  ster- 
ling to  refund  the  great  expenses  and  losses  they  had  sustained  by  the  war.  In  order 
to  obtain  this  they  represented  that  the  people  were  so  impoverished  that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  keep  them  from  making  depredations  on  their  low-country  neighbours, 
unless  they  were  enabled  to  stay  at  home,  and  apply  themselves  to  agriculture  and  the 
improvement  of  their  country. 

3rd.  That  King  William  should,  at  the  public  charge,  free  them  from  all 
manner  of  vassalage  and  dependence  on  the  great  men,  their  neighbours,  as  King 
James  was  to  have  done,  for  which  they  produced  his  letters ;  so  that,  being  free 
from  the  tyranny  and  oppression  of  these  superiors,  they  might  have  their  sole  depend- 
ence on  the  Crown,  and  be  enabled  effectually  to  suppress  thieving,  and  employ  their 
people  in  the  service  of  their  country. 

4th.  That  King  James's  officers  might  have  full  liberty  either  to  remain  at  home 
or  to  go  into  foreign  service  as  they  pleased,  and  that  they,  and  all  others  engaged  in 
his  interest,  should  not  only  have  passports  for  that  purpose,  but  also  be  carried  to 
the  port  of  Havre  de  Grace  at  the  expense  of  the  Government. 

5th.  That  they  be  all  allowed  to  wear  and  use  their  arms  as  they  were  used  to 
do  ;  and  that  no  other  oaths  should  be  put  to  them  except  that  of  simple  allegiance  ; 
and  that  they  should  have  full  and  free  indemnity  for  all  crimes  whatever  committed 
by  them,  or  any  of  them,  during  the  war  ;  and  that  in  the  meantime  there  should  be 
cessation  of  arms. 

In  September  following,  before  any  effect  could  be  given  to 
the  terms  of  this  treaty,  Argyll  was  ordered  north  by  the  Council 
to  join  the  Earl  of  Glencairn,  with  orders  to  reduce  the  High- 
landers. These,  gentlemen,  however,  hacl  little  success.  But  the 
Government  was  determined  ;  an  act  of  sequestration  was  taken 
out  against  Lochiel  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  to  execute  it  a  com- 
mission was  granted,  in  the  month  of  November,  to  Colonel  Hill, 
governor  of  Fort- William,  to  collect  Lochiel's  rents.  He  was, 
however,  as  might  be  expected,  quite  unable  to  carry  out  his 
instructions.  "  but  remained  confined  within  the  walls  of  his  fort  " 
until  a  treaty  of  peace  was  finally  arranged. 

King  William  ultimately  agreed  that  Sir  George  Barclay 
and  Major  Duncan  Menzies  should  visit  James  at  the  Court  of 
St  Germains,  to  obtain  permission  for  the  Highland  chiefs  to  lay 
down  their  arms  and  come  to  terms  with  the  existing  Govern- 
ment ;  and,  on  the  2/th  of  August,  William  wrote  to  the  Privy 


Council,  informing  them  of  what  he  had  agreed  to,  and  intimat- 
ing that,  as  the  vassalage  and  dependence  of  some  of  the  High- 
land chiefs  upon  others  in  their  neighbourhood  had  occasioned 
many  feuds  and  differences  among  them,  which  obliged  them  to 
neglect  the  improvement  and  cultivation  of  their  lands,  that  he 
was  graciously  pleased  now  not  only  to  pardon,  indemnify,  and 
restore,  all  who  had  been  in  arms,  and  who  should  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance  before  the  first  of  the  following  January,  but  that  he 
had  also  resolved  to  pay  the  cost  of  the  purchase  of  the  lands 
and  superiorities  which  were  the  subjects  of  those  disputes  and 
animosities,  so  that  in  future  they  would  be  entirely  dependent, 
as  its  immediate  vassals,  on  the  Crown.  He  urged  upon  the 
Council  the  utmost  application  of  the  Royal  authority  to  carry 
this  arrangement  into  effect,  and  at  once  to  issue  an  indemnity 
such  as  he  desired,  without  any  limitation  or  restriction  what- 
ever, to  all  who  agreed  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him  and 
Queen  Mary,  before  the  first  of  January  1692,  in  presence  of  the 
Council,  or  before  the  Sheriffs  or  their  Deputies  in  the  respective 
shires  wherein  the  chiefs  resided.  Those  leaders  who  declined, 
or  were  obstinate,  were  ordered  to  be  prosecuted  with  the  ut- 
most severity  of  the  law. 

Notwithstanding  these  offers,  which  must  be  considered 
liberal  enough  in  the  circumstances,  not  one  of  the  Highland 
chiefs  took  advantage  of  the  indemnity  offered  to  them,  until  the 
return  of  their  commissioners  from  the  Court  of  James  at  St 
Germains,  a  few  days  before  the  time  stated  therein  expired. 
The  letter  from  James  granting  the  required  permission  is  ad- 
dressed "  To  our  trusty  and  well-beloved  General,  Major  Thomas 
Buchan,  or  to  the  officer  commanding-in-chief  our  forces  in  our 
ancient  kingdom  of  Scotland,"  and  is  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  James  R.,  right  trusty  and  well-beloved,  we  greet  you  well.  We  are  informed 
of  the  state  of  our  subjects  in  the  Highlands,  and  of  the  condition  that  you  and  our 
other  officers  there  are  in,  as  well  by  our  trusty  and  well-beloved  Sir  George 
Barclay,  Brigadier  of  our  Forces  :  as  by  our  trusty  and  well-beloved  Major 
Duncan  Menzies  :  And  therefore  we  have  thought  fit  hereby  to  authorise  you  to  give 
leave  to  our  said  subjects  and  officers,  who  have  hitherto  behaved  themselves  so  loyally 
in  our  cause,  to  do  what  niay  be  most  for  their  own  and  your  safety  ;  and  so  we  bid 
you  farewell.  St  Germains,  this  I2th  day  of  December  1691,  and  in  the  seventh  year 
of  our  reign." 

Lochiel  did  not  get  his  copy  of  this  letter  from  Buchan,  who  was 


at  the  time  residing  with  Glengarry,  until  within  thirty  hours  of 
the  expiry  of  the  period  allowed  him  under  the  conditions  of  in- 
demnity to  submit  to  King  William's  Government ;  but  by  a 
great  effort  he  managed  to  arrive  at  Inveraray,  where  the  Sheriff 
of  the  County  resided,  on  the  very  day  on  which  the  period  of 
the  indemnity  expired,  and,  with  undoubted  reluctance,  made  his 
submission,  and  saved  himself  from  a  prosecution  and  possible 
ruin  ;  but  King  William  took  advantage  of  his  delay  in  not 
coming  forward  until  the  last  moment,  "  as  a  pretence  to  defraud 
him  of  his  share  of  the  £20,000  sterling,  promised  and  due  to  him 
by  the  treaty,  and  of  the  superiority  of  his  lands,  which  he  stood 
"engaged  to  purchase  for  him,"  as  already  described.  In  1696  Sir 
Ewen,  then  sixty-seven  years  of  age,  made  over  the  greater  part 
of  his  estates  to  his  eldest  son,  John,  reserving  the  life-rent  to 

John  was  a  thorough  Jacobite,  and  he  took  part  in  all  the 
political  intrigues  and  other  proceedings  of  the  Highland  Chiefs, 
which  culminated  in  the  Rising  of  1715,  for  the  restorati